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31. Navigating Indo-Pacific Waters: Maritime Governance and Why Australia and Japan Must Lead in Capacity Building in Southeast Asia

Author:
Aaron Magunna
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East-West Center
Abstract:
Southeast Asian countries continue to face various maritime policy challenges. Beijing’s aggressive conduct toward other littoral states in the South China Sea and increased China-US tensions have highlighted the pervasiveness of traditional security threats while prospects for a more stable maritime order are undermined by the stalled negotiations between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) over a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. Regional countries are also concerned about issues such as piracy and armed robbery at sea, the effects of the climate crisis, and illegal, unreported, and undocumented (IUU) fishing, which is estimated to cost ASEAN members up to $6 billion annually. Notably, these challenges are not solely linked to narrow maritime security issues but broader maritime governance capabilities, meaning the “capacity to enforce the framework of laws, regulations, policies, and institutions generated both within the legal jurisdictions of states and the international community.” As the new Trump administration has shifted US policy on aid, countries like Australia and Japan will have to increasingly step up in the delivery of maritime capacity-building programs in Southeast Asia.
Topic:
Crime, Environment, Governance, Maritime, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
Japan, Australia, Southeast Asia, and Indo-Pacific

32. Beyond Scarcity: Social Inequality and the Politics of Water in Morocco

Author:
Zakaria Ibrahimi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Water in Morocco is a political issue, as it is in most human societies, but it also presents itself primarily as a cultural and social one.1 The history of Moroccan society and the structure of its social and cultural institutions can be unreservedly characterized as shaped by water. This is due to facts confirmed by historical texts on Morocco, which document, for example, conflicts between Moroccan tribes over water, pastures, and all water-related resources.2 Others reveal the position of water in the policies of the Moroccan state throughout its history. Writings on the history of famines and epidemics also showed the role that water played in the demographic, social, cultural, and political changes that the country experienced throughout its history after each drought year.3 Perhaps this is what prompted General Lyautey, one of the founders of the French Protectorate, to say, "To rule in Morocco is to rain." Researchers on Morocco's political affairs, including Rémy Leveau, draw attention to the role that water played in establishing and legitimizing governance in Morocco.4 Equally, historian Abdallah Laroui revealed the succession of political unrest in Morocco after each drought year.5 The issue of water in Morocco is not and has never been a natural one. Rather, it has always been a public and collective issue, one that has shaped and organized most Moroccan institutions and through which social inequalities have emerged. This is why many Moroccan researchers did not find it awkward to distinguish between state water and community water, between sacred water and ordinary water, between water of God and water of the state, etc. These binaries emerged historically through the water policies adopted by Morocco from at least 1914 until today following the introduction of the first law under the French Protectorate, which refers to state ownership of water and natural resources and prohibits all forms of collective ownership by tribes, groups, and individuals who historically considered water to be the property of the group and an integral part of its identity and social organization, and have collectively built systems, sites, and authorities to regulate water and its distribution and to settle conflicts over it. Water has been used in the contemporary Moroccan state as a direct source for building the legitimacy of the political system, legitimizing some of the economic and political choices on which the post-independence state was built, penetrating political elites, and excluding others from any political ambitions.6 Therefore, the political economy on which the post-independence state was built, which favored agriculture and ensuring food security in a society living under an accelerated demographic transition, put in one way or another water and water-related policies in a central position. This paper seeks to uncover the political character of water in Morocco, and how discourses on water have evolved in recent decades, moving from a discourse of abundance to one of scarcity, from the water of God to the water of the state, of the community, and of the engineer, as well as the transformation of water within the current public space into a resource for struggle, protest discourses, temporary waves of discontent, and one of the key elements of contestation in various Moroccan spheres.
Topic:
Environment, Water, Inequality, and Scarcity
Political Geography:
North Africa and Morocco

33. Tunisia’s Climate Justice Movement

Author:
Mariem Madhi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
As a hotspot for climate change risks, Tunisia faces pressing challenges. One of the most water-scarce countries in the world, Tunisia ranks 20th globally in water stress.1 In 2023, the country's per capita water availability was just 400 cubic meters annually, well below the 1000 cubic meters threshold for water poverty set by the UN. Climate change is projected to decrease rainfall by up to 30% by 2050,2 impacting agriculture, which contributes 9% to the country's GDP and employs 16% of the workforce.3 Coastal zones will likely experience rising sea levels, increased temperature, salinity, and acidity, causing significant impacts, including loss of urban areas, infrastructure, and ecosystem degradation. Over 3100 hectares of urban land are at risk of submersion, and 44% of the coastline is highly vulnerable to these effects. The tourism sector faces significant threats from coastal erosion and sea-level rise, with an estimated loss of 1000 jobs per year by 2030.4 Climate change will increase vector-borne, water-borne, and food-borne diseases, exacerbate air pollution-related health issues, and raise the risk of floods damaging infrastructure. These effects are already being felt. In the Kerkennah Islands off the east coast of the mainland, for example, local fishermen are facing declining fish stocks and increasing water salinity due to climate change, jeopardizing their livelihoods – a case that shows how climate change disproportionately impacts marginalized groups and underscores the urgent need for policies that address both ecological challenges and social inequities (Hafsi and Azouni, 2024).5 Most research to date on Tunisia’s climate politics has focused on governmental policies to address climate challenges. This study turns instead to the role of grassroots activism, particularly youth movements and civil society organizations (CSOs), in shaping Tunisia’s post-revolution climate actions. Through the lens of social movement theory, we investigate two central questions: How have grassroots movements shaped environmental governance in Tunisia following the revolution? How does Tunisian civil society engage international climate frameworks to influence local climate actions in Tunisia?
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Activism, and Climate Justice
Political Geography:
North Africa and Tunisia

