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1. The State of Exception: Gangs as a Neoliberal Scapegoat in El Salvador

Author:
Leisy Abrego and Steven Osuna
Publication Date:
09-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:
On 26 March 2022, gangs in the small Central American country of El Salvador killed 62 people, making it the deadliest day in modern Salvadoran history.1 In the span of just three days, between 25 and 27 March, there were a total of 87 seemingly random murders of people laboring and commuting in El Salvador. In line with the common political practice since the 1990s, Salvadoran politi- cians zeroed in on punishing gangs, whom they have blamed for all social ills. Indeed, the brutal intercommunal violence of gangs is horrifying and dehuman- izing in ways that permeate everyday life for large swaths of Salvadoran society. 3ese realities make gangs particularly visible and therefore politically useful for the ruling elite, who can and frequently do turn to gangs as a distraction from their own corruption. 3e proliferation of gangs and violence, however, was not inevitable, and a political and media focus solely on gangs misses the larger picture. Gangs, and the social conditions surrounding them in El Salvador, are ultimately a symptom of a larger root problem: neoliberal capitalism. To best understand the conditions of the present moment, we trace how neoliberalism developed in El Salvador, why it has thrived across party lines, how it is fueling the actions of this particular Salvadoran administration, and how a growing grassroots cross-border movement is resisting it.
Topic:
Neoliberalism, Violence, Organized Crime, and Gangs
Political Geography:
Central America and El Salvador

2. Fighting Gangs to Dismantle Democracy: How Anti-Crime Policies Have Contributed to the Authoritarian Drift in Central America

Author:
José‐​Luis Cruz
Publication Date:
09-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:
For several years, the northern countries of Central America—El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—have seen some of the highest levels of criminal violence globally. 5ey are also ground zero for two of the most brutal street gangs in the Western Hemisphere: the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and the 18th Street Gang (Barrio 18). Di6erent government administrations have imple- mented various policies to address gangs and criminal violence; however, no policy has been more controversial or frequently used than the zero-tolerance, or mano dura (iron fist), crackdowns. Zero-tolerance crackdowns were introduced at different moments in all three countries but have been a dominant feature of state response to crime in Central America in the last two decades. In this essay, I examine the latest installment of hard-on-crime policies in El Salvador and how they contributed to the democratic erosion of the country. This case exemplifies how Central American governments have repeatedly used the fight against crime as a justification to strengthen security forces without oversight, ignore human rights standards, and leverage the justice system to serve corrupt government officials.
Topic:
Crime, Authoritarianism, Democracy, and Gangs
Political Geography:
Central America

3. A Path Not Taken: A Historical Interpretation of the Roots of Contemporary Crime in Central America

Author:
Jeffrey L. Gould and David Diaz-Arias
Publication Date:
09-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:
Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:
Has Central America always been a dangerous place? During the early 1980s, in the provincial city of Chichigalpa, Nicaragua, one could walk anywhere and at any time without fearing crime. The Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), a leftist guerrilla organization founded in 1961 that had led the Ni- caraguan Revolution to triumph in 1979, ruled the country.1 Remarkably, its police force, the Policía Sandinista, was neither feared nor scorned, even by the anti-Sandinista sectors of the community. Neither crime nor its absence were a topic of conversation in Chichigalpa, nor were they a concern in the U.S. media, despite the media’s obsession with all things Sandinista.2 If the media or the Reagan administration had commented on the low levels of crime in Nica- ragua, they likely would have criticized the FSLN for that too, citing a highly regimented surveillance society as its cause.3 On the contrary, any surveillance that did exist in Nicaragua in the early 1980s derived from enhanced forms of solidarity against what was largely perceived as an external threat: the Contras— the United States-backed, counter-revolutionary forces composed of former Somoza supporters, Nicaraguan-dictatorship exiles, and ex-Guardia o:cers. 9is military force eventually received signi5cant peasant support in the central and eastern parts of the country.4 One institution that fomented solidarity was the Comités de Defensa Sandinista (CDS). Organized immediately preceding and following the revolutionary triumph of July 1979, the CDS began as a group of relatively democratic organizations that promoted community development as well as security.5 Over the next few years, through nightly patrols, they increas- ingly focused on the surveillance of potential Contra terrorist activities. While such e;orts certainly contributed to crime reduction, the democratic character of the organizations also eroded, as a top-down emphasis on national defense became predominant among the CDSs.
Topic:
Crime, History, Immigration, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Central America