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21. Morocco’s Social Protection Programs: Can the Country Overcome the Odds?

Author:
Othman Makhon
Publication Date:
09-2023
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
During the 1980s, Moroccan governments adopted structural adjustment policies that inadvertently left deep-seated vulnerabilities across Moroccan society. The enduring consequences of these policies continue to marginalize a significant portion of Moroccans, depriving them of access to quality education, comprehensive healthcare, adequate housing, and decent employment opportunities. The state’s approach to addressing the societal challenges spanning decades has alternated between targeted measures aimed at rectifying the disparities stemming from the maldistribution of resources and services, on the one hand, and reactive strategies aimed at mitigating the adverse impacts of structural adjustments, on the other.1 The decreased government investments in critical social sectors, such as healthcare and education, have over time compelled this new departure from previous policies of neglect. Although such policies might have contributed to macroeconomic stability, they also adversely affected both social cohesion and the population’s social protection networks.2 Subsequent administrations embarked on a mission to address these predicaments, which have exacted a toll on Morocco and relegated the nation to the lower levels of the Human Development Index: As of the 2022 assessment, Morocco’s ranking was 123.3 These administrations were compelled to devise strategies encompassing both economic and social dimensions, aiming to free Morocco from the ramifications of stringent structural adjustment policies. Their goal was to transition the Moroccan economy from its reliance on agricultural and raw material exports to a more self-reliant model, characterized by high–value-added industries capable of absorbing the unemployed workforce into productive economic activities. Such a transformation was anticipated to pave the way for comprehensive social protection. However, the approach adopted by these administrations gravitated towards superficial and improvised remedies, dominated by an urgency-driven and philanthropic approach. These impromptu solutions fell short of propelling the vulnerable and poor segments out of the cycle of exclusion and marginalization. All initiatives within this context adhered to the neoliberal principles adopted by these governing bodies. These administrations gave paramount significance to a market-driven economy, as well as financial and macroeconomic equilibriums, oftentimes at the expense of the substantial sections of the population that experienced pervasive poverty and destitution. Consequently, social assistance endeavors proved to be misleadinag, exacerbating the disparities among Moroccans. This occurred within an environment lacking robust social and economic policies dedicated to achieving social equity and equitable distribution of resources. These programs were subject to criticism and unfavorable assessments from all corners of the state, including from the king himself, who remarked on their fragmentation across ministerial domains, inadequate coordination, and their inherent inability to accurately target deserving groups. As a result, they struggled to effectively address the needs of citizens, leaving only a faint impact on the lives they sought to improve.4 The advent of the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the existing economic and social vulnerabilities prevalent in Moroccan society. The pandemic exposed the inadequacies and fragility of the programs in safeguarding the dignity of the populace, which became particularly pronounced in the absence of a fair and robust social protection system. This reality led both the king and the political establishment to recognize the urgency of re-evaluating the fundamental underpinnings of this system. Their shared view materialized in a commitment to universal social protection for all Moroccans, with a deadline set for 2025. On the other hand, the rapid spread of the pandemic coincided with Morocco’s comprehensive assessment and recalibration of its development paradigm. Despite its aspirations, this model had failed to fully incorporate the Moroccan populace within development dynamics, instead focusing on financial equilibrium, often to the detriment of social and human equilibrium; this prompted the contemplation of a fresh development model. The newly envisaged model aimed to sever ties with the trajectory that had resulted in structural disparities, spanning domains such as education, skill development, healthcare, housing, employment, public services, and social protection.5
Topic:
Public Policy, Services, COVID-19, and Social Protection
Political Geography:
North Africa and Morocco

22. Sudan’s Armed Militias and the Crisis of Civil Democratic Transition

Author:
Osama Abu Bakr
Publication Date:
07-2023
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
In December 2018, Sudan experienced a popular uprising that successfully overthrew the regime of Omar al-Bashir, leading to a transitional period with power shared among military leaders. The transitional government, guided by the principles of freedom, peace, and justice that fueled the uprising, prioritized the resolution of internal conflicts and the achievement of peace. As part of these efforts, negotiations were initiated with armed militias mediated by the state of South Sudan in its capital, Juba. These negotiations culminated in the signing of the Juba Peace Agreement in 2020 between the government and the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF), which encompassed seven armed militias operating in Darfur, the southern Blue Nile, and eastern Sudan.1 One of the most significant outcomes of the Juba Agreement was the inclusion of the SRF coalition as a third party in the transitional government. However, the integration of these militias into the political system faced challenges due to the behavior of some of their leaders. This hindered the progress of the civil democratic transition and deepened the divide between these militias and the civil political forces, with the former aligning more closely with anti-democratic elements. Eventually, these militias formed alliances within the army and orchestrated a military coup against the transitional government on 25 October 2021. This essay examines the role of armed militias in Sudan and how they use armed conflict to achieve their leaders’ stated objectives of power and wealth redistribution, as well as ending political and economic marginalization in certain regions of Sudan. These leaders employ a political discourse that links the cessation of war and the prospects of peace to a peaceful transfer of power, democratic transformation, and equitable distribution of power and resources. The central question posed by this paper is why these armed militias have positioned themselves against the Sudanese uprising and opposed the process of civil democratic transition and instead supported the military coup. The argument put forth in this paper is that the militias’ opposition to civil democratic transition stems from how they were formed, their organizational structures, the conduct of their leaders, and the intersections between public and private interests. Furthermore, the fragility of the state, its limited capacities, and the lack of legitimacy among its leaders are significant factors that underpin the militias’ approach to human rights issues and popular demands.
Topic:
Conflict, Militias, and Democratic Transitions
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

23. The Dynamics of the Right to Social Protection in the Arab Region: Exploring the Role of the State in Changing Times

Author:
Azza El Hajj Sleiman
Publication Date:
06-2023
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Most Arab countries are currently experiencing a critical juncture in their history, encompassing not only political, social, and economic aspects but also legal dimensions. In contrast to many other regions, Arab societies are undergoing significant transformations, influenced by two fundamental factors: the digital revolution and economic globalization, and their wide-ranging social implications. Moreover, Arab countries are witnessing profound political shifts, with some experiencing complete state and institutional collapse, as in Lebanon, Tunisia, Iraq, Sudan, Yemen, and others. Security crises have emerged in certain Arab countries while economic and financial difficulties plague others, further complicating matters. Furthermore, the relationship between governance and society in some nations, as well as the nature of governance itself, poses its own set of challenges. Amidst this transitional period, the role of law and its capacity to safeguard society emerges as a common thread, constituting a significant challenge in this critical phase of Arab history. These challenges exacerbate the severity of crises and underscore the delicate nature of the current stage, necessitating a comprehensive approach at the intellectual, scientific, and societal levels. When dealing with political systems, it is imperative to acknowledge the indispensable role of legal principles, as they form the foundational tools of governance. The study of law extends beyond the mere examination, interpretation, and application of legislative texts and the rights they aim to safeguard; legal studies delve deeply into the fundamental aspects and essence of the rule of law and the mechanisms required for its effective implementation. This line of reasoning holds great importance, recognizing as it does that the source of legal norms lies with those in authority, as highlighted by Bernard Teyssié during a legal conference held at the French Senate in 2004.1 The connection between the enforcement of laws and political power, complicated by issues of jurisdiction, underscores the gravity of this relationship. Traditionally, both the issuance and enforcement of legal rules have been the exclusive domain of the state and its constitutional institutions.2 However, in the modern era, the most prominent and contemporary force shaping these dynamics is the end of exclusive state authority, largely influenced by the impact of neoliberalism. The exploration of the sources of law and their efficacy has traditionally been the domain of social sciences, politics, and philosophy until the positive school3 of law defined them, with the exception of customs, within formal constitutional frameworks. However, the evolving landscape of postmodern societies, the prevalence of neoliberalism, and the rise of social individualism have thrust this issue into the forefront of research, work, and contemplation across various societal actors. These transformations have not only altered the roles of individuals and groups but also impacted their very existence. The term “actors in society” encompasses a wide spectrum of individuals and entities. It includes citizens and residents, both as individuals and as collective groups. It also comprises civil society organizations, political parties, and economic actors ranging from small-scale local businesses to multinational corporations and economic projects. This purview also extends to all state institutions that play a role in shaping and implementing legal frameworks.
Topic:
Law, Institutions, and Social Protection
Political Geography:
Middle East, Arab Countries, and North America

24. Lebanon’s Unregulated Forests: How Tragedies Can Ignite Homegrown Transformations

Author:
Sammy Kayyed
Publication Date:
05-2023
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
One could argue that Akkar, more than any other region in Lebanon, epitomizes both the country’s incredible natural heritage and its spiraling economic and political crises. While Lebanon sets records for the loss of purchasing power, rapid financial collapse, social injustice, and frequency of government deadlock, Akkar regularly emerges as the most challenged across multiple dimensions of poverty.1 ,2 Yet, it is considered to have the richest forests, biodiversity, and water resources in a country that regionally stands apart for these attributes.3 Separations between natural wealth and socio-economic poverty are being joined by newfound opportunities, materializing over the last three years, with residents seeking to relieve their financial troubles by cutting trees. With little to no state regulation in forests, Akkar has become a hotbed for this understandable but possibly ecologically irreversible recourse. This paper tells the story of how the greatest rate of forest loss in Akkar’s recorded history is being met by local activists organizing, resisting forest over-exploitation, garnering resources, and onboarding the wider community in an unprecedented fashion. Their acts of solidarity happened in the face of recent conflict and casualty over forest resources stressed by climate extremes. Given the sensitive nature of the paper, the author chose to keep interlocutors, contacted between September and December 2022, anonymous.
Topic:
Environment, Natural Disasters, Forest, and Wildfires
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

25. The social and economic cost of Egypt's prison system

Author:
Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights Legal Researcher and Lawyer
Publication Date:
02-2022
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Legal scholars have long been concerned with how to deter crime and limit its spread. For a long time, imprisonment has been used as a tool to serve these two purposes. On one hand, prisons function as a means to deprive inmates of their liberty and deter public and private crime. On the other hand, they also seek to reform convicts in a way that facilitates their reintegration into society by adopting appropriate rehabilitation programs for each prisoner.1 Despite the general deterrent impact of imprisonment, overreliance on such penalties can also have negative consequences – particularly when prisons fail to fulfil the rehabilitation component of their role. Prisons then risk turning into a hotbed that enables even more dangerous criminal behavior. As such, some legal scholars believe that penalties that deprive individuals of their liberties are no longer considered the best or only means to create more stable and secure societies, nor to reduce crime rates.
Topic:
Crime, Law, Legal Theory, and Legal Sector
Political Geography:
Africa, Egypt, and MENA

26. Algeria’s social support policy: Economic costs and the need for reform

Author:
Hami Hassan
Publication Date:
02-2022
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
With the ratification of the 2022 budget in Algeria, the issue of budget allocations for social support and social benefits has resurfaced once again. This paper attempts to understand the repercussions of state intervention in economic affairs, and the historical and ideological underpinnings of the welfare state in Algeria as a rentier state based on the nationalization of all economic relations in crisis political contexts, the effects of which extended to the state’s relationship with society and the relations of production within it.
Topic:
Economics, Reform, Finance, and Social Order
Political Geography:
Africa and Algeria

27. FSO Safer potential marine disaster: Yemen's environment worst nightmare

Author:
Jisham Nagi
Publication Date:
03-2022
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The conflict ongoing in Yemen distracts attention from environmental pollution incidents that have occurred or are likely to occur in Yemeni territories. The most urgent pollution case disturbing Yemen and its neighbouring coastal communities is that of the FSO Safer Oil Tanker, which was left without maintenance for years. If damaged, it could cause an unprecedented ecological and environmental disaster in the region. This paper explores the effects of the conflict on policy and action around FSO Safer and presents ways to mitigate a potential disaster.
Topic:
Security, Disaster Relief, Environment, and Disaster Management
Political Geography:
Yemen and Gulf Nations

28. Egypt transport policies 2014-2021

Author:
Mohamed Hegazy
Publication Date:
03-2022
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The Egyptian Ministry of Transport’s1 YouTube channel provides an excellent documentation of the far-reaching changes taking place in the transport sector in Egypt: new highways connecting cities and new bridges; new train carriages for the national railways; new public transport systems such as the Metro, Monorail and Electric train. Between 2014 and 2021 the Egyptian state has invested 1 trillion EGP (~63.6 billion USD) in the transport sector2 in its bid to achieve sustainable development3 . This paper seeks to examine policies and state investments in the transport sector from a sustainable development perspective, focusing on the environmental and social dimensions.
Topic:
Development, Infrastructure, Transportation, and Sustainability
Political Geography:
Africa, Egypt, and MENA

29. The ghost people and populism from above: The Kais Saied case

Author:
Malek Lakhal
Publication Date:
03-2022
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Since Kais Saied dismissed Hichem Mechichi’s government in July 2021, several political concepts emerged to interpret what happened in Tunisia, either to legitimize or denounce Saied’s measures. This article examines Saied’s brand of populism and looks at how his failure to mobilize the people he claims to represent is slowly sinking Tunisia into authoritarianism.
Topic:
Governance, Leadership, Populism, and Mobilization
Political Geography:
Africa and Tunisia

30. Egypt’s water policy after the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam

Author:
Sherif Mohy El Deen
Publication Date:
03-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Egypt is one of the driest countries in the world. It is also the country that is most dependent on a single source of water: The Nile. The Nile River provides over 93% of Egypt’s water needs, according to Egyptian government documents. However, the water crisis discussion mainly focuses on the extent to which previous water agreements with other Nile Basin countries are binding, or on the truthfulness of the current news on the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Hence, this discussion is not addressing the main issue, which is the extent to which operating the Dam would affect the annual water use per capita in Egypt at present, as well as in the near and distant future. The Renaissance Dam crisis is recent, as it began when Ethiopia unilaterally decided to build the Dam in a border region between Ethiopia and Sudan. However, it is a main factor that could exacerbate and deepen the problem of water scarcity in Egypt. Other factors affecting water use per capita in Egypt include exponential population growth and increasing climate change. This policy brief aims to shed light on the main causes and background of the water crisis in Egypt. It will briefly discuss some examples of recent or upcoming projects by the Egyptian government under the new Water Resources Management Strategy (2016-2050). Finally, the paper will highlight the importance of conducting comprehensive and constant feasibility and impact assessments of these projects. These assessments should focus not only on the water dimension, but also on the economic, social, environmental, cultural, and political dimensions. This paper also provides some recommendations and lessons learned from the “Jonglei Canal,” an Egyptian-Sudanese water megaproject that launched nearly five decades ago.
Topic:
Development, Water, Infrastructure, and Dams
Political Geography:
Africa and Egypt