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2101. Revisiting GTCC and GTCC-Like Nuclear Waste Disposal in the United States

Author:
Matt Bowen, Maya Lameche, and Marine Gapihan
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
While the United States (US) has facilities that can and do dispose of most low-level nuclear waste (LLW), it does not yet have a viable disposal pathway for two categories of waste: so-called greater-than-class-c (GTCC) nuclear waste, and nuclear waste with characteristics similar to it, or “GTCC-like.” These two categories essentially straddle the United States’ LLW inventory, for which disposal facilities are in operation, and high-level nuclear waste (HLW) inventory, for which no disposal capability exists. GTCC nuclear waste is produced by multiple sources: commercial nuclear power plants, medical procedures, industrial and research activities, and Department of Energy (DOE) missions, including those related to national security and the cleanup of legacy facilities. These activities carry with them an ethical responsibility to dispose of the nuclear waste they generate rather than pass it on to the next generation. Security task forces have also identified the lack of a disposal pathway for sealed sources of GTCC nuclear waste as a concern, given the potential for its theft and use in a dispersal device. This report, part of a series of publications on nuclear waste policy at the Center on Global Energy Policy, Columbia University SIPA, explores the history of DOE, Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), and state efforts to develop disposal capabilities for GTCC and GTCC-like inventories. It explains why this gap merits greater attention from policymakers now and identifies measures Congress, the DOE, and the NRC could take, should they decide to address it. US government efforts to develop disposal capabilities for GTCC waste date back to 1985 when Congress made it a federal responsibility. For a time, disposal in the planned repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada, was contemplated. But in the absence of appropriations to move that project forward since 2010, the federal government recently issued planning documents that identify generic commercial LLW disposal facilities and the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) deep geologic repository in New Mexico as preferred alternatives. Of the commercial LLW disposal facilities in operation, only the WCS facility in Texas has expressed interest in the GTCC disposal mission. The political climate for GTCC disposal in both New Mexico and Texas has darkened in recent years, though, casting doubt on the federal government’s plans. If the US government decides to prioritize the goal of establishing disposal capability for GTCC and GTCC-like nuclear waste, Congress, the DOE, and the NRC could take the following steps to help realize it in the near term.
Topic:
Regulation, Nuclear Waste, Nuclear Energy, and Energy
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

2102. Using New Marginal Emissions Data to Improve State Renewable Portfolio Standards

Author:
Devan Samant, Abraham Silverman, and Zachary A. Wendling
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The majority of US states use a renewable portfolio standard (RPS) to achieve clean energy targets. RPS programs typically set annual clean energy production levels, but they ignore the significant variations in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions intensity of the grid at different times of the day and at different locations. Newly available locational marginal emissions (LME) data, which are collected at thousands of physical locations and updated every five minutes, provide insights into where and when the electricity sector produces the most and least GHG emissions. Incorporating LMEs into RPSs would allow states to identify and reward “high impact” clean energy production: that which replaces the dirtiest generation. This report examines the impact that incentivizing clean energy production at high LME times and locations could have on reducing emissions in RPS programs. In five scenarios based on data from four states in the PJM grid (Illinois, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia), the authors examine hypothetical shifts in energy production from times and geographic areas with differing clean or dirty generation mixes. The proof-of-concept exercises the authors ran found that shifting clean energy production into the three dirtiest hours of the day resulted in approximately 10% less emissions than the baseline case. Geographically shifting production to displace energy at a dirtier locale resulted in 9%–20% less emissions, depending on the LME makeup at the given location versus the baseline.
Topic:
Regulation, Electricity, Carbon Emissions, and Energy
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2103. Outlook for Pending Generation in the PJM Interconnection Queue

Author:
Abraham Silverman, Zachary A. Wendling, and Kavyaa Rizal
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The United States is witnessing rapidly growing interest in clean electricity generation, driven by soaring consumer demand for clean energy and the country’s goal to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In parallel, the time it takes for new, clean generation projects to move from design to execution in the US has lengthened, meaning that the rising interest has not been matched by supply. The country’s largest grid operator, PJM Interconnection (PJM), has experienced the most severe delays and backlog in new generation—projects entering the queue today have little chance of coming online before 2030. It is widely understood that an increasingly lengthy interconnection process, which involves a series of studies and upgrades grid operators must take to ensure projects can connect to the grid safely and reliably, is responsible for this state of affairs. It is not clear how this longer process interacts with other known project development challenges—such as siting and permitting issues, supply chain constraints, and inflationary pressures—and to what extent such interactions may lengthen the timeline for bringing projects online. Understanding these dynamics can help answer critical questions about grid reliability going forward, including whether it will be necessary to delay or cancel the planned retirement of aging fossil fuel-fired generation resources that the new generation is intended to replace. This report attempts to fill this knowledge gap. It presents results of an author-developed survey of those best positioned to understand the impacts of interconnection process delays: project developers in the PJM market. The key finding from the survey is that PJM’s increasingly lengthy interconnection process is exacerbating siting and permitting challenges and leading to knock-on delays in equipment procurement and financing decisions, suggesting the timeline for new generation in this market will likely remain long for the foreseeable future. Given the importance of new entry to keeping prices competitive and maintaining reliability amid the retirement of older fossil resources, PJM will need to find ways to reduce interconnection delays or reconsider when those fossil resources should be retired.
Topic:
Electricity, Carbon Emissions, Connectivity, and Inflation Reduction Act
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

2104. Estimating the Number of Women Household Biomass Producers, the Largest Segment of the Global Energy Labor Force

Author:
Philippe Benoit and Siyuan Ding
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
While tens of millions of people work in formal energy jobs around the world, another group that comprises a massive and key labor segment in this sector is often overlooked: women and girls producing biomass to meet the basic energy needs of millions of poorer households across the developing world. Some 2 billion people rely on biomass for cooking (and some for heating), making those who gather it critical players in the global energy supply system. Women and girls in many developing countries constitute the majority of people collecting fuelwood for household consumption—an often strenuous and time-consuming effort—and estimating their number could elevate the importance attached to improving their working and living conditions. While some initial estimates of this labor force have been made, analyses remain superficial. This report, part of ongoing research into energy for development and gender dynamics at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University SIPA, attempts to improve this deficit, providing a systemic albeit rough estimation—given minimal available data—of the number of women household biomass producers. An analysis of clean cooking access rates, population figures, and average household sizes for both rural and urban areas in 92 developing countries estimates that 389 million women and girls undertake this work, which would represent the largest labor segment of today’s global energy system.
Topic:
Development, Labor Issues, Women, Energy, and Biomass
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2105. A Quantitative Analysis of Variables Affecting Power Transmission Infrastructure Projects in the US

Author:
Lewis (Zhaoyu) Wu, Abraham Silverman, and Harrison Fell
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Upgrading the US electric grid is vital to a successful energy transition. Transmission expansion lowers electricity costs for consumers; speeds deployment of new generation resources; provides economic opportunities for communities; increases system reliability, particularly in the face of extreme weather events; and enables large-scale transfers of power from areas of the country with high renewable energy potential to customers. But experience over the past twenty years has shown that new transmission projects often face extensive delays, impeding or even denying these potential benefits to consumers and communities. In response, policymakers at the state and federal level are considering reforms to transmission finance, cost allocation, siting and permitting, advanced technologies, and other areas to help jumpstart the United States’ currently moribund transmission expansion processes. As part of this process, policymakers and other stakeholders are debating the merits of various transmission planning policies in terms of project success, but the impact of specific variables can be hard to quantify. This can lead stakeholders to rely largely on anecdotal or qualitative arguments to support their positions. The wide variation in the way utilities are regulated and transmission planning processes are implemented across the United States further compounds the difficulty of evaluating the relative effectiveness of different transmission planning policies. This report, a joint project of the Non-Technical Barriers to the Clean Energy Transition Initiative and the Energy Systems Modeling and Analytic Platform at the Center on Global Energy Policy, Columbia University SIPA, applies a data-driven approach to this policy debate. Using statistical analysis and machine learning models to analyze a dataset from the data company MAPSearch of planned transmission projects of at least 100 kilovolts (kV) conceived between 2005 and 2023, which includes more than 1,300 transmission projects, the report provides a systematic assessment of the impact of key variables on the likelihood that a proposed transmission line will actually be built. The results of this assessment can help those interested in expanding transmission infrastructure understand which variables may be worth prioritizing in a particular geographical area or region, given its unique combination of attributes, needs, and challenges.
Topic:
Infrastructure, Energy Sector, and Transmission
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

2106. Health Care for Women: How the U.S. Compares Internationally

Author:
Munira Z. Gunja, Relebohile Masitha, and Laurie Zephyrin
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
Recently released federal data once again show the United States with by far the highest rate of maternal deaths of any high-income nation, despite a decline since the COVID-19 pandemic.1 Racial disparities are also extreme: Black women in the U.S. are nearly three times more likely to die from pregnancy-related complications than white women are. But maternal deaths and complications may be an indicator of the nation’s wider failures with respect to women’s health and health care. Compared to women in other high-income countries, American women have long had worse access to the health care they need. While the U.S. spends more on health care than other countries do, surveys regularly find that Americans avoid seeking care because of costs at the highest rates, even as the U.S. continues to lead in the prevalence of chronic disease.2 At the same time, limited access to primary care and inadequate coordination of health services are likely factors in the nation’s poor performance when it comes to the prevention, diagnosis, and management of diseases.3 In this brief, we compare selected measures of health care access and outcomes for women in high-income countries. We drew upon data from four sources: the Commonwealth Fund’s 2023 International Health Policy Survey of Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, which allowed us to analyze responses by race and ethnicity;4 the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention National Vital Statistics System; the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD); and the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation Global Burden of Disease. The latter two data sets permitted us to show results on selected measures for five additional countries — Chile, Japan, Korea, Norway, and Sweden. (See “How We Conducted This Survey” for more details.)
Topic:
Women, Public Health, Healthcare System, and Life Expectancy
Political Geography:
United Kingdom, Canada, France, Germany, Australia, and United States of America

2107. Mirror, Mirror 2024: A Portrait of the Failing U.S. Health System

Author:
David Blumenthal, Evan D. Gumas, Arnav Shah, Munira Z. Gunja, and Reginald D. Williams II
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
Goal: Compare health system performance in 10 countries, including the United States, to glean insights for U.S. improvement. Methods: Analysis of 70 health system performance measures in five areas: access to care, care process, administrative efficiency, equity, and health outcomes. Key Findings: The top three countries are Australia, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, although differences in overall performance between most countries are relatively small. The only clear outlier is the U.S., where health system performance is dramatically lower. Conclusion: The U.S. continues to be in a class by itself in the underperformance of its health care sector. While the other nine countries differ in the details of their systems and in their performance on domains, unlike the U.S., they all have found a way to meet their residents’ most basic health care needs, including universal coverage.
Topic:
Development, Public Health, Efficiency, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

2108. Boosting Childhood Vaccination Rates Post-Pandemic: Lessons from Five Countries

Author:
Irene Papanicolas, Robert A. Berenson, and Laura Skopec
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
Issue: Childhood vaccination rates fell worldwide during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, reductions in childhood vaccination were not universal, which may be related to differences in vaccine eligibility, vaccine hesitancy, and vaccine administration programs across countries. Goals: Explore how childhood vaccination rates changed during the COVID-19 pandemic in five high-income countries with varying approaches to vaccine policy. Methods: Surveys of in-country experts and analysis of secondary data sources in Australia, Germany, Singapore, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Key Findings and Conclusion: While vaccination rates fell worldwide during the COVID-19 pandemic, the high-income countries in our study maintained high childhood vaccination rates for polio and measles-mumps-rubella (MMR) near or above the herd immunity threshold (80% for polio and 95% for measles). Australia and Singapore, which have the strictest vaccine requirements, boasted the highest polio vaccination rates in both 2018 and 2021. No countries require the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination nationwide, but Australia, Singapore, and the U.K. have school-based HPV vaccination programs and high vaccination rates. Strong vaccine requirements, combined with school-based immunization or catch-up programs, may help boost childhood vaccination rates where they lagged during the pandemic.
Topic:
Children, Vaccine, COVID-19, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:
United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, Singapore, and United States of America

2109. Finger on the Pulse: The State of Primary Care in the U.S. and Nine Other Countries

Author:
Evan D. Gumas, Corinne Lewis, Celli Horstman, and Munira Z. Gunja
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
For many people, primary care is their first point of contact with the health system, and decades of evidence shows it is critical for population health, health equity, and the overall efficiency of health care systems.1 Primary care is also uniquely positioned to screen for social needs and provide integrated behavioral health services.2 Ensuring people have access to high-quality, comprehensive primary care is vital to good health outcomes and positive experiences with the health system at large. Despite the importance of primary care, health systems around the world are facing challenges at the patient and provider level. Many countries struggle to ensure access to care, or first contact; continuity of care; comprehensiveness of care; and coordination of care. These four core components of high-quality primary care are essential to better overall health outcomes.3 Factors like workforce shortages, physician burnout, and dwindling access for patients, driven in part by underinvestment and growing administrative burdens, pose significant barriers to care.4 To better understand how patient care can be improved in a changing primary care landscape, this brief compares the state of primary care in the United States with nine other high-income nations. It updates an earlier Commonwealth Fund study comparing primary care performance in the U.S. with nine peer countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Our data come from the Commonwealth Fund’s 2022 International Health Policy Survey of Primary Care Physicians and the 2023 International Health Policy Survey of adults age 18 and older. The 2022 and 2023 surveys asked different questions of the participating physicians and responding adults, so this edition includes new measures on access to telehealth, preparedness to treat behavioral health conditions, and care coordination. For more details on our methods, see “How We Conducted This Study.”
Topic:
Equity, Primary Care, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:
United Kingdom, Canada, France, Germany, Australia, Switzerland, North America, Sweden, Netherlands, New Zealand, and United States of America

2110. Insights into the U.S. Maternal Mortality Crisis: An International Comparison

Author:
Munira Z. Gunja, Evan D. Gumas, Relebohile Masitha, and Laurie Zephyrin
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
The United States continues to have the highest rate of maternal deaths of any high-income nation, despite a decline since the COVID-19 pandemic. And within the U.S., the rate is by far the highest for Black women. Most of these deaths — over 80 percent — are likely preventable.1 With policies and systems in place to support women during the perinatal period, several high-income countries report virtually no maternal deaths. As policymakers and health care delivery system leaders in the U.S. seek ways to end the nation’s maternal mortality crisis, these countries may offer viable solutions. This brief updates an earlier Commonwealth Fund study of differences in maternal mortality, maternal care workforce composition, and access to postpartum care and social protections between the U.S. and other high-income countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom.2 In this edition, we have also included data on Chile, Japan, and Korea — all high-income countries with universal health care systems. For our analysis, we used the most recently available data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), of which the U.S. is a member. Where country-specific data are more than five years old, we note whether more recent published data from other sources are available for that country. Readers should be aware that because the methods we used to derive updated numbers from other sources may be different from methods the OECD uses, data points may not be comparable to the U.S. rates. For complete details on our methods, see “How We Conducted This Study.”
Topic:
Development, Inequality, Public Health, and Maternal Mortality
Political Geography:
United Kingdom, Canada, Norway, France, Germany, Australia, Switzerland, North America, Sweden, Netherlands, New Zealand, and United States of America

2111. Hospital Global Budgeting: Lessons from Maryland and Selected Nations

Author:
Bob Atlas
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
Issue: Maryland has utilized hospital global budgeting for a decade, but the approach is rarely used elsewhere in this country. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services now hopes to test global budgeting in more states to help scale up this form of cost containment. Goals: Examine the ways Maryland, Canada, the Netherlands, New Zealand, and Norway employ hospital global budgeting and the lessons they offer to those hoping to see wider adoption in the United States. Methods: Analysis of the various health systems and expert interviews. Key Findings and Conclusion: Maryland and the four selected countries vary significantly in their approaches to hospital global budgeting. With its previous experience using price controls and current global budgeting approach, Maryland has succeeded in holding hospital spending growth steady for nearly a decade. While Norway combines fixed and variable payments to support global budgeting, the Netherlands and Canada’s province of Ontario are moving away from global budgeting in favor of other approaches. Meanwhile, New Zealand has added multiyear rolling forecasts and budgets to support its own model. Future approaches in the U.S. could prove more effective by factoring in the complexities, conflicting incentives, and potential unintended consequences of global budgeting.
Topic:
Public Health, Healthcare System, and Budgeting
Political Geography:
Canada, Maryland, Netherlands, New Zealand, and United States of America

2112. Ads and Editorials: How Pretreatment Reduces the Persuasiveness of Interest Group Advertisements

Author:
Matthew Lesenyie
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
California Journal of Politics and Policy
Institution:
Institute of Governmental Studies, UC Berkeley
Abstract:
Advertising studies commonly examine the effects of one-sided treatments. However, political communication campaigns are competitive environments where voters are likely to hear more than one perspective. Because of this dynamic, the persuasive effects of single-sided ads may be less likely to hold in a competitive environment. When respondents are exposed to arguments from both sides of a ballot proposition issue, can the disclosure of a credible group help an advertisement overcome prior opinions? I address this question using a randomized experiment that includes ballot proposition campaign ads. In the experiments, I manipulate the pretreatment environment by exposing some respondents to a newspaper editorial in order to provide them with prior opinions that might cause them to resist subsequent advertisements. I also vary the presence or absence of campaign finance disclosure within the advertisements. In all cases, the presence of a credible editorial is associated with a change in support for the initiative. However, the use of a credible campaign finance disclosure has a far less consistent effect. While campaign finance disclosures from credible groups can help counteract prior beliefs that citizens may hold, I find that the magnitude of these changes is somewhat small.
Topic:
Politics, Elections, Campaign Finance, Advertising, and Interest Groups
Political Geography:
Global Focus

2113. Learning from experience: Are African governments prepared for another pandemic?

Author:
Tunde A. Alabi and Matthias Krönke
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
According to the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) (2020), Africa’s first case of COVID-19 was recorded in Egypt in mid-February 2020. Six months later, the continent’s death toll exceeded 19,000, representing 3% of global COVID-19 mortality. As the virus spread across Africa, governments began to enforce national lockdowns and other restrictions to minimise the impact of the pandemic. In addition to being a global health emergency, COVID-19 had other wide-ranging consequences. Many parts of government bureaucracies, as well as the private sector, shut down except for “essential” workers (Wickham, 2022). Children were unable to go to school for months, increasing dropout rates with knock-on effects on their nutrition and mental health (UNICEF Africa, 2022; Kidman, Breton, Behrman, & Kohler, 2022). Moreover, African governments’ responses to the pandemic affected trends in poverty on the continent. For example, Afrobarometer analyses found that “more restrictive government responses were associated with larger increases in lived poverty” (Mattes & Patel, 2022, p. 1). Faced with economic uncertainty and mobility restrictions, Africans turned to their governments for support and a coordinated public health response to the pandemic. The latest Afrobarometer surveys in 39 countries document how citizens experienced the pandemic, their views on how their governments handled the pandemic, and whether they think their governments are prepared for future health emergencies. Responses indicate that about one in seven households experienced a case of COVID-19, while more than a quarter suffered the loss of a primary source of income. Despite the severe economic effects of the pandemic, fewer than a quarter of households received pandemic related assistance from the government. Most respondents say that the distribution of relief was unfair and that corruption claimed funds intended for the pandemic response. Even so, most Africans say their government managed the pandemic well. When it comes to giving up democratic rights during a pandemic, a majority of Africans accept the use of the military or police to enforce public health mandates, but censoring the media and postponing elections are more controversial steps. Africans are divided in their assessments of their governments’ readiness for a future pandemic, and a majority say additional investments in such preparations are needed.
Topic:
Education, Health, Social Services, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa

2114. Health for everyone, everywhere?

Author:
Lionel Osse Essima and Matthias Krönke
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
The theme of World Health Day 2024 (7 April) is “My health, my right” (World Health Organization, 2024). A key component of the message is to encourage governments to deliver on citizens’ right to health by making health services “available, accessible, acceptable and of good quality for everyone, everywhere.” How close are African governments to meeting this ambitious goal? Since 1990, the burden of disease has decreased substantially in Africa (Roser, Ritchie, & Spooner, 2024; also see Figure A.1 in the Appendix). Between 2000 and 2019, Africa recorded the world’s greatest growth in healthy life expectancy, which rose from 46 to 56 years (Adepoju & Fletcher, 2022). Further, between 2015 and 2021, the under-5 mortality rate fell from 87 to 74 deaths per 1,000 live births across sub-Saharan Africa (United Nations, 2023). According to the World Health Organization, these gains were achieved through increased provision of essential health services and better access to care and disease prevention services (Adepoju & Fletcher, 2022). Despite these important advances, however, many Africans still do not have access to high quality health care. Compared to other world regions, the gap is particularly acute when it comes to communicable, neonatal, maternal, and nutritional diseases (as opposed to non communicable diseases and injuries) (see Figure A.2 in the Appendix). While sub-Saharan Africa saw the world’s fastest growth between 2015 and 2022 in the proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel, from 59% to 70%, the continent also recorded about 70% of the world’s maternal deaths (United Nations, 2023). At least part of the explanation is a lack of health workers; as of 2021, sub-Saharan Africa had an average of 2.3 medical doctors and 12.6 nursing/midwifery personnel per 10,000 people, compared to 39.4 and 89.5 in Europe (United Nations, 2023).
Topic:
Education, Public Opinion, Social Services, Public Health, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:
Africa