34. Lebanon’s Climate Actors

Author:
Karen-Jo Mourad Karam and Mariem Madhi
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Due to its geographic location and socio-political landscape, Lebanon is particularly vulnerable to climate change and is already experiencing its impact. Increasing temperatures, declining rainfall, and prolonged droughts and heatwaves are degrading the country’s natural resources and people’s health and livelihood. Further exacerbating the country’s vulnerability to climate change are rapid urbanization, political instability, fragmented governance, war, and ongoing economic and financial crisis – all of which hinder effective adaptation and mitigation strategies. To confront these challenges, and in an attempt to fill the gaps left by governmental inaction, Lebanese civil society organizations (CSOs) and activists are increasingly engaging with climate governance. Based on interviews with 16 of the main CSO actors involved in climate activism and advocacy in Lebanon, this brief delineates the landscape of climate activism identifying the actors involved, their demands, the challenges they face, their policy impact to date, and opportunities for progress.
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Civil Society Organizations, and Activism
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

35. Toward Inclusive Climate Action in Jordan

Author:
Hussam Hussein
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Jordan’s vulnerability to climate change and its reliance on external resources make it a key case study for understanding how inclusive approaches can drive meaningful climate action. This report explores Jordan’s evolving climate action landscape, focusing on grassroots mobilization and institutional engagement. It takes an inclusive approach and is rooted in research-based evidence that a participatory, rights-based approach can produce more effective, accountable, and legitimate outcomes. The insights derived from this report provide diverse recommendations for responding to barriers and opportunities for inclusive climate action.
Topic:
Civil Society, Environment, Water, Activism, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Middle East and Jordan

36. Energy Transition Challenges in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region

Author:
Diana Kaissy
Publication Date:
11-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Iraq faces formidable obstacles in shifting to a cleaner and more equitable energy system. In 2023, Iraq ranked third globally in gas flaring – behind Russia (~59 billion m³) and Iran (20.4 billion m³) – burning roughly 17 billion cubic meters of associated gas, according to the World Bank’s Global Gas Flaring Tracker.1 This flaring not only wastes potential fuel and revenue but also pollutes the air and exacerbates climate change. Most of this flaring involves associated gas produced alongside oil, which could be captured and utilized. Non‑associated flaring is comparatively minor and usually linked to operational upsets, so Iraq’s pervasive flaring is largely avoidable if policy and infrastructure gaps are addressed. A significant portion – around 20% of Iraq’s flared gas – comes from the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region (KRG) in the north.2 Unlike in remote deserts, many KRG oil fields are near towns and villages, meaning local populations are heavily exposed. An estimated 1.19 million Iraqis (mostly in the north) live within 1 km of multiple flare sites, suffering elevated health risks​.3 These conditions underscore the environmental justice issues at stake: rural and minority communities near oil sites bear the brunt of pollution and health impacts​. In fact, Iraq flares more gas than it imports from Iran to power its electricity grid, underscoring an energy‑security paradox: the country wastes domestic gas while relying on costly imports. Beyond flaring, Iraq’s broader energy transition challenge stems from heavy dependence on oil for revenues and power generation, weak infrastructure for gas capture, and decades of conflict and underinvestment. Iraq’s national grid is underpowered and often supplemented by diesel generators, while renewable energy is only beginning to be introduced. Crucially, political fragmentation between Baghdad’s federal government and the KRG has led to disjointed energy policies. However, deeper than this territorial divide is the closed nature of Iraq’s energy policymaking. Decisions about oil and gas are dominated by a narrow set of actors with minimal parliamentary oversight and no comprehensive legal framework, creating a “limited access order” that hampers investment, transparency and regulatory enforcement across both federal Iraq and the KRG. This briefing focuses on Iraq’s main energy transition challenges and the power dynamics impeding progress, with a special lens on the KRG. It also examines implications for gas flaring policy and offers recommendations – including engaging regional coalitions – to advance a just energy transition, one that is fair, inclusive, and transparent.
Topic:
Environment, Politics, Energy, and Energy Transition
Political Geography:
Iraq, Middle East, and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)

37. Regulating a Pluralistic and Decarbonized Electricity Supply through Public Service Principles of Equity and Solidarity

Author:
Alix Chaplain and Éric Verdeil
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
“Chaos”, “individualism”, “waste of resources”: while some experts see the boom in Lebanon’s solar market — now exceeding 1.3 GW of installed capacity — as an opportunity for “energy transition”, others denounce the unequal, uncontrollable, and erratic nature of this phenomenon.1 Promoted by public authorities until 2020, then driven by the collapse of Électricité du Liban’s (EDL) production and the rising cost of diesel for generators, decentralized photovoltaic (PV) systems are accessible in Lebanon only to a privileged minority of the population. The public authorities currently insufficiently regulate this electricity service commodification. Indeed, the Decentralized Renewable Energy (DRE) Law 318/2023 provides electricity exchange mechanisms in a horizontal market and facilitates the development of renewable energies by encouraging private actor investment.2 The reform is based on the assumption that lower costs will ultimately automatically benefit all households. However, this seems unrealistic, leaving social justice out of reach in the current state of affairs. This policy brief aims to reflect on the development of a structurally pluralistic and decarbonized electricity supply, where public infrastructure is the main tool for mutualization and equity. To be effective, it requires the definition and implementation of public service principles. The great heterogeneity in electricity supply — combining the grid, generators, and renewable energies — requires a rethink in public service. It can no longer be based on the principles of a uniform service and equal user treatment that characterize conventional grid-based services. 3 Instead, it should be based on universal and equitable access to a diversified and increasingly decarbonized service. In supplying a public service, solidarity between users is key. Solidarity is socio-technical, involving pooling, sharing, and regulating between a wide range of systems that optimize national supply from an economic, technical, and environmental perspective. But solidarity above all is socio-political, with public services theoretically embodying equity and socio-spatial integration among citizen-users, thereby giving substance to fundamental rights inherent to national solidarity and citizenship in Lebanon. Our proposal is therefore to rethink these principles of public service, considering the electrical transformations currently underway in Lebanon. This work is based on the doctoral thesis defended by Alix Chaplain in 2023 and comparative research carried out as part of the Hybridelec project coordinated by Eric Verdeil and Sylvy Jaglin, updated with recent data.4
Topic:
Environment, Electricity, Public Service, Decarbonization, Equity, and Power Sector
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

38. Unlocking Solar Energy Access in Lebanon through Innovative Finance and Blended Models

Author:
Nicolas Farhat
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Lebanon’s chronic electricity crisis has left citizens and businesses with only a few hours of daily power, forcing a reliance on costly private diesel generators. In the absence of public alternatives, solar adoption has grown rapidly since 2020. The rollout, however, has been fragmented and largely self-financed,1 leaving low-income households, Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), and municipalities excluded from access. While solar offers a clean and viable alternative, the lack of enabling policies, regulations, and finance has meant that benefits remain concentrated among wealthier groups, undermining national recovery and energy justice. To address these gaps, Lebanon should adopt targeted financing solutions that make solar accessible to all segments of society. Priority actions include supporting microfinance institutions (MFIs) that extend small-scale loans for households, expanding blended finance vehicles such as SoLR& that can provide lease-to-own and rental packages for MSMEs, and developing risk-mitigated Public Private Partnership (PPP) frameworks that enable municipalities to host solar farms. In parallel, the government must reinstate tax and customs exemptions on solar equipment, issue the implementing decrees of the Distributed Renewable Energy Law, and operationalize credit- and risk-mitigation tools.
Topic:
Environment, Finance, Innovation, Solar Power, and Power Sector
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

39. Thirst for Water Justice in Tunisia

Author:
Yasser Souilmi
Publication Date:
11-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
This research explores the multifaceted landscape of water justice in Tunisia, a country experiencing chronic water scarcity, institutional fragmentation, and growing socio-political tensions over resource distribution. Through a justice-centered framework that includes distributive, procedural, recognition, and capabilities dimensions, the study examines how inequalities in water access and governance disproportionately affect rural populations, small farmers, and marginalized groups. By combining a desk review of legal, institutional, and policy studies, with empirical methods, this report uncovers the systemic power imbalances and political choices that shape Tunisia’s water priorities. It also highlights the limited influence of civil society organizations (CSOs) in formal policy making, despite critical advocacy efforts. Ultimately, this research argues that achieving water justice in Tunisia requires a shift away from technocratic and donor-driven solutions toward inclusive, context-sensitive governance that puts at its center equity, public participation, and community needs.
Topic:
Civil Society, Environment, Water, Inequality, and Transitional Justice
Political Geography:
North Africa and Tunisia

40. Bridging the Energy Gap in Lebanon: Natural Gas, Renewables, and Regional Connectivity

Author:
Laury Haytayan
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Lebanon is still waiting for its own natural gas. Since the ratification of the offshore petroleum law in 2010,1 the country has been struggling to find gas. Political deadlocks led to institutional instability, a collapse in the financial and banking systems in the country, and international companies’ interests in bidding for exploration and production contracts. In this policy brief, I argue Lebanon can still pursue its strategy to attract international oil companies to invest in its offshore oil and gas sector under certain conditions; in addition, it should focus more on enabling the private sector to invest in renewable energies; and it should connect the country to major regional economic and energy projects to prevent it from economic isolation and being excluded from energy connectivity projects.
Topic:
Environment, Renewable Energy, Energy, Natural Gas, and Power Sector
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon