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32. All Azimuth Debate: Gradual Reform or Revolution? Pathways to Global IR
- Author:
- Ayşe Zarakol and Ersel Aydinli
- Publication Date:
- 07-2025
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
- Institution:
- Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
- Abstract:
- This forum article is based on the All Azimuth Debate held at Bilkent University on 3 October 2024. The event was organized by the Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research in cooperation with Bilkent University’s Department of International Relations. The debate was moderated by Dr. Seçkin Köstem. The forum article demonstrates the scholarly exchange between Dr. Ayşe Zarakol and Dr. Ersel Aydınlı based on the answers that they gave to Dr. Seçkin Köstem’s questions on Global International Relations (IR). This forum article features two leading scholars’ perspectives regarding the definition of Global IR, the main actors and venues for Global IR, the role of English language as the dominant academic language, the essentialism/parochialism trap and pathways for a stronger global representation for the discipline of IR.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Globalization, Language, and Theory
- Political Geography:
- Global South
33. The Berlin Pulse 2025/2026 (full issue)
- Author:
- Şener Aktürk, Solomiia Bobrovska, Christian von Hirschhausen, Sumantra Maitra, and Katarina Barley
- Publication Date:
- 11-2025
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Körber-Stiftung
- Abstract:
- In this ninth edition, we explore the end of long-held certainties in the German public’s attitude towards foreign policy. Thanks to our editorial team – Julia Ganter, Leona Harting and Jonathan Lehrer – we learn that its views are at odds with two important pillars of Germanyʼs foreign policy: relations with the United States and responsibility for Israel’s security. With President Donald Trump in his second term, only 27 per cent of German respondents view relations with Washington positively, while the country’s leaders try to deal with an unpopular, less predictable but vital ally. And despite the centrality of relations with Israel to post war-German identity, feelings of responsibility towards Israel have declined. After the Gaza war triggered by Hamas’s 7 October 2023 terrorist attacks, only 35 per cent say that Germany holds a special responsibility toward Israel. The government now faces the challenge of upholding the country’s commitment to Israel’s security while not losing sight of public opinion. Amid these complex international partnerships and their domestic repercussions, many Germans seek greater autonomy and action. Nearly half of respondents (48 percent) support more engagement in global crises, 72 per cent back plans to almost double defence spending within a decade, and 59 per cent favour providing military aid to Ukraine. These attitudes stand for the Zeitenwende, which we have examined in recent editions of The Berlin Pulse. But can Germany strengthen its defence capabilities while maintaining its leading role in civilian crisis management at the same time? In this edition, authors like Rime Allaf, Ana Revenco and Eckart von Hirschhausen urge continued German leadership in environmental protection, support of democracy, Ukraine’s reconstruction and combating disinformation. With the number of conflicts and crises rising dependable rules can be an anchor. This is why UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk, Vice President of the European Parliament Katarina Barley, and United Arab Emirates Policy Center President Ebtesam Al-Ketbi urge Germany and Europe to remain committed to defending human rights and to upholding international law. Looking back on the history of the Federal Republic, the gap between public opinion and official policy is nothing new. But in the current geopolitical context, the question how Germany’s government will navigate the relationship between foreign policy principles and a changing public mood arises with renewed urgency. This edition of The Berlin Pulse seeks to stimulate reflection and debate on this question.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, National Security, Public Opinion, Geopolitics, Donald Trump, Russia-Ukraine War, and 2023 Gaza War
- Political Geography:
- Russia, Europe, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, Germany, Syria, and United States of America
34. Beyond the Pivot: Expanding South Korea’s Global Role and G7 Cooperation in a New Era
- Author:
- Tereza Novotná
- Publication Date:
- 12-2025
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Istituto Affari Internazionali
- Abstract:
- South Korea’s engagement with the G7 reflects a pragmatic response to a fragmented international environment. As the G7 has evolved into a forum for high-level political coordination, Seoul has emerged as a quasi-regular and consequential partner without pursuing formal membership. Under President Yoon, G7 outreach was framed as part of South Korea’s emergence as a global pivotal state; under President Lee, this approach has been largely sustained, though recalibrated through pragmatic diplomacy. G7 participation complements, rather than substitutes for, South Korea’s alliance with the US and its partnerships with NATO and the European Union, while offering a flexible venue for agenda-setting on global governance, technology and security. A less visible but politically significant benefit lies in the G7’s contribution to sustaining JapanKorea normalisation by lowering coordination costs. Stress-tested by US volatility and North Korea’s growing alignment with Russia, the G7 provides South Korea with strategic leverage.
