Topic: Rule of Law - CIAO Search Results

1. A battle against time – and against Putin’s Russia

Author:: Erwan Fouéré
Publication Date:: 02-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:: With Putin’s war against Ukraine about to enter its third year, the EU’s enlargement policy remains at the top of its foreign policy priorities, with the focus being on both Ukraine and Moldova. This is following the European Council’s decision to open accession negotiations with both countries. But where does this leave the countries of the Western Balkans and their very long journey towards the EU which began over 20 years ago? Will these countries’ hopes for much needed political momentum in their accession prospects be fulfilled during 2024, despite the repeated delays and the EU’s failure to respect its commitments to the region over the past few years? With elections taking place across Europe offering fertile ground for Russia to deploy its arsenal of disinformation tactics, time is not on the EU’s side. To counter Russian attempts to influence developments in the region, as well as to reverse the dangerous trend of backsliding in democratic and rule of law reforms, the EU will need to adopt a more robust, consistent and determined approach towards the Western Balkans. Without any further delay, it needs to set out a much needed geopolitical and security direction for its enlargement policies in the Western Balkans.
Topic:: Security, European Union, Democracy, Geopolitics, Rule of Law, Regional Integration, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:: Europe, Ukraine, Moldova, and Balkans

2. Institutions and governance in Mozambique :A bird’s eye view based on existing databases

Author:: Ines A. Ferreira
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United Nations University
Abstract:: Using publicly available databases and drawing on a wide range of indicators, this paper reviews the institutional performance of Mozambique across seven broad categories: rule of law and judicial independence; voice and freedom of expression/association; political participation; accountability and transparency; political instability and violence, and external relations; state legitimacy and political leadership; and governance and state capacity. Overall, the selected indicators point to similar trends within each dimension and suggest limited progress during the last decades. Still, it is fundamental that these insights and the scores presented by the indicators are put into context, and that we understand the historical path of Mozambique, the internal and external factors at play, and the fact that it takes time for progress achieved to be reflected in this type of data.
Topic:: Governance, Leadership, Freedom of Expression, Rule of Law, Accountability, Institutions, Judiciary, Instability, and Political Participation
Political Geography:: Africa and Mozambique

3. Intentionally vague: How Saudi Arabia and Egypt abuse legal systems to suppress online speech

Author:: Dina Sadek, Layla Mashkoor, Iain Robertson, and Andy Carvin
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: Egypt and Saudi Arabia are weaponizing vaguely written domestic media, cybercrime, and counterterrorism laws to target and suppress dissent, opposition, and vulnerable groups. Political leaders in Egypt and Saudi Arabia often claim that their countries’ judicial systems enjoy independence and a lack of interference, a narrative intended to distance the states from the real and overzealous targeting and prosecution of critics. Such claims can be debunked and dismissed, as the Egyptian and Saudi governments have had direct involvement in establishing and implementing laws that are utilized to target journalists and human rights defenders. Egypt and Saudi Arabia were selected as case studies for this report because of their status as among the most frequently documented offenders in the region when it comes to exploiting ambiguously written laws to target and prosecute journalists, critics, activists, human rights defenders, and even apolitical citizens. The two countries have consolidated power domestically, permitting them to utilize and bend their domestic legal systems to exert control over the online information space. Punishments for those targeted can involve draconian prison sentences, travel bans, and fines, which result in a chilling effect that consequently stifles online speech and activities, preventing citizens from discussing political, social, and economic issues. Both Egypt and Saudi Arabia enacted media, cybercrime, and counterterrorism laws with ambiguous language and unclear definitions of legal terms, allowing for flexible interpretations of phrases such as “false information,” “morality,” or “family values and principles.” The laws in both countries also loosely define critical terms like “terrorism,” thereby facilitating expansive interpretations of what constitutes a terrorist crime. Further, anti-terror laws now include articles that connect the “dissemination of false information” with terrorist acts. This vague and elastic legal language has enabled the Egyptian and Saudi regimes to prosecute peaceful citizens on arbitrary grounds, sometimes handing out long prison sentences or even death sentences, undermining respect for the rule of law in the two countries. This report explores the development of media, cybercrime, and counterterrorism laws in both countries, and demonstrates through case studies how Saudi Arabia and Egypt weaponize the laws to prosecute opposition figures and control narratives online. This report examines the relationship between criminal charges tied to one’s professional activities or online speech and how those charges can trigger online smear campaigns and harassment. In cases that involve women, gender-based violence is often used to harm a woman’s reputation. Though a direct correlation between judicial charges and online harassment cannot be ascertained, these case studies suggest that dissidents are likely to face online harm following legal persecution, even after they are released.
Topic:: Human Rights, Internet, Freedom of Expression, Rule of Law, Disinformation, and Digital Policy
Political Geography:: Middle East, Saudi Arabia, and United States of America

4. Examining the Gap Between EU Fundamental Values in Theory and Practice: A Case Study of Macedonia’s Journey Toward EU Accession

Author:: Larisa Vasileska
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: The objective of this paper is to assess the gap between the EU’s commitment to its values and the fairness of its accession process, in particular the Macedonian journey to the EU, which is not only contradictory to the EU’s core values but also contradictory to the principle of equal rights and self-determination. For this purpose, the methodology consists of conducting qualitative analysis based on two bilateral agreements and analyzing the evolution of EU requirements and their implications. The paper argues that rather than enforcing the Copenhagen criteria and making the country’s pre-accession progress contingent on the strengthening of the rule of law, the EU has expended enormous effort in what was essentially a political bilateral dispute between states, with the resolution of the dispute to be replaced as a pre-accession criterion. The paper concludes that the EU should return to its fundamental values and prioritize merit-based criteria in the enlargement process, not a politically based decision.
Topic:: International Law, Bilateral Relations, European Union, Rule of Law, Values, Disputes, and Enlargement
Political Geography:: Europe and Macedonia

5. Implications of Article 23 Legislation on the Future of Hong Kong

Author:: Eric Y. H. Lai
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: China Brief
Institution:: The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:: Hong Kong’s Article 23 legislation will integrate the PRC’s national security framework into Hong Kong’s legal system, impacting the city’s rule of law and foreign business interests. Broad and vague definitions of national security will create challenges for Hong Kong’s common law system. It will likely contribute to the erosion of legal certainty and judicial independence. Proposed offenses such as “theft of state secrets” and “espionage” are ambiguously defined, creating uncertainty. This may cause issues for foreign businesses collecting information for due diligence and will further chill freedom of expression in the city. The legislation aims to isolate Hong Kong further from the liberal democratic world, granting extensive powers to the government for political control and undermining public oversight and due process rights.
Topic:: National Security, Rule of Law, Legislation, and Due Process
Political Geography:: China, Asia, and Hong Kong

6. Panel Causality Analysis of the Relationship among the Rule of Law, Technological Advances, Competitiveness, and Value-Added

Author:: Doğan Keşap and Ali Rıza Sandalcılar
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Istanbul Journal of Economics
Institution:: Istanbul University Faculty of Economics
Abstract:: The status of countries within the global value chain varies depending on the importance of national production capabilities in the global economy. From this perspective, there is a need for a value-added production approach that focuses on innovation and competitiveness. Technological advances and institutions are considered to play a significant role in transforming the economy towards an innovation-driven one to meet these needs. The aim of this paper is to investigate the relationship among technological advances, the rule of law as a proxy for institutions, value-added production, and competitiveness in a way that reflects crosscountry divergence. Through an analysis employed independently of countries’ existing levels of development, it will be possible to evaluate whether the factors associated with institutions and innovation can produce similar results in all circumstances and for each country. In this context, a panel causality analysis that considers cross-sectional heterogeneity is employed. The analysis shows bidirectional causality between the variables, except for value-added to the rule of law. However, the results also support the existence of cross-country divergence. These findings suggest that future policy plans should be designed to consider the multidimensional nature of country-specific factors, alongside technological advances and the rule of law, and to ensure the integration of both national and international economic objectives.
Topic:: Economics, Science and Technology, Rule of Law, Competition, and Value-added Production
Political Geography:: Global Focus

