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31. USSR-Africa Relations in the 1970s and 1980s: An Analytical Proposal of Motivations, Conditioning Elements and Impacts

Author:
Paulo Gilberto Fagundes Visentini
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The actuality of the theme of USSR relations with African countries in the 1970s and 1980s is grounded in the revision of a dimension of the mainstream historiography of the Cold War and in the current Russia-Africa interaction, which has deeper roots, essential for its comprehension. The USSR-Africa relations constitute a historiographical gap, dominated by subtly instrumental works produced in the context of the late escalation of the Cold War on the continent. Within this framework, the present text is based on ongoing research. In two previous articles, here taken as a starting point, the focus was on the African Revolutions of the 1970s and 1980s, followed by the analysis of African Marxist Military Regimes during the same period. From this point forth, relevant matters emerged, such as the profile of the relations between the Second and Third Worlds, and the doubling of the number of self-proclaimed socialist states with a Marxist-Leninist orientation, all of which emerged in the periphery (rising from 14 to 30). Two-thirds of these new regimes were African. In this context, the present article examines the Soviet Union (USSR) relations with the African States that were its allies in the 1970s and 1980s. The analysis focuses on the reciprocal motivations, the conditioning elements and the resulting impacts and legacies. This process gained significance belatedly, within a short period of two decades (1969-89), targeting a limited number of countries, yet it was intense (sometimes motivated by Cuba) and had a considerable impact on the transformation of Africa. It is argued that African nations were not “pawns” of the Cold War in their cooperation with Moscow, nor that the USSR pursued a systemic project of “exporting the revolution” or a geopolitical Grand Design for Africa (Coker 1985)
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, History, Socialism/Marxism, Geopolitics, and Soviet Union
Political Geography:
Africa and Soviet Union

32. Georgian Authorities Consolidate Their Authoritarianism

Author:
Stefania Kolarz and Wojciech Wojtasiewicz
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)
Abstract:
The Georgian Dream (GD) party, which has been ruling Georgia for 13 years, is seeking to fully consolidate its authoritarian system in the coming months, a process that has been underway since last year's parliamentary elections. To this end, it is seeking to eliminate key pro-Western opposition parties and, by cutting off funding, non-governmental organisations and independent media. These actions will further deteriorate Georgia's relations with the EU, the US and NATO.
Topic:
International Relations, NATO, Authoritarianism, Elections, European Union, Parliament, and Georgian Dream Party
Political Geography:
United States, Europe, Caucasus, and Georgia

33. How the Twelve-Days War with Iran Tested the Strategic Alliance between Israel, Greece, and Cyprus

Author:
Spyros Katsoulas
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:
In our latest issue of Turkeyscope, Spyros Katsoulas explains how the triangular Israeli-Greek-Cyprus relationship survived the test of the 12 day war with Iran this past June, while noting that challenges remain on the horizon stemming from both Turkish and Israeli policy trajectories.
Topic:
International Relations, Diplomacy, Strategic Planning, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, Israel, Greece, Palestine, and Cyprus