- Topic:
- International Relations, NATO, Governance, European Union, Partnerships, Geopolitics, and G7
- Political Geography:
- Asia and South Korea
35. Moscow’s African relations: Unveiling Russia’s strategy in Africa and its impact on global politics
- Author:
- Seun Bamidele
- Publication Date:
- 09-2025
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Security and Defence Quarterly
- Institution:
- War Studies University
- Abstract:
- This paper aims to investigate Russia’s growing involvement in African affairs and understand how its actions are shaped by broader geopolitical calculations. The research also seeks to assess the implications of this engagement for global peace and security. To achieve these objectives, the study employs case studies and geopolitical analysis as its primary methodological tools. It focuses on key African regions -North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sahel region to examine Russia’s strategic goals and how they are pursued through specific initiatives and partnerships. This approach allows for a nuanced understanding of the regional variations and broader patterns in Russia’s African strategy. The findings reveal that over the past decade, Russia has significantly expanded its presence in Africa through a multifaceted strategy, which includes economic investments, military cooperation, and diplomatic outreach. By analysing Russia’s activities in the areas such as natural resource investments, military alliances, and political partnerships, the study identifies a clear alignment between Russia’s regional actions and global geopolitical ambitions. These engagements underscore a deliberate effort by Russia to reassert itself as a global power while reshaping the balance of influence in Africa. The study concludes that Russia’s strategic calculus in Africa is complex and deeply intertwined with its broader foreign policy goals. Its growing influence on the continent has significant implications for Africa’s political and economic development, as well as for international relations, in broad terms. By offering a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s strategies, the study enhances our understanding of the evolving dynamics of global power competition and the shifting geopolitical landscape.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, International Security, Geopolitics, and Regional Stability
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Russia
36. The Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue Between Achievements, Setbacks, and Unknowns
- Author:
- Jeta Loshaj, Ramadan Ilazi, Shpetim Gashi, and Katarina Tadić
- Publication Date:
- 05-2025
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
- Abstract:
- The normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia remains one of the most complex issues in the Western Balkans. Initiated in 2011 by the then EEAS Counsellor Robert Cooper and continued by Catherine Ashton the first meeting between the Prime Ministers of Serbia and Kosovo took place in October 2012. Though mostly focused on the technical level and faced with a lot of pushbacks internally, this initiative marked a significant milestone that led to reaching multiple agreements. These agreements serve as a basis for fostering what is called the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue to date. While the tasks for reaching full normalization of relations between the two countries are challenging and multifold, it required the involvement of the EU to serve as the main facilitator to enhance a communication channel between the counterparts which previously had no sustainable platform to negotiate or even communicate directly. Indeed, the EU still serves as the main bridge of communication between the parties. However, with the EU as a facilitator, and sometimes also with the (in)direct involvement of the US, much of the work remains at the hands of the counterparts themselves, namely the Governments of Kosovo and Serbia. For the two countries to move forward with EU accession, the progress on the Dialogue, among other issues, is a precondition to unlock that path. While the parties remain periodically invested in the process, which has been marked by waves of progress and oftentimes regress, as is perceived today, the process has stagnated and is characterized by uncertainty, particularly under the present geopolitical circumstances. There are a lot of blame games by the counterparts on who is more committed to the Dialogue, who is making more or fewer concessions, and a lot of questions on the objectivity, seriousness, and capacity of the EU to handle the negotiations. To provide a balanced approach on how the Dialogue is perceived and what the dynamics of the last four years have been, this paper includes a combination of two analyses by two experienced analysts from Kosovo and from Serbia. Both analyses tackle a range of issues and address questions such as: what are the internal and external factors affecting the Dialogue dynamics, what have been the main achievements and setbacks in the past four years, what are the main tradeoffs for the parties to negotiate, and what are the challenges to overcoming the current stalemate. For the purpose of providing an analysis that merges both perspectives, this first part of this paper is split into five chapters that seek to deconstruct the overall picture of the Dialogue. a) The Dialogue as seen from Kosovo’s and Serbia’s viewpoints. b) The main achievements and setbacks of the past four years. c) Challenges and internal and external factors affecting Dialogue dynamics. d) EU’s (and the US’s) role in restarting and maintaining the Dialogue. e) Expectations for the way forward.
- Topic:
- International Relations, European Union, Normalization, and Dialogue
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Balkans
37. USSR-Africa Relations in the 1970s and 1980s: An Analytical Proposal of Motivations, Conditioning Elements and Impacts
- Author:
- Paulo Gilberto Fagundes Visentini
- Publication Date:
- 10-2025
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Brazilian Journal of African Studies
- Institution:
- Brazilian Journal of African Studies
- Abstract:
- The actuality of the theme of USSR relations with African countries in the 1970s and 1980s is grounded in the revision of a dimension of the mainstream historiography of the Cold War and in the current Russia-Africa interaction, which has deeper roots, essential for its comprehension. The USSR-Africa relations constitute a historiographical gap, dominated by subtly instrumental works produced in the context of the late escalation of the Cold War on the continent. Within this framework, the present text is based on ongoing research. In two previous articles, here taken as a starting point, the focus was on the African Revolutions of the 1970s and 1980s, followed by the analysis of African Marxist Military Regimes during the same period. From this point forth, relevant matters emerged, such as the profile of the relations between the Second and Third Worlds, and the doubling of the number of self-proclaimed socialist states with a Marxist-Leninist orientation, all of which emerged in the periphery (rising from 14 to 30). Two-thirds of these new regimes were African. In this context, the present article examines the Soviet Union (USSR) relations with the African States that were its allies in the 1970s and 1980s. The analysis focuses on the reciprocal motivations, the conditioning elements and the resulting impacts and legacies. This process gained significance belatedly, within a short period of two decades (1969-89), targeting a limited number of countries, yet it was intense (sometimes motivated by Cuba) and had a considerable impact on the transformation of Africa. It is argued that African nations were not “pawns” of the Cold War in their cooperation with Moscow, nor that the USSR pursued a systemic project of “exporting the revolution” or a geopolitical Grand Design for Africa (Coker 1985)
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, History, Socialism/Marxism, Geopolitics, and Soviet Union
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Soviet Union
38. Georgian Authorities Consolidate Their Authoritarianism
- Author:
- Stefania Kolarz and Wojciech Wojtasiewicz
- Publication Date:
- 12-2025
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)
- Abstract:
- The Georgian Dream (GD) party, which has been ruling Georgia for 13 years, is seeking to fully consolidate its authoritarian system in the coming months, a process that has been underway since last year's parliamentary elections. To this end, it is seeking to eliminate key pro-Western opposition parties and, by cutting off funding, non-governmental organisations and independent media. These actions will further deteriorate Georgia's relations with the EU, the US and NATO.
- Topic:
- International Relations, NATO, Authoritarianism, Elections, European Union, Parliament, and Georgian Dream Party
- Political Geography:
- United States, Europe, Caucasus, and Georgia
39. R2P at 20: Quo Vadis? A discussion connected to the English School perspective on international relations (IR)
- Author:
- Tor Dahl-Eriksen
- Publication Date:
- 02-2025
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Review of Human Rights
- Institution:
- Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
- Abstract:
- In September 2005 the UN General Assembly adopted R2P, the universal principle to protect all populations from mass atrocities specified as genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing. Now, more than 20 years later, the vision from 2005 is far from realized. Towards a rather depressive background dominated by violent conflicts where mass atrocities still frequently occur, this article discusses what went wrong and why, and it tries to use accumulated insights to search for signs that may lead to a better future. By connecting the discussion to the English School theoretical perspective on international relations (IR), the article tries to explain why different challenges often are difficult to deal with, but not by definition impossible to overcome.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Sovereignty, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), UN Security Council, Atrocities, and Early Warning
- Political Geography:
- Global Focus
40. Silk Road legacy and China’s cultural diplomacy in Sino-Uzbek relations
- Author:
- Elżbieta Proń
- Publication Date:
- 09-2025
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
- Institution:
- Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
- Abstract:
- In the mid-2020s, Uzbekistan became China’s primary strategic partner in Central Asia (CA). Sino-Uzbek ties’ political and economic nature has been well-researched, but there is a research gap regarding China’s cultural diplomacy towards Uzbekistan. This paper fills this gap by providing a scrutiny of China’s instrumentalization of the Silk Road legacy, the use of archaeological cooperation as a diplomatic tool, and China’s educational diplomacy towards Uzbekistan. It argues that while China’s cultural diplomacy towards Uzbekistan has been built upon China’s diplomacy in Central Asia, Beijing designed it carefully, recognizing the distinctiveness of Uzbekistan’s political and cultural traditions. China’s cultural diplomacy towards Uzbekistan has been mainly fostered via top-down initiatives from Beijing, Xi’an academic and cultural institutions, and professional and academic exchange rather than people-to-people bottom-up interactions. As such, this paper contributes to research on the legacy of the Silk Road in Chinese foreign policy, Sino-Uzbek relations, and China-Central Asian studies.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, Cultural Diplomacy, and Silk Road
- Political Geography:
- China, Central Asia, Asia, and Uzbekistan