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29201. The Lampedusa Border. Setting the plot around security and humanitarianism | La frontière Lampedusa. Mises en intrigue du sécuritaire et de l’humanitaire

Author:
Paolo Cuttitta
Publication Date:
09-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
This paper presents the island of Lampedusa as the theatre stage on which the “border play” of immigration control is performed. The paper first introduces the performers and spectators of the play, outlining their roles and places with respect to the architecture of the theatre space as well as the dramaturgy of the play. Next, the paper analyses the five acts of the play, notably examining the time period in which each of them transpires and the most marking or spectacular events. Each act is analysed with regard to its dominant narratives. The war against irregular migration is waged and justified in resorting to two different narratives: one being security, and the other humanitarian. On the Lampedusa stage, while both narratives take turns commanding the scene, they both are in fact always present. The two rhetorics are intertwined with one another, and together they contribute to constituting and strengthening the policies and practices of migration and border control.
Topic:
Security, Humanitarian Aid, Immigration, Border Control, and Borders
Political Geography:
Europe, Italy, and Lampedusa

29202. Recurring Border Crises: Permanent Exception in Spain | Récurrence de la crise frontalière : l’exception permanente en Espagne

Author:
Lorenzo Gabrielli
Publication Date:
09-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
This article analyses the “bordering” process in Spain, notably with regard to its relation to ever-reoccurring “migration crises” at certain areas of the border. More specifically, it addresses the ways in which a structural phenomenon such as illegal immigration is politicized and managed as “exceptional” at the Spanish border. To better understand this dynamic, it analyses, on the one hand, the case of Ceuta and Melilla as pivotal sites of the execution of emergency, and, on the other hand, the Canary Islands as a temporary hotspot. Then, it decodes the elements hidden by the Spanish “bordering by crises” approach and its consequences. In particular, it exposes the way in which emergency management produces a de facto state of exception and excess at segments of the border carrying particular symbolic significance. Finally, it addresses the reasons behind this constant