34. Russia-China-North Korea Relations: Obstacles to a Trilateral Axis

Author:
Elizabeth Wishnick
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI)
Abstract:
Russia and China have had diplomatic relations with North Korea and each other for more than 75 years, but Russian and Chinese relations with North Korea could not be more different. North Korea is China’s sole military ally, but—as PRC historian Shen Zhihua has cautioned—since the normalization of ties between Beijing and Seoul, the PRC-North Korea alliance was really just a “scrap of paper.”[1] By contrast, Sino-Russian military ties have been deepening; however, both countries claim they are uninterested in replicating Cold War era alliances and have committed instead to a priority partnership “for the new era.”[2] In June 2024, Russia and North Korea signed a strategic partnership agreement with a mutual defense clause. China’s 1961 treaty with North Korea (renewed most recently in 2021) also contains a mutual defense clause, raising questions about the existence of a trilateral axis. Claims about the existence of such an axis also point to the anti-Western positions these states share and their potential to undertake coordinated action directed against Western interests.[3] Critics of this view argue that there is scant evidence for the existence of such an axis beyond the current (albeit very different) assistance by China and North Korea (plus Iran) for the Russian full-scale war in Ukraine.[4] They also contend that trilateralism will not endure beyond this war.[5] Others argue that such an axis would not be in Chinese interests.[6] What is lacking in this discussion is an understanding of the indicators of a China-Russia-North Korea axis. How do we know if they are choosing to form an axis? Or not? This paper begins by examining the history of Russia-China-North Korea interactions, highlighting Sino-Russian differences in emphasis regarding North Korea prior to the full-scale war in Ukraine. To assess whether a trilateral axis formed after 2022, the paper examines evidence of institutionalized cooperation, coordination of Chinese and North Korean military aid to Russia for Ukraine, and Russian and Chinese expert perspectives. The paper then addresses the obstacles to the formation of a trilateral axis. Although authoritarian states share an overriding interest in regime security and political survival, this does not necessarily mean that we should expect solidarity among similarly disposed regimes or believe that they would inevitably form an anti-Western axis. Considerable research has been done on the reasons why authoritarian states choose to support one another,[7] but it is important to understand what factors might limit their cooperation.[8] This paper examines how the historical experience of trilateralism, reputational concerns, foreign policy considerations, and domestic factors make a new China-Russia-North Korea axis unlikely.
Topic:
International Relations, Diplomacy, Regional Politics, and Trilateral Relations
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Asia, and North Korea

35. Leveraging the Gaps in Russia and China’s Complex Relations with Iran

Author:
Richard Nephew
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
Far from signaling a strong trilateral alliance, their history of often transactional cooperation reveals strategic gaps that Washington can leverage to help curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions. For all the hoopla that preceded it, the trilateral China-Iran-Russia meeting on Tehran’s nuclear program did not appear to generate anything of great significance. The joint statement issued after the March 15 Beijing gathering largely echoed previous such documents, from condemning “unlawful unilateral sanctions” against Iran to reiterating a mutual desire for a diplomatic solution. That said, the mere act of holding the meeting may have been the objective, to signal to the world that the three countries stand together. This show of unity could have immediate practical effects given the partial expiration of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2025—including the “snapback” provision that permits the UN to reimpose full sanctions on Iran if a JCPOA participant triggers the mechanism. At the same time, the three governments still have diverging historical and strategic interests on a range of issues—differences that will not dissipate just because they hold a joint meeting and share friction with the United States. If Washington hopes to exploit these fault lines, however, it must properly understand them.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Sanctions, and JCPOA
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Iran, and Middle East

36. Exploring the relationship between human rights and international relations in the Middle East

Author:
Mohammad Al-Rawashdeh
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Political Studies
Institution:
Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:
Human rights issues in the Middle East are interconnected with the region's international relations, reflecting the unique political systems, cultures, and economies present there. This research aims to analyze the roles of global players and organizations, such as the United Nations and the Arab League, in promoting human rights.The objectives include understanding how these entities have either encouraged or hindered human rights advancements in the region, examining the impact of human rights on foreign policies, and evaluating the effectiveness of diplomatic initiatives and sanctions in addressing civil liberties violations. Given the ongoing conflicts, including the Syrian civil war and the Israeli-Palestinian situation, the research will assess how human rights issues influence international relations. Additionally, it will explore employee rights in Gulf countries and the challenges faced by women and refugees.Using quantitative methods, the study will examine the intersection of diplomacy, sanctions, and global human rights initiatives, seeking to answer how international relations can better address human rights without destabilizing global political systems. Ultimately, the research aims to highlight the significance of human rights in foreign policy and offer recommendations for their integration in the Middle East.
Topic:
International Relations, Diplomacy, Human Rights, United Nations, Minorities, and Repression
Political Geography:
Middle East

37. The Arctic as an Arena for Strategic Competition:​ Rivalry with Traditional and Irregular Levers of Power on NATO’s Northern Flank

Author:
Njord Wegge
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Advanced Military Studies
Institution:
Marine Corps University Press, National Defense University
Abstract:
This article investigates to what degree and through which fields and mechanisms strategic competition today plays out in the Arctic as well as how these questions align with international relations (IR) theory. Using rationalist approaches to the study of IR and the DIME model (diplomatic, informational, military, and economic) to structure the empirical investigation, this article finds that the strategic competition matches perspectives found in realism as well as liberalism. The article points out how states develop strategies to maximize security, wealth, power, and prosperity at the cost of others, while at the same time also identifies empirical evidence supporting liberal perspectives that stresses how unintended consequences of competition can be harnessed through institutions and international law. The competitive environment experienced in today’s Arctic increasingly reflects an international society characterized by zero-sum thinking and a dynamic where the constraining role of institutions has diminished.
Topic:
International Relations, NATO, Diplomacy, Economics, Strategic Competition, Military, and Information
Political Geography:
Arctic

38. Power Shifts and Knowledge Production: India’s Rise and Scholarship in International Relations

Author:
Aksel B. Hvid, Fabricio H. Chagas-Bastos, and Peter Marcus Kristensen
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:
Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:
While much scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which the rise of powers like China and India may challenge the fundamentals of the world order, there little empirically grounded research on the relationship between the socio-political conditions driving upward power shifts (“risingness”) and knowledge production, particularly outside the Western core of the International Relations discipline. We show in this article that Indian scholars are more likely to portray India as a “rising power” when publishing in mainstream journals than when contributing to Indian journals. Moreover, Indian scholars publishing in mainstream journals often engage with a discourse centred on Western reference points, specifically addressing the future of the liberal international order. By contrast, Indian scholars publishing in Indian journals focus on issues relevant to the South Asian context, frequently emphasising India’s non-Western roots. Finally, while contributions to mainstream journals tend to frame India’s rising status predominantly from a Western, particularly American, perspective, contributions to Indian journals are more deeply rooted in India’s rich intellectual traditions.
Topic:
International Relations, Sociology, Knowledge Production, and Rising Powers
Political Geography:
South Asia and India

39. The Functioning of Normative Power in the Logic of the EU and China

Author:
Emrah Yıldırımçakar
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:
Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:
Normative power has become a critical topic of discussion in International Relations and Political Science scholarship, particularly in the context of the normative power of the European Union (EU) and China. However, academic attention has been excessively directed toward investigating the normative power of the European Union rather than that of China. Given the EU’s unique status as a supranational and multinational entity consisting of multiple member states, its process of diffusion of normative power differs significantly from that of China. In this context, this study aims to explore and compare the normative power dynamics maintained by the EU and China in the international arena, examine the approaches, strategies, and outcomes of both the EU and China by providing a detailed understanding of how each party implements normative power, and explore the inequalities in normative power acquisition strategies between these two actors.
Topic:
International Relations, European Union, Political Science, and Norms
Political Geography:
China, Europe, and Asia

40. Spatial Context of Ontological Security in Foreign Policy Analysis: The Case of Türkiye’s Blue Homeland Policy

Author:
Yumuşak Güç
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:
International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:
The concept of ontological security in foreign policy analysis (FPA) and International Relations highlights that states seek not only physical but also existential security. States, like individuals, aim to perceive themselves as meaningful entities and create stable identities through consistent routines and biographical narratives. These narratives are formed from collective memories and help the state maintain historical continuity and identity. However, FPA studies often overlook the importance of space, a crucial factor emphasized in psychological studies on individual ontological security. Space contributes to feelings of consistency, control, status, autonomy, and identity. This study explores the significance of space for a state’s ontological security in foreign policy, using Türkiye’s “Blue Homeland” (Mavi Vatan) policy as a case study. Türkiye’s ambitious maritime policy, involving activities like natural gas exploration and military exercises, reflects its quest for physical and ontological security. The Blue Homeland policy not only addresses physical security but also Türkiye’s need for ontological security through its discourses, symbols, and narratives. This study aims to introduce the spatial dimension into FPA’s ontological security approach and analyze Türkiye’s Blue Homeland policy through this new lens.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, Autonomy, and Blue Homeland Policy
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East