7. Characterizing China’s Rule of Law

Author:: Ben Lowsen
Publication Date:: 09-2023
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: China Brief
Institution:: The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:: Chinese President Xi Jinping is working in earnest to develop for China what his government calls “rule by law” (法治). It is sometimes translated into English as “rule of law,” though this is misleading, as Chinese law cannot restrict arbitrary exercise of power at the highest levels: the Party leads everything. As such, an awareness of the term’s precise meaning in the PRC’s legal-political context is crucial for understanding Xi’s intent. The Chinese president has stated that “the rule of law is an important component of the country’s core competitiveness” (People’s Daily, November 22, 2020). In light of this, the recently promulgated Foreign Relations Law (对外关系法), which emphasizes China’s competitiveness, provides an opportunity to interrogate Xi’s conception of the rule of law. [1] The Foreign Relations Law (henceforth, the Law) is timely. The head of the powerful Legislative Affairs Committee said in an interview that out of the PRC’s 297 national laws, 52 were dedicated to foreign relations and 150 more had provisions relating to foreign relations. [2] The Law is therefore an important addition, “consolidating and describing the major policies and principles of China’s foreign affairs,” in the words of current (and former) foreign minister Wang Yi. [3] Moreover, it comes at a moment in which China is at once increasingly emboldened on the international stage, and whose relations with many developed countries are increasingly fraught. Support from abroad could be helpful for China as it attempts to navigate out of a mismanaged end to the Covid-19 pandemic, but there is little to reassure foreign partners that their investments in the country will be protected by its laws.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Governance, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: China and Asia

8. The EU accession prospects of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia

Author:: Michael Emerson, Tinatin Akhvlediani, Denis Cenusa, Veronika Movchan, and Artem Remizov
Publication Date:: 03-2023
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:: In the week following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 all three East European states associated with the EU – Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia – submitted applications to accede to the EU. In response, the European Commission published ‘Opinions’ in June, setting out in each case conditions that should be met for these applications to advance on the path towards membership. This paper reports on the first half-year of the work undertaken by the three states to meet these conditions. All three states have set in motion actions largely concerning the fundamental political and rule of law criteria for membership. In all cases there is much work in progress underway, with some conditions already met, and others at an earlier stage. For both Ukraine and Moldova, it is possible that the majority of conditions will be met in the course of 2023. For Georgia there are still some more basic political obstacles to be overcome. The Commission is due to publish in October 2023 comprehensive evaluations of the preparedness of each of the three states, and in the case that the conditions are largely met, the EU should as a next step open up the formal accession negotiation process. It is also recommended that the EU reform by that time the accession process itself, notably by switching to qualified majority voting on the details of the procedures, and better still adopting a staged accession process that would assure structured incentives for overcoming the blockages in the present system as seen in the Western Balkans.
Topic:: Politics, European Union, Rule of Law, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:: Europe, Moldova, and Georgia

9. Triggering the Rule-of-Law Conditionality Mechanism against Hungary

Author:: Veronika Jóźwiak
Publication Date:: 03-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: The mechanism that makes the payment of funds from the EU budget conditional on compliance with the principles of the rule of law is the newest instrument for protecting the Union’s financial and political interests. The tool allows the European Commission and the EU Council (Council) to exert influence on Member States that violate the fundamental principles of the Community. Triggering it against Hungary might result in a reduction of EU funds to the country as a consequence of rule-of-law violations for the first time in EU history. It is doubtful, however, that this will lead to systemic changes in Hungary.
Topic:: European Union, Rule of Law, European Commission, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Europe and Hungary

10. Rule of law: the uncertain gamble on conditionality

Author:: Eric Maurice
Publication Date:: 03-2023
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:: Will 2023 be the year when Hungary and Poland join the ranks of Member States that respect the values of the European Union? Nothing is less certain because, in Budapest as in Warsaw, the reforms demanded by the Union have not yet been implemented. In early February Polish president Andrzej Duda, referred a law which was supposed to bring an end to disciplinary abuses against judges to the Constitutional Court. The Hungarian government has still not completed reforms to make public procurement more transparent and to strengthen the fight against corruption. The fact that these measures are being discussed indicates however that the balance of power has changed. 2022 was a pivotal year in the European Union's efforts to combat breaches of the rule of law in its Member States. For the first time, a range of new and old tools, specific or not, structural or conjunctural, were used to try to reverse the trend that has been developing for several years, mainly in Hungary and Poland, of undermining the independence of the judiciary, systems of checks and balances, and certain rights that are considered fundamental.
Topic:: European Union, Rule of Law, Judiciary, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Europe, Poland, Romania, and Hungary

11. India’s personal data protection act and the politics of digital governance

Author:: Stephen Weymouth
Publication Date:: 05-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: India recognizes the importance of establishing policy foundations for digital commerce, as cross-border data flows are essential to firms in all sectors, not just in technology. In manufacturing, three dimensional printing and robotics are revolutionizing production processes. Agriculture is benefiting from sensors and analytics, which optimize crop yields and resource usage. Healthcare is being transformed by electronic medical records, health information exchanges, and algorithms that analyze patient data and detect illness. Financial services are using blockchain technologies and AI to enable faster and more secure transactions. All industries rely on electronic payments, data analytics, and cloud storage to streamline various processes. With customers located worldwide, cross-border data flows are the byproduct of digital transactions. Data privacy frameworks can facilitate these flows by building consumer trust, thereby unlocking innovation and efficiency in all sectors. Given the significance of cross-border data flows to its economy, India has actively engaged in multilateral and bilateral discussions on digital trade governance. It is a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), a strategic forum comprising the United States, Japan, India, and Australia, a possible venue for coordination on digital governance. India has also joined the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), a US-led framework for economic cooperation which will facilitate conversations seeking “high-standard rules of the road in the digital economy, including standards on cross-border data flows and data localization.” The US-India Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET), launched by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden during the Quad summit in May 2022, presents an opportunity to build India-US trade ties through an industry-focused agenda. Finally, India and the United States have launched a new bilateral Defense Industrial Cooperation Roadmap to accelerate technological cooperation. This issue brief delves into the politics of India’s evolving digital governance, focusing on the draft Digital Personal Data Protection Bill of 2022 (DPDPB). The DPDPB aims to balance the interests of Indian consumers seeking enhanced privacy and data security against the business need for unconstrained data flows. The government’s responsive approach to stakeholder feedback on previous versions of the bill indicates that achieving these goals is feasible. However, concerns persist about ambiguities surrounding data transfers and institutional arrangements that exempt the government from complying with the law in ways that may encourage surveillance and censorship of opposing viewpoints.
Topic:: Economy, Business, Rule of Law, Data, and Data Governance
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

12. Holding the Islamic Republic of Iran accountable for atrocity crimes

Author:: Celeste Kmiotek, Alana Mitias, and Nushin Sarkarati
Publication Date:: 04-2023
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: With little to no prospect for accountability within Iran’s domestic courts, victims and survivors of serious violations of international law are turning toward an increasing number of foreign jurisdictions—most commonly in Europe and North America, but also in Latin America, Africa, and other regions—to pursue justice for human rights violations carried out by the Islamic Republic of Iran. Under the principle of universal jurisdiction, certain domestic justice systems allow prosecutions in national courts for crimes committed abroad, regardless of the victim’s or perpetrator’s nationality. Universal jurisdiction stems from the concept that certain crimes are of such gravity that they harm the international community as a whole, so national courts outside the country where the violations took place may prosecute them to protect the international order. Although the crimes subject to universal jurisdiction provisions differ by state, they generally include crimes against humanity, torture, war crimes, and genocide. Limitations on universal jurisdiction also vary between states, however, as do the processes for filing complaints and procedures for investigations, trials, and appeals. As was shown by the trial and conviction of Hamid Noury in Sweden for his involvement in the massacre of Iranian political prisoners in 1988, national prosecutions of international crimes can be a fruitful avenue to justice for victims of the Islamic Republic. To this end, the Atlantic Council’s Strategic Litigation Project has compiled a guide to aid practitioners and independent investigators in navigating the legal systems of European states with the highest likelihood of prosecuting Iranian human rights violators. Focusing on five states—France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland—this manual outlines the crimes and violations subject to universal jurisdiction, best practices for investigating and documenting crimes, and processes for requesting investigations and participating in prosecutions as a victim, witness, or NGO. For information that is beyond the scope of this manual, the annex includes printed resources to consult and organizations to contact for additional assistance.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Human Rights, Politics, Rule of Law, Accountability, Norms, Atrocities, Resilience, and Society
Political Geography:: Iran and Middle East