2115. Law enforcers or law breakers?

Author:
Matthias Krönke, Thomas Isbell, and Ronald Makanga Kakumba
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
In late 2020, Nigerians gripped the world with massive protests against police brutality and impunity, focusing on the country’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) (Al Jazeera, 2020; George, 2020). Three years after pictures of the #EndSARS demonstrations went viral and the SARS unit was disbanded, at least 15 protesters remain in arbitrary detention, and reports of police abuses continue unabated (Agboga, 2021; Amnesty International, 2021, 2023a; Uwazuruike, 2021). Elsewhere in Africa, and in other parts of the world, the media frequently report on unprofessional behaviour, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful arrests, corruption, use of excessive force, and other human-rights abuses by the police (New York Times, 2022). These violations are not limited to suspected criminals and public protests against the police, as in the case of #EndSARS, but also occur during pivotal moments of democratic accountability (e.g. elections), health emergencies (e.g. COVID-19), and routine citizen police encounters (e.g. traffic stops). For example, recent elections in Zimbabwe (2023), Uganda (2021), and Tanzania (2020) were marred by police repression and brutality targeting opposition politicians and their supporters (Reuters, 2023; Human Rights Watch, 2023a; Kakumba, 2022; Salih & Burke, 2020). During the 2021 election campaign in Uganda, security forces killed at least 54 people (Amnesty International, 2020).
Topic:
Corruption, Public Opinion, Professionalism, Polls, and Police Brutality
Political Geography:
Africa

2116. You’re not like us! Ethnic discrimination and national belonging in Nigeria

Author:
Daniel Tuki
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
This study examines how Nigerians’ experience of ethnic discrimination relates to their sense of national identification vs. ethnic identification. A regression analysis reveals that the experience of discrimination prompts Nigerians to prioritise their ethnic identity over their national identity. The regressions also show that the negative effect of discrimination on an exclusive feeling of national identification is larger than its positive effect on an exclusive feeling of ethnic identification. These findings are robust to different operationalisations of discrimination and to the use of individual level survey data covering 36 African countries. Among the Nigerian population, Igbo ethnicity increased the likelihood of individuals prioritising their ethnic identity over their national identity, while Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani ethnicities had the opposite effect.
Topic:
Ethnicity, Discrimination, and Identity
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

2117. ‘God is my refuge’: Do education and news consumption prompt Africans to put more trust in the COVID-19 vaccine than in prayer?

Author:
Daniel Tuki
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Using Afrobarometer survey data covering 15 African countries, this study examines the impact of educational attainment and news consumption on Africans’ beliefs regarding whether prayer is more effective than a vaccine in preventing COVID-19. Regression results show that education reduces individuals’ likelihood of believing that prayer is more effective than a vaccine in preventing the disease. This might be because education encourages critical thinking, prompting people to believe more in science, which is evidence-based, rather than in prayer, which is based on supernatural beliefs. Likewise, news consumption reduces individuals’ likelihood of believing that prayer is more effective than a vaccine. This might be because most of the news that Africans encountered during the COVID-19 pandemic emphasised the severity of the disease and encouraged vaccination. Regression results also show that, compared to non-religious individuals, Christians and Muslims were more likely to believe that prayer is more effective than a vaccine, while those practicing ethnic/traditional religion were less likely to hold such beliefs.
Topic:
Education, Health, Religion, Survey, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa

2118. Coups and social trust: Evidence from a natural experiment in Burkina Faso

Author:
Thomas Brailey, Robin Harding, and Thomas Isbell
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
How do coups affect social trust? Recent years have seen a dramatic increase in the prevalence of coups, in particular across West Africa. Although significant attention has been paid to the effects of other forms of political violence and instability on social trust, to date very little research has considered how social trust is affected by coups, which represent a distinctive form of intra-elite conflict. Building on insights from work in philosophy and social psychology, we conceptualise trust as an adaptive response to vulnerability. Coups represent moments of violent competition for power between elites that create uncertainty about the state as a provider of security and essential services. Consequently, we argue that social trust will increase in response to coups, as a means of offsetting this uncertainty and insecurity. We exploit a unique natural experiment in Burkina Faso to identify the causal effect of coups on social trust, using data from a survey that was in the field during September 2022, when Burkina Faso experienced its second coup of that year. This provides robust evidence that coups can increase social trust, and further analysis supports the proposed mechanism that increased social trust following the coup was a response to uncertainty and insecurity. For external validity, analysis of cross-national survey data from the Afrobarometer series suggests that the positive relationship between coup exposure and social trust holds more broadly.
Topic:
Democracy, Coup, and Social Trust
Political Geography:
Africa and Burkina Faso

2119. Economic prosperity and public backing for transparent and accountable governance in Africa

Author:
Nnaemeka Ohamadike and Emmanuel Chukwuebuka Orakwe
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Popular demands for social justice in Africa, as in the rest of the world, are often embedded in calls for better governance (Gray & Khan, 2010), which often include transparency and accountability. Przeworski, Stokes, and Manin (1999) define political accountability as the capacity of citizens to exert control over their leaders through institutional sanctions, especially through elections. Lindberg’s (2009) attempt to simplify the concept of political accountability resonates with Ohamadike (2022), who defines political accountability as the link between citizens (the principal) and government or public officials (the agents) tasked with safeguarding the rights and aspirations of the populace. This link forms a social contract upon which the agents (government or public officials) can be held accountable for their actions, with the principal having the privilege to impose sanctions on the agents, which can include removing them from their positions of power. Political transparency and accountability complement one another, but popular support for these ideals varies widely at the country level in Africa. Both ideals can be considered “matching parts” in governance (Hood, 2010). Transparency entails making government information accessible to the public, which gives citizens the knowledge needed to hold officials accountable. Accountability, on the other hand, requires that public officials justify their actions and decisions, which can be done by adhering to the citizens’ demands (Armah-Attoh, Ampratwum, & Paller, 2014). Addressing citizens’ demands is important for government to remain popular and relevant to the people. Although experts have long connected transparency and accountability with strong government performance, citizens vary in how much they prioritise or even support these concepts. One factor that might impact how citizens form these attitudes is economic well being. This question – the impact of economic performance on attitudes about accountability and transparency – is underexplored. We argue that lower levels of economic development are associated with higher citizen support for accountability and transparency. Due to the pervasive poor economic outlook in most African societies, much of the citizenry is gruelingly aware of deep-seated government corruption and poor government responsiveness to citizen needs, which they often feel powerless to tackle (Franz, 2012). Citizens of less-prosperous economies might perceive transparent and accountable governance as a means to address urgent economic issues, allowing them to get more from their government. Conversely, economic prosperity can incentivise individuals to back a government that seems to be achieving results independently, diminishing citizens’ insistence on changes, such as government transparency and accountability. This perspective emerges from trust in the government’s competence, which could cultivate complacency regarding the necessity of transparency and accountability. To test this hypothesis, we conduct a multilevel logistic regression analysis using data from the Afrobarometer Round 8 survey. We find that economic factors significantly influence attitudes. Citizenship in a prosperous African country is associated with lower support for transparent and accountable governance, whereas living in a less affluent country is associated with heightened prioritisation. This paper is structured as follows: Part 2 discusses the research methodology, covering the data, data sources, and analytical techniques. In the results section, findings from a sample of 48,084 Africans are presented. Concluding discussions follow in Part 4.
Topic:
Governance, Economy, Accountability, Transparency, and Public Banking
Political Geography:
Africa

2120. Willingness of Zambians to sacrifice democratic principles during a pandemic: The case of COVID-19

Author:
Isaac Newton Bortey
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
What is the impact of a pandemic on citizens’ willingness to sacrifice democratic principles? Using the novel COVID-19 pandemic as a case, I assess how the effects of COVID-19 influence Zambians’ willingness to sacrifice democratic principles through censorship of the media, postponement of elections, and the use of security forces to enforce public health mandates. I analyse data from the Round 8 Afrobarometer survey in Zambia (collected in 2020 from 1,200 adults), which included questions on COVID-19. Results of a multiple linear regression and a logistic regression suggest that Zambians’ experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic have an influence on their willingness to sacrifice democratic principles. Those who lost a job due to the pandemic are less willing to accept a sacrifice of democratic principles, while positive assessments of the government’s management of the pandemic and perceptions of the pandemic as serious increase people’s willingness to suspend democratic principles. The findings also suggest that Zambians’ trust in the president and their perceptions of the government as legitimate make them more willing to agree to forfeit a democratic principle, at least when the country is faced with a pandemic.
Topic:
Health, Governance, Democracy, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Africa and Zambia