13. Authoritarian kleptocrats are thriving on the West’s failures. Can they be stopped?

Author:: Francis Shin and Ben Judah
Publication Date:: 01-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: A hidden web of power revealed itself to Internet users in early 2022. Following a brutal government crackdown in Kazakhstan in January, anyone using open-source flight-tracking websites could watch kleptocratic elites flee the country on private jets. A little more than a month later, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine brought a new spectacle: social media users were able to track various oligarchs’ superyachts as they jumped from port to port to evade Western sanctions. These feeds captured a national security problem in near real time: In Eurasia and beyond, kleptocratic elites with deep ties to the West were able to move themselves and their assets freely despite a host of speeches by senior officials, sanctions, and structures designed to stop them. Kleptocratic regimes—kleptocracy means “rule by thieves”—have exploited the lax and uneven regulatory environments of the global financial system to hide their ill-gotten gains and interfere in politics abroad, especially in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union. They are aided in this task by a large cast of professional enablers within these jurisdictions. The stronger these forces get, the more they erode the principles of democracy and the rule of law. Furthermore, the international sanctions regime imposed on Russia in response to its invasion of Ukraine has little hope of long-term success if the global financial system itself continues to weaken. The West still has a long way to go to rein in the authoritarian kleptocrats who have thrived on the institutional dysfunction, regulatory failure, and bureaucratic weakness of the transatlantic community for far too long. We need to rethink not just how we combat kleptocracy, but also how we define it. Policy makers need to understand that authoritarian regimes that threaten transatlantic security are closely linked to illicit financial systems. As it stands, our thinking about how foreign corruption spreads is too constrained by stereotypes about kleptocratic goals and actions.
Topic:: Corruption, Diplomacy, Intelligence, Politics, Sanctions, Authoritarianism, Reform, European Union, Regulation, Finance, Economy, Rule of Law, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:: Russia, United Kingdom, Europe, Ukraine, Canada, and United States of America

14. State of Democracy in Asia and the Pacific: The End of the Decline?

Author:: Michael Runey
Publication Date:: 12-2023
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: International IDEA’s annual Global State of Democracy report shows that across every region of the world, democracy has continued to contract, with declines in at least one indicator of democratic performance in half of all countries assessed in the report. But after five consecutive years of more countries experiencing declines in their democratic quality than improvements, the data shows that this trend may have, in Asia and the Pacific, largely paused after five years of steady declines in most indicators. These findings are based on the Global State of Democracy Indices (GSoD Indices), International IDEA’s quantitative dataset of democratic performance launched in 2015 and containing data from 1975 to the present. The indices measure democratic trends at the national, regional and global levels across a broad range of different categories of democracy and include data for 174 countries across the globe, 35 of which are in Asia and the Pacific. In lieu of a single democracy score, the GSoD Indices measure four main categories of democracy – Representation, Rights, Rule of Law, and Participation - which are based on 157 individual indicators from 20 diverse sources: expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures. Each of these four measures is comprised of several of the 17 factors, as seen in Figure 1 below. This data show that in every region of the world, democracy has continued to contract, with declines in at least one indicator of democratic performance in half of the countries covered by the GSoD Indices. But it is in Asia and the Pacific where the trend is most ambiguous and least severe. When we look at five and one year statistically significant trends in the data for the region what we see in 2022 is not continued decline but mostly scores plateauing after years of declines.
Topic:: Democracy, Media, Rule of Law, Representation, and Civil Rights
Political Geography:: Asia-Pacific

15. Access to Justice, the Rule of Law, and Due Process in the US Immigration System: A Tribute to Juan Osuna

Author:: Donald Kerwin
Publication Date:: 06-2023
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:: Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:: This paper introduces a special collection of papers on access to justice, the rule of law, and due process in the US immigration system. The collection honors Juan Osuna, a devoted public servant and former director of the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), which is the agency in the US Department of Justice (DOJ) that administers the Immigration Courts, the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA), and legal orientation, assistance, and representation programs. The collection consists of five articles published in the Journal on Migration and Human Security and six CMS essays, written by some of Osuna’s close colleagues and friends. Section I provides a brief biography of Juan Osuna’s life, recites his titles and professional accomplishments, and outlines his views on some of the topics covered in the papers. The section draws heavily from two events that book-ended Osuna’s tenure as EOIR Director, which were organized by the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS). The first took place on February 16, 20121 and the second on July 18, 2017,2 just before Osuna’s untimely death at the age of 54 on August 15, 2017. This section also includes remembrances and reflections from Osuna’s colleagues at a November 15, 2018 event in Washington, DC, devoted to honoring his legacy.3 Section II summarizes the 11 papers in this collection, which reflect Juan Osuna’s commitment to humanizing the law and its fair application to all. The papers examine and propose ways to strengthen: • The nation’s response to large-scale migration. • The US asylum system. • The removal adjudication system. • Immigration Court backlog reduction efforts. • The treatment of survivors of human trafficking and modern-day slavery. • Due process for immigrants through legal representation. Section III offers a concluding reflection on the rule of law, and Juan Osuna’s legacy in a time of political division and discord.
Topic:: Immigration, Courts, Rule of Law, Asylum, and Due Process
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

16. After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine: Unity is good, but ambition is better

Author:: Sophie Pornschlegel and Ilke Toygür
Publication Date:: 06-2022
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Policy Centre (EPC)
Abstract:: In view of the volatile geopolitical environment, EU leaders no longer have the luxury of waiting for all 27 member states to find a consensus. In order to lead the way to a Union that is apt for future challenges, the EU should become more ambitious and embrace alternatives, such as differentiated integration, in the coming months and years. Rather than returning to the status quo ante, the EU should use this momentum to progress in five policy fields: economic governance, with a new recovery package and a reform of the fiscal rules; security and defence, with improved EU–NATO cooperation and a stronger ‘European pillar’; energy policy, by quickly steering member states away from dependence on Russian fossil fuels while simultaneously ensuring admissible energy prices for consumers and respecting the climate targets; enlargement and neighbourhood policy, by rethinking its aims and creating options for countries that are unlikely to become EU members in the foreseeable future; and the rule of law, to safeguard the Union’s values ‘at home’. Both the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion revealed that the EU institutions and leaders are capable of managing crises swiftly and decisively. This reality certainly increases its legitimacy in the eyes of its citizens as well as its allies. The European Union could use this moment of change to increase its ambition for reforms and for moving European integration forward. This should encourage leaders to think about all the options for designing the Union’s future. This is not a time for black and white thinking – Treaty change or nothing –, but rather a time to explore all the shades of grey for securing necessary reforms. If like-minded countries could lead the way, others may also follow. The changing and evolving positions in the EU could help secure more inclusive alliances for moving forward. The political momentum to do so is finally here.
Topic:: Security, Energy Policy, European Union, Geopolitics, Economy, Rule of Law, Regional Politics, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

17. What should the EU do about Hungary’s illiberal turn?

Author:: Perle Petit
Publication Date:: 11-2022
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Policy Centre (EPC)
Abstract:: Since 2010, Hungary’s government has followed a clear and deliberate trajectory away from EU democratic principles, turning the country into the first illiberal state in the Union. Before Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Hungary’s illiberal turn remained relatively self-contained at the national level. Since the start of the war, however, this illiberalism has spread to the international arena, dramatically impeding EU institutional decision-making processes. Despite the urgency of the matter, the EU’s failure to address the country’s democratic decline has been evident. The EU institutions need to address the national and international impact of Hungary's flouting of democratic norms by proposing both short- and long-term solutions. To do so, the institutions should take the following actions: The EU Commission should stand fully behind the triggering of the rule of law conditionality mechanism against Hungary and insist that the country implements all proposed remedial measures in a legislatively binding way. A periodic review system must be put in place to avoid any reversal of these measures or manipulation of independent public bodies in the coming years. The rule of law conditionality mechanism should be triggered against other infringing countries, to demonstrate a zero-tolerance approach to democratic backsliding. The suspension of EU funds should be harmonised across different funding schemes. In this way, the Commission can avoid becoming compromised by disconnected conditionality mechanisms. Increased capabilities and powers should be conferred to independent EU organisations, such as the European Anti-Fraud Office and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office. These should review the strength of democratic institutions in backsliding countries and provide recommendations for reform. The institutions should look into the regional disbursement of EU budgets, bypassing central governments to allocate funds on a regional basis. The Council should consider replacing the unanimity rule with qualified majority voting to render EU decision-making processes more effective and to prevent single member states from holding EU decisions ‘hostage’. As Hungary’s leadership shows no signs of changing course, the EU should change tactics to actively preserve and protect democracy within its borders. The EU institutions should use the full toolbox at their disposal to halt Hungary’s illiberal turn, restore the independence of democratic institutions, and take long-term steps to prevent any further backsliding within the Union.
Topic:: European Union, Rule of Law, European Commission, Illiberalism, and Viktor Orbán
Political Geography:: Europe and Hungary

18. Population density and governance in Africa

Author:: Pranish Desai
Publication Date:: 10-2022
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Afrobarometer
Abstract:: Across Africa, denser populations are associated with less confidence in institutions and the rule of law. What does that mean for the world’s fastest-urbanising continent?
Topic:: Governance, Population, Urbanization, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Africa

19. Corruption and crisis: do institutions matter?

Author:: Shrabani Saha and Kunal Sen
Publication Date:: 03-2022
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United Nations University
Abstract:: While the short-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on lives and livelihoods are well understood, we know little about the effect of the pandemic for longer-term outcomes such as corruption. We look at the historical data on political and economic crises to assess what we can learn from the long-term effects of past crises on corruption. We hypothesize that strong rule of law institutions may ameliorate the possible adverse effects of political and economic crises on corruption. We test our hypotheses using panel data for over 100 countries during the years 1800– 2020. The results suggest heterogeneous effects depending on the type of crisis and how we measure it. We find that rule of law institutions can control corruption in cases of political violence and economic slowdown, but the effect is not seen for democracy breakdowns, coups, armed conflict and civil war, and economic crisis such as currency and debt crisis.
Topic:: Corruption, Politics, Rule of Law, Institutions, Data, COVID-19, and Economic Crisis
Political Geography:: Global Focus

20. People or Technology: What Drives Democracy

Author:: Paul Nemitz
Publication Date:: 03-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Policy Quarterly (TPQ)
Institution:: Transatlantic Policy Quarterly (TPQ)
Abstract:: There is no doubt that technology has shaped democracy. However, it is also the legal rules concerning technology which have shaped and have been shaped by democracy. Developing and using technologies according to democratic rules is what we need. There are libertarians today who deliberately design technological systems in a way that makes control by democratic states increasingly difficult. However, there is sufficient counter power and engagement, at least in Europe, to ensure that democracy functions and we work together to produce rules that are sensible for the future of democracy and confirm the supremacy of democracy over technology and business interests.
Topic:: Science and Technology, Democracy, Business, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Global Focus

21. Violent Extremism in Mosul & the Kurdistan Region: Context, Drivers, and Public Perception

Author:: Dlawer Ala'Aldeen, Kamaran Palani, and Khogir Wirya
Publication Date:: 10-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Middle East Research Institute (MERI)
Abstract:: The Nineveh Province and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) are co-located in northern Iraq. They are comparable in terms of ethno-religious and sectarian diversity, history, and political economy. However, since 2003, these two regions and their communities have produced two different environments. Nineveh became extremely vulnerable to violent extremism (VE), while the KRI demonstrated persistent resilience. In this paper, a comparative analysis was carried out to examine public perception of the presence, root causes and drivers of VE, and their perception of the impact of on-going governmental and non-governmental initiatives for the prevention of VE (PVE). The issue occurrence and non-occurrence of VE in two comparable environments, are characterised in a local socio-economic, security and political context. Combined with a comprehensive literature review, the data here shows that: VE should be contextualised within the broader security, governance, and identity crises, both locally in the governorate and nationally in Iraq as a whole. Thus, drivers enabling VE are different depending on the context, as well as the dynamic of other variables through time, which consequently need regular re-evaluation. Such, an understanding is critical for analysing the conditions that could facilitate the rise of extremist groups and VE, and for designing PVE policies. Building resilience against radicalisation and transitioning to PVE is a long-term process that requires systematic and comprehensive investment in building intra- and inter-community trust, and trust between people and the authorities. Taken together, the Nineveh and KRI experience since 2003, highlights the need to focus on key policy priorities, including: countering pull factors, enhancing rule-of-law and good governance; reforming the security sector and state-monopoly of violence; economic reform and empowerment of the youth; and promoting religious moderation.
Topic:: Governance, Public Opinion, Violent Extremism, Radicalization, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Iraq, Mosul, and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)

22. Report of the Ombudsman: A Mere Formality or a Contribution to the Rule of Law in the Process of European Integration

Author:: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Publication Date:: 11-2022
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:: In this document, colleagues from the Belgrade Centre for Human Rights analyze the position of the Ombudsman (Protector of Citizens) from the point of view of the attitude of the National Assembly and the Government of the Republic of Serbia toward the Ombudsman’s regular annual reports. In the past ten years, Serbia has largely regressed in terms of democracy and the rule of law. Data from international and domestic organisations point to a state that has been captured by one party, the collapse of the separation of powers, and the absence of political dialogue. On the other hand, the Government of Serbia keeps emphasising the rule of law as its main priority in the accession negotiations with the European Union (EU). For the EU, the development of democratic processes is the main aspect of Serbia’s approach. In such circumstances, the attitude of the legislative and executive powers towards the report of the Ombudsman shows whether the authorities are essentially or just formally committed to the rule of law and admission to the European Union. Although there are numerous challenges in the work of the Ombudsman, this document analyses only the practice of its reporting to the National Assembly, in the context of ongoing reforms implemented for the purpose of Serbia’s accession to the European Union. We particularly stress the importance of the Ombudsman in strengthening democratic institutions and fulfilling the criteria from the negotiation Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), and propose solutions that contribute to political responsibility and the rule of law. If Serbia wishes to responsibly ensure the rule of law as a priority in European integration, it needs to improve the attitude of the Government and Parliament towards the report of the Ombudsman. On the other hand, decision-makers from the EU should continuously insist on this within the framework of the assessment of the state of democracy and the monitoring of reforms from Chapters 23 and 24.
Topic:: European Union, Rule of Law, and Oversight
Political Geography:: Europe and Serbia

23. Non-Consensual Intimate Image Distribution: The Legal Landscape in Kenya, Chile and South Africa

Author:: Michelle Bordachar, Nonhlanhla Chanza, Kailee Hilt, Carlos Lara, Emma Monteiro, and Grace Mutung'u
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI)
Abstract:: The non-consensual distribution of intimate images, colloquially referred to as “revenge pornography” or “image-based sexual abuse,” is an unforgiving reality that continues to plague the lives of many within the current digital landscape. It alludes to the non-consensual distribution of photos or videos depicting nudity, partial nudity or sexually explicit acts. This paper provides an overview of the state of the law, both existing and proposed, in three countries in the Global South — Kenya, Chile and South Africa — as it relates to the non-consensual distribution of intimate images. It was prepared under the overall coordination of CIGI’s Kailee Hilt and Emma Monteiro, who also wrote the introduction and conclusion. The three case studies were written by leading experts from Kenya, Chile and South Africa. The authors discuss current and proposed legislation in response to non-consensual intimate image distribution, while also sharing recommendations for further action to address this growing form of gender-based violence within the digital sphere. On June 24, 2021, CIGI held a panel discussion on this topic moderated by Ruhiya Seward, senior program officer at the International Development Research Centre. Grace Mutung’u, Michelle Bordachar and Nonhlanhla Chanza, experts who contributed the case studies in the paper, spoke about this issue as it pertains to Kenya, Chile and South Africa, respectively, and offered recommendations and road maps for further action within the existing landscape.
Topic:: Rule of Law, Sexual Violence, Judiciary, Digital Culture, and Digitization
Political Geography:: Kenya, Africa, South Africa, South America, and Chile

24. Paraguay's Compliance With The Inter-American Human Rights System

Author:: Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, Madeline Soiney, and Andrés Hernández
Publication Date:: 12-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Kellogg Institute for International Studies
Abstract:: Why do new democracies comply with international human rights obligations? We analyze Paraguay’s compliance with all reparation measures requested by the Inter-American Human Rights System over the past two decades. In contrast to most studies, which focus on reparation measures ordered by a single organ in the system, our study covers all orders resulting from friendly settlements, reports published by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and rulings by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. We provide a novel classification of human rights cases, and evaluate three competing explanations for compliance: legal factors, international pressures, and domestic political will. Our analysis of 1,426 reparation-years underscores the importance of changes in political will over time.
Topic:: Human Rights, Democracy, Rule of Law, and Institutions
Political Geography:: Latin America, Paraguay, and Global Focus

25. Gender-responsive Budgeting in Tanzania

Author:: Bertha O. Koda and Lilian V Mtasingwa
Publication Date:: 12-2021
Content Type:: Research Paper
Institution:: Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:: The Constitution and laws of the United Republic of Tanzania require the use of gender-responsive budgeting (GRB) to promote gender-balanced and integrated national economic plans. It is at the village level where community budget needs are identified, though women’s needs are often marginalized. Although women are best at articulating their needs, their voices are seldom raised owing to limited representation. Government budgets typically sideline the needs of small-scale female farmers for access to land, markets, credit, and extension services, especially compared with male farmers. Instead, budgets designed to address general farmers’ needs, such as markets and loans for inputs and storage for surplus harvests, are directed primarily to farmers who grow strategic crops, who are mainly men. Tanzania provides for a separate budget facility for women and youth, and although most interviewees from the grassroots and the government consider this as evidence of a gender budget, it reflects a limited knowledge of GRB. Some projects supported by nongovernmental organizations and civil society organizations reflect women’s and men’s diverse needs, a feature that government budgeting should emulate. Communities need to be empowered to challenge constraints to their participation in decision making on budgets related to their priority needs. Citizens must be involved in all phases of the budget process and cycle. Government officials and institutions must be provided with adequate GRB knowledge and skills so they can use available democratic systems and structures to empower communities to engage in GRB.
Topic:: Governance, Rule of Law, Diversity, and Gender
Political Geography:: Africa and Tanzania

26. War on Terrorism and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security

Author:: Huma Bilal, Azkaa Khan, and Mian Muhammad Azhar
Publication Date:: 07-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: South Asian Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: This article moves around the security of Pakistan and examined the incident of 9/11 and counter-terrorism strategies of civil-military during the war on terror. This study tells us that big attacks increase terrorism. After 9/11 some countries actively supported America in the war against terrorism and faced its negative consequences. Terrorism is a serious issue in the world. Many countries have taken serious actions against this evil. Pakistan faces many security challenges in the war against terrorism. This article is based on qualitative research techniques and secondary data. The massive lesson here is that the decision-making process should not be one-sided otherwise it leads to serious consequences. Pakistan experienced the worst issues in the portfolio of security. This requires a serious action plan on border security. Establish the writ of the state and secure the people from all internal and external threats. Resolve the conflicts between hostile factors peacefully without compromising on rule of law.
Topic:: Security, Terrorism, Taliban, Al Qaeda, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Pakistan and South Asia

27. Zuma Goes to Jail: Implications for Rule of Law, Democracy, and Governance in South Africa

Author:: Peter SAKWE MASUMBE
Publication Date:: 12-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: There is a great silver lining in the quest for popular confidence in applying the rule of law, democracy, and governance processes in Africa’s politico-economic and socio-cultural landscapes, despite several setbacks occurring in several African countries today. In South Africa, the Constitutional Court recently found former president Zuma guilty of contempt of court and landed him a 15-month prison sentence, which is irrefutably a historic judgment in the annals of African politics. This judgment is loaded with several lawful and legitimate inferences for the continent’s democracies, rules of law, governances, and leadership. But can this judgment deter other African political leaders and apparent heavyweights in the governing processes from impunity? No matter the answer to this question, this judgment serves to remind Africans that human development in terms of applying democratic principles in the continent is gaining ground through the judiciary. Therefore, the African Union, with its Malabo’s Protocol and its envisaged creation of an African Court of Justice, reminiscence of the International Court of Justice, should re-examine itself, especially in the Protocol’s clause, which provides immunity to serving or former heads of state. This historical judgment pronounced by Acting Chief Justice Sisi Khampepe, signifies, in his words, “…A mission to share knowledge, rules of governance and democracy, in a lofty and lonely work of the judiciary, as an independent arm of government, impervious to public commentaries, and political rhetoric, to uphold and apply the Constitution and the law, no matter whose guts it is.” Ostensibly, in Africa, hardly has a court lower or higher, passed a safeguarding sentence, still less on a former president – civilian or military; whose governance was serenely investigated and found wanting. Necessarily, this judgment is unique, which an African court had to make, as deterrence to other African leaders.
Topic:: Civil Society, Democracy, Rule of Law, and Illegal Behavior
Political Geography:: Africa and South Africa

28. History and identity should not blight the EU’s enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans

Author:: Erwan Fouéré
Publication Date:: 05-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:: The EU must reject any attempt to introduce notions of history and identity into its enlargement policy. Otherwise it risks trampling on its 70 years of experience in overcoming the legacy of the past and promoting a peace project based on reconciliation and the rule of law. Yet this is precisely what is happening with Bulgaria’s veto against the opening of EU accession negotiations with North Macedonia. In March of last year the European Council gave the green light for the opening of accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia. A date for the first intergovernmental conference to formally launch the negotiations with both countries remains – unfortunately, out of sight.
Topic:: History, European Union, Rule of Law, Regional Integration, Identity, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Europe, Bulgaria, Balkans, Albania, and North Macedonia

29. To Be Served and Protected: Israeli Arab Citizens and the Police

Author:: Guy Ben-Porat
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:: In January 2021, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu paid a visit to Umm al-Fahm, an Arab city in the north of Israel. The visit, officially celebrating the country’s millionth COVID-19 vaccine recipient, also had a political purpose: winning the forthcoming elections in March 2021. For the first time, Netanyahu and the Likud party hoped to gain support from Israel’s Arab citizens. Among Netanyahu’s promises of economic betterment was a commitment to fight ris- ing crime and violence in Arab cities. He pledged “a comprehensive plan” with the primary goal of constructing more police stations “because a dense network of police stations creates more security.” Going further, he added that he “also want[ed] more intelligence, more officers, and more means [of enforcement].” Netanyahu declared himself “first and foremost committed to the rule of law and safety for citizens.”1
Topic:: Human Rights, Inequality, Citizenship, Rule of Law, and Police
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

30. The Lie Detector and the Stories about It: Narrative of the Fight against Organised Crime in the Function of Capturing the State

Author:: Marija Pavlovic, Bojan Elek, and Milos Jovanovic
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:: How the narrative of the fight against organised crime is used to capture the state? Find out in the latest BCSP analysis. The objective of this report is to analyze the narrative of the fight against organised crime, i.e., the story the authorities are offering the public concerning this topic, for the purpose of establishing how it is used to capture the state. More precisely, the analysis attempts to explain how the polygraph was abused during the declared war on mafia to suspend judicial institutions, ‘cleanse’ some in the eyes of the public or criminalise others outside the statutory criminal procedure, and to identify the consequences of this approach to fighting organised crime. The so-called war on mafia officially began on 19 October 2020, when the President of Serbia used his Instagram profile to announce the final showdown between the state and organised crime. Set forth after a series of unsolved murders that had taken place on the streets of Serbian cities – characterised by experts mostly as mafia-style terminations – it initially looked like a marketing move that preceded the constitution of a new Government. Such understanding was supported by the fact that this was not the first time that government officials declared war on organised criminal groups. Former Minister of the Interior [MoI] declared a similar war almost four years earlier, under similar circumstances. One hero particularly stood out in this war. It was the lie detector, the omnipotent polygraph, used extensively in the previous months as the supreme arbiter of truth. Instead of lengthy court proceedings, complex investigations and obtaining evidence acceptable to the court, the polygraph was used by the highest state officials as a simple tool to directly prove to the citizens whether someone was telling the truth or lying, and to unmistakably determine guilt or innocence. Trials were replaced by media performances involving debates on who passed the lie detector test and who refused to take it, while politicians kept offering to be subjected to it or calling each other out for not doing the same thing, all in the name of the alleged fight against organised crime.
Topic:: Media, Rule of Law, Police, Judiciary, and Organized Crime
Political Geography:: Europe and Serbia

31. The Crime-Politics Nexus Entrapping The Balkans

Author:: Bojan Elek and Giorgio Fruscione
Publication Date:: 10-2021
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:: We are presenting you the Dossier on organized crime in the Balkans, produced in cooperation between the Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI) and Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. In some of the countries of the Western Balkans, criminal groups and political elites have grown increasingly interdependent. In particular, Serbia’s and Montenegro’s societies have suffered the most from these links. The two countries have long been considered frontrunners in the EU integration process, whose final completion, however, is difficult to foresee. Similarly, Albania’s EU negotiating process has also been delayed for years, in part because of the country’s role in global drug trafficking schemes. The crime-politics nexus is contributing to the erosion of the rule of law in several Balkan countries, where the risk – or reality – of state capture is increasingly worrisome. In light of recent events, Serbia appears to be the most concerning case as its authoritarian drift currently seems hard to reverse. Which consequences does the situation in Serbia have on other Balkan countries? What impact does state capture have on regional stability? And what is changing for the region’s integration prospects with the EU?
Topic:: Security, Crime, Rule of Law, Organized Crime, and State Capture
Political Geography:: Europe and Serbia

32. What Rule of Law for the European Union? – Tracing the Approaches of the EU Institutions

Author:: Justyna Maliszewska-Nienartowicz and Marcin Kleinowski
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: Although the rule of law is a normative notion, it requires a multidimensional approach. It speaks to important issues of law and politics, and its respect is essential for both legal and social security. It can be observed within the European Union (EU) where the issue of respect for the rule of law by its Member States has gained particular importance. The main goal of our study is to contribute to the academic discourse concerning the EU rule of law. The analysis particularly considers the approaches adopted by the EU institutions to the definition of this concept. Consequently, the first part of the article concentrates on difficulties in defining the rule of law. The second part presents the evolution of the Court of Justice approach toward this concept. The next part contains the analysis of the attitudes presented by other EU institutions in their documents. In the conclusions, it is underlined that although the approaches of the EU institutions towards the rule of have evolved, and they have tried to define it and indicate its main components, certain issues require clarification, e.g., the relations of the rule of law with other values.
Topic:: International Cooperation, European Union, Rule of Law, and Institutions
Political Geography:: Europe

33. State Capture in Mexico: A Theoretical and Historical Review

Author:: Gerardo Rodríguez Sánchez Lara
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on International Security Studies (RESI)
Institution:: International Security Studies Group (GESI) at the University of Granada
Abstract:: The purpose of this article is to review the works of several academics specialized in the matter of security, which the authors will use as an analytical setting and revision their outcomes to define and understand the concept of state capture. Once the concept of state capture is defined, then the case of Mexico will be analysed. This article intends to discuss several indicators regarding state capture such as the rule of law, how political violence has also influenced the issues of corruption, impunity, and mentions how money laundering prevention serves as a tool for tackling corruption. In order to grasp an understanding what state capture is, we must first develop conceptualizations of corruption, impunity and its classifications, the rule of law, and the state apparatus. This article intends to analyse the implications that all of the above might have with regards to a state captured democracy, from an academic approach.
Topic:: Rule of Law, Financial Crimes, Impunity, Organized Crime, and State Capture
Political Geography:: Mexico

34. Rule-Bending Debates in Recent Finnish EU Policy: Pacta Sunt Servanda?

Author:: Saila Heinikoski
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA)
Abstract:: The Finnish EU policy line has traditionally been adaptable and compromise-seeking, but recent examples related to the rule-bending of EU law reveal some new tendencies. Finland has stood out from the European mainstream in several cases that relate to the rule-bending of EU law in three different ways: rule-bending by others, collective rule-bending, and its own rule-bending. First, intervening in rule-bending by others has found support in Finnish EU policy. Finland prioritized the rule of law in its 2019 Council presidency, as well as in the Government Report on EU policy published on 28 January 2021. Second, alleged collective rule-bending seems to be linked to the threat of federalism. In negotiations on the recovery and resilience facility in 2020, there was a wide domestic debate on whether the result was consistent with the traditional interpretation of EU treaties. Third, Finland’s own rule-bending of the Schengen Border Code’s six-month limit for internal border controls during the Covid-19 crisis seems to have been quietly accepted, with the Interior Minister acknowledging the existence of an “illegal state of affairs”.
Topic:: Regional Cooperation, Treaties and Agreements, European Union, Rule of Law, Regionalism, and Federalism
Political Geography:: Europe and Finland

35. The EU-Turkey Visa Liberalization Saga: Lessons from the European Neighborhood

Author:: Ioannis N. Grigoriadis and Ayşe Tuba Uslu
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)
Abstract:: This policy paper co-authored by Ioannis Grigoriadis, Senior Research Fellow of ELIAMEP and Head of its Turkey Programme, and Ayşe Tuba Uslu, Senior at the Department of International Relations of Bilkent University, lays out the main challenges for the successful conclusion of the Visa Liberalization Dialogue (VLD) between the European Union and Turkey. It examines the impact of democratic backsliding, the decline of the rule of law, fundamental rights and divergence in the legal framework regarding organized crime and anti-terrorism on the VLD and highlights the mistrust that has developed between the parties. Through a comparison between Ukrainian, Georgian, Moldovan and Turkish VLDs, it aims to highlight how the VLD could come to a successful conclusion.
Topic:: Human Rights, Migration, Rule of Law, Visa, and Liberalization
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, Ukraine, Moldova, Middle East, Georgia, and Mediterranean

36. Public Administration in the era of Covid-19: Policy Responses and Reforms underway

Author:: Manto Lampropoulou
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)
Abstract:: Covid-19 has caused an unprecedented shock to the state apparatus and has triggered major reforms in the administrative system of Greece. Policy responses to the pandemic have brought about several positive changes towards the modernization and de-bureaucratization of public administration. However, the pace and scale of change vary significantly. The pandemic has acted as a strong driver for the digital transformation of the public sector and the strengthening of e-government policies. Numerous administrative procedures were streamlined, digitalized and simplified, working conditions have become more flexible and several improvements have taken place in service delivery and state-citizen relations. The observed centralisation of decision-making and the often use of fast-track procedures have raised questions of democratic control, transparency and the rule of law, while the emergency measureshave been criticized for the threats they pose for the protection of citizens’ rights, individual liberties and personal data. A key challenge remains the integration the emergency measures of the covid-19 policy agenda into a longer-term programme of administrative reform in the post-covid era.
Topic:: Reform, Democracy, Rule of Law, Public Policy, Transparency, COVID-19, and Digital Policy
Political Geography:: Europe and Greece

37. Protecting checks and balances to save the Rule of Law

Author:: Eric Maurice
Publication Date:: 04-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:: For half a decade, the Polish government has been reshaping the country's judicial system in a process described by the European Union as a "threat to the rule of law". Despite numerous Council of Europe reports and resolutions, several infringement proceedings and decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ), and the unprecedented activation of the so-called Article 7 procedure of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), the transformation of the judiciary into relays of political power has continued and accelerated since the Law and Justice Party (PiS) won a new term in 2019 and the reelection of President Andrzej Duda in 2020, pushing Poland to the limits of the European legal order.
Topic:: Government, European Union, Courts, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Europe and Poland

38. “No Going Backward”: Afghanistan’s Post–Peace Accord Security Sector

Author:: Annie Pforzheimer, Andrew Hyde, and Jason Criss Howk
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Failure to plan realistically for needed changes in Afghanistan’s security sector following a peace settlement—and failure to start phasing in changes now—will lead to post-settlement instability. This report examines the particular challenges Afghanistan will face, with examples from the climate following peace settlements in other parts of the world offering insight into what may occur and possibilities for response. An Afghan-owned and Afghan-led strategy that incorporates some of this report’s recommendations can help create a lasting foundation for Afghan and regional stability.
Topic:: Security, Political stability, Rule of Law, Peace, and Justice
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and South Asia

39. Extending Constitutional Rights to Pakistan’s Tribal Areas

Author:: Umar Mahmood Khan, Rana Hamza Ijaz, and Sevim Saadat
Publication Date:: 04-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: When Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas were officially merged into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province in May 2018, the five million residents of the former tribal areas acquired the same constitutional rights and protections—including access to a formal judicial system—as Pakistan’s other citizens. This report, based on field research carried out by the authors, explores the status of the formal justice system’s expansion, finding both positive trends and severe administrative and capacity challenges, and offers recommendations to address these issues.
Topic:: Security, Rule of Law, Justice, and Tribes
Political Geography:: Pakistan and South Asia

40. The Rollback of Human Rights and the Rule of Law in Hong Kong

Author:: Michael C. Davis
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:: After the Hong Kong protest movement exploded in 2019, the world looked on with both hope and trepidation. Protestors made five demands: that a proposed extradition law be withdrawn; that there be an independent investigation of police behavior; that the protests stop being characterized as riots; that any charges against arrested protesters be dropped and that promised universal suffrage be implemented (HKPF, December 25, 2019). After months of protest, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam publicly withdrew the extradition bill, fulfilling the first of the protestors’ demands (SCMP, September 4, 2019). But this temporary victory was too little too late and overshadowed by the ongoing and often violent crackdown on the protesters, and then in 2020, with Beijing’s imposition of the new National Security Law (NSL) (China Brief, July 29, 2020).
Topic:: Human Rights, Law, Rule of Law, Protests, and Repression
Political Geography:: China, Asia, and Hong Kong

41. Judicial Independence in Afghanistan: Legal Framework and Practical Challenges

Author:: Shoaib Timory
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
Abstract:: In a government with a separation of powers, independence is an indispensable feature of the judiciary. An independent judiciary gives credibility to political systems and is also the force behind reinforcing democracy and the rule of law. This watching brief briefly maps out the existing legal framework that ensures the independence of the judicial branch in Afghanistan and the reasons for the weak utilis ation of this feature which puts the judiciary in an uneven position compared to the other two branches of government. Moreover, the watching brief presents a set of recommendations for the enhancement of judicial independence in the country.
Topic:: Democracy, Rule of Law, Judiciary, and Independence
Political Geography:: Afghanistan and Middle East

42. Exploring avenues in the EU’s rule of law crisis: What role for the Netherlands?

Author:: Luuk Molthof, Nienke van Heukelingen, and Giulia Cretti
Publication Date:: 08-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:: Despite the existence of an extensive ‘rule of law toolbox’, the EU has found it difficult to deal with rule of law issues. Many experts attribute the EU’s failure to act to a lack of political will and determination on the part of EU institutions and member states. However, not all actors are lacking in political will (equally). The Netherlands, for instance, has been very concerned about the erosion of the rule of law inside the EU and has been one of the more active member states – along with, for instance, Belgium, Finland, Sweden and Denmark – in trying to address the EU’s rule of law crisis. In this policy brief, we examine three possible avenues available to the Netherlands to strengthen the political will of EU institutions and (like-minded) peers to assertively address this crisis and to increase pressure on backsliding member states to safeguard the rule of law.
Topic:: European Union, Democracy, Rule of Law, and Institutions
Political Geography:: Europe, Finland, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and Netherlands

43. Rule of Law Diplomacy: Why the EU Needs to Become More Vocal in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine

Author:: Laura Gelhaus, Pavel Havlíček, and Stefan Meister
Publication Date:: 07-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
Abstract:: Supporting the rule of law has been central to the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) policy since 2009. There has been very limited success in this, however. The EU’s core problem is what is usually its strength: addressing a highly politicized area through a technical approach. EU policymakers need to acknowledge that their political silence is permitting ruling elites in EaP countries to block progress in the rule of law and that the EU is failing to call out pervasive systems of informality there.
Topic:: Diplomacy, European Union, Partnerships, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Europe, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, and United States of America

44. Legal Positivism: AN Obstacle in the Process of Strengthening the Rule of Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Benjamin Nurkic
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: So far, a legal positivism issue in the process of strengthening the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina was not recognized by the wider academic community. The expert report on rule of law issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina addresses, for the first time, legal positivism as a part of the process of strengthening the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is an attempt to gather, and in one place present all the advantages offered by the constitutional system of Bosnia and Herzegovina that were not used by its institutions due to the application and implementation of legal positivism. This paper demonstrates misguided reform policies whose sole purpose was the strengthening of the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina but turned to be just superficial adjustments that were unsuccessful. The paper argues the necessity of legal education reform as the key element in the process of strengthening the rule of law. Legal education reform is possible through the reduction of legal positivism impact on future lawyers, and this will be accomplished by the change in the paradigm of legal understanding among future lawyers who will make important decisions on the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Two strategic objectives must be met in terms of legal education reform for the strengthening of the rule of law: the development of a critical stance towards legal provisions in force and training in the use of international instruments during the decision-making process.
Topic:: Law, Reform, Constitution, Rule of Law, and Legal Aid
Political Geography:: Europe and Bosnia and Herzegovina

45. Lgitimisation of Autocracy in Turkey and Russia through the Review of the Constitution

Author:: Etleva Paplekaj
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: The review of the constitution emanates from the constitution, from the institute of constitutional review of which the latter is closely related to the dynamic processes in society as well as with the demand for sustainable stability, stability which very well it may be economic, political or social, national or international, the stability that affects even the constitutional order itself in a state. In this article, we will address the constitutional changes, the amendments over the years In Turkey and Russia which are 'proof' of the violation of the constitutional order, 'proof' of the impinging of democracy and stability in the country. Through this article, we will see that the constitutional system, rule of law, democracy or its consolidation, the stability in the country to a large extent are influenced by the way it is conducted the constitutional review process. The application or non-application of this instrument has multi-dimensional effects, negative, destabilizing ones.
Topic:: Reform, Democracy, Constitution, Political stability, Rule of Law, and Institutionalism
Political Geography:: Europe and Turkey

46. The Role of the Judiciary in Recognizing and Implementing International Law: A Comparative Analysis with Special Reference to Sri Lanka

Author:: K.A.A.N. Thilakarathna
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: International law had had a profound impact and influence on the domestic legal system in the contemporary world. However, the status of international law within the domestic legal system is not properly defined in many of the jurisdictions including Sri Lanka. In the absence of such a constitutional provision, the judiciary as the last bastion of hope has a responsibility of interpreting domestic law in light of the international standards that have been agreed upon by the country through ratification of international treaties and those principles of customary international law that has become binding on the country. However, too much judicial activism could jeopardize the constitutional fundamentals of separation of powers and the rule of law. Therefore, this study argues that the best way to resolve this issue is by providing a constitutional provision for the role of the judiciary in the recognition and implementation of international law in a domestic context. Using a qualitative methodology with a comparative analysis of the constitutional provisions of the selected jurisdictions of India and South Africa a proposal is made for a constitutional provision for the judicial role in the recognition and implementation of international law in Sri Lanka. The results have revealed that a constitutional provision would help to advance the separation of powers and the rule of law and to well define the role of the judiciary in absorbing international treaty law to the domestic sphere, making the law more certain and predictable and upholding the rights and duties of individuals in a domestic context while fulfilling international obligations of a country under the domestic legal system.
Topic:: International Law, Rule of Law, Judiciary, and Jurisdiction
Political Geography:: Asia and Sri Lanka

47. 2023: Turning Moment for European Energy Policy toward Balkans and the European Promotion of the Rule of Law

Author:: Aleksandar Kovacevic
Publication Date:: 09-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for Development and International Relations (IRMO)
Abstract:: The year 2023 is likely to bring congruence of events that may cause a “perfect storm” of breaking down security of energy supply, fragile political stability in the Balkans and its unsustainable social contract. As the region grows fragmented from mid-1960’s till nowadays, very few economic forces remain the EU than among themselves. The terms of trade favor imports against exports. After 20 years of infrastructure development and integration efforts, with support of donors and creditors, despite small improvements; Logistic Performance Index (LPI) for the Balkan countries remains slightly over half of best performers such as Germany. Port resources in place that may cause such impact to entire region in the given moment of time. Cross border trade in goods and services is negligibly small. Countries trade more with the rest of are not allocated in line with the commercial practice. That is not good enough for the region that links Mediterranean with the landlocked Danube area. Travel time along major railway routes (Zagreb – Belgrade or Belgrade -Bar) are twice longer than during 1980’s. Belgrade Port, that is the key destination for transport with all sea ports in the region is constrained by the city planning and kept below minimum throughput to be reported in European inland port statistics. Croatia, Montenegro or Albania, are hardly in position to engage into trade as their ports operate far below competitive thresholds. The transactions are prohibitively expensive.
Topic:: Energy Policy, International Cooperation, Infrastructure, European Union, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Europe and Balkans

48. Rebuilding Constitutionalism and Rule of Law in Zimbabwe

Author:: Stephen Buchanan-Clarke and Sikhululekile Mashingaidze
Publication Date:: 08-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Good Governance Africa (GGA)
Abstract:: Recommendations to the Zimbabwean government Commit to a new, inclusive pathway for a mediated, citizen-centred national dialogue to align with and enact the principles set out in the Zimbabwe Constitution of 2013, to resolve the current constitutional crisis and legitimacy question. Comprehensive legal, political, and economic reform is critical. Commit to the drafting and passing of a comprehensive electoral law consistent with the 2013 Constitution that guarantees the independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), allows for the appointment of an independent ZEC chair from outside of Zimbabwe, and prevents government from interfering with the work of the commission. Ensure a comprehensive delimitation exercise, extend the voter registration process, and ensure there is a transparent and comprehensive verification process to develop a credible voters’ roll. This would include allowing independent interested stakeholders from civil society, the media, and opposition parties access to inspect the voters’ roll prior to elections. Promote a free and fair election campaign environment for all players, and actively guard against voter intimidation by establishing a special body to investigate complaints of political violence and allow external independent observers early access to all voting stations prior to election day. Restore independence and citizen trust in the county’s public institutions through, for example, the institution of an independent and impartial judicial committee tasked with restoring judicial independence and making recommendations for complete judicial reform, to eradicate judicial corruption, ensure the independence of judges and improve the functioning of the courts. End partisanship in the police force, starting with undertaking investigations into allegations of human rights violations against the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and other security sector agencies, and ensuring those responsible for such abuses are held accountable under the law.
Topic:: Government, Human Rights, Reform, Elections, Constitution, Rule of Law, Police, and Inclusion
Political Geography:: Africa and Zimbabwe

49. Kosovo Security Barometer Special Edition on Corruption, Rule of Law and Police integrity in Kosovo

Author:: Shpat Balaj
Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:: The first section introduces the level of trust expressed by respondents on the relevant institutions (justice, security and municipal institutions), as well as the direct contact of the surveyed respondents with these institutions during 2018. Similar to previous years, security institutions are leading when it comes to public trust when compared to other institutions analysed in this special edition. The second section of the report interprets key security threats and risks in Kosovo. Given that corruption has been ranked as the highest problem to Kosovo’s national security, this section is focused on views of respondents towards corruption in the relevant institutions. Apart from general interpretation of data on corruption in Courts, Prosecution, Kosovo Police and Municipalities, the report offers cross-tabulated data analysis based on regions, rural/urban areas, gender balance, and ethnic composition of respondents for all targeted institutions. While, the third or final section of the report provides a detailed interpretation of open-ended and closed-ended questions of the 2018 survey of Kosovo Security Barometer on main issues harming police integrity in Kosovo. Accordingly, results presenting opinions of respondents on corruption within sectors of the Kosovo Police mirror a better understanding on what are the most and the least corrupted police sectors in Kosovo. Furthermore, data analysis through cross-tabulated results (based on regions, areas, gender balance, and ethnic background) provides an exhaustive elaboration of respondents’ attitudes towards police corruption in Kosovo. Given that the Kosovo Security Barometer’s survey was conducted in the second half of 2018 (September-October 2018), thus it does not reflect some of the developments that have occurred from November 2018 to March 2019.
Topic:: Security, Corruption, Rule of Law, and Police
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

50. The rule of law in Poland or the false argument about the primacy of European law

Author:: Eric Maurice, Emilie Malivert, and Ana Pasturel
Publication Date:: 11-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:: On 24 November, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal ruled that the European Convention on Human Rights was partially incompatible with the country's constitution. In July and October, it had issued similar rulings on the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This double decision comes as the European Commission suspended the approval of Poland's €36 billion recovery plan, including €23.9 billion in EU grants, due to concerns about the rule of law. On 19 November, the Commission also sent a letter to the Polish government as a prelude to the launch of a procedure that could lead to the suspension of EU funds under the budgetary conditionality regulation. The confrontation between the Polish government and the European institutions, primarily the Commission and the European Court of Justice, has been presented by the Polish government as a struggle of principle between the primacy of European law, which was allegedly being imposed excessively on Member States, with "the national legal order and the supreme force of the Constitution” being under threat. The Polish Prime Minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, explained that the implementation of EU law, as requested by the CJEU, would lead to "a fundamental lowering of the constitutional standards of judicial protection of Polish citizens, and unimaginable legal chaos". Beyond the grandstanding and responses in support of an effort to defend the sovereignty of peoples, it appears that the weakening of these constitutional norms in recent years in Poland is precisely what has led the Constitutional Tribunal to partly denounce the TEU (European Union) and the European Convention on Human Rights (Council of Europe), and that the quarrel over the primacy of European law is essentially a smokescreen to hide this situation.
Topic:: Human Rights, Sovereignty, Constitution, Rule of Law, Institutions, and Norms
Political Geography:: Europe and Poland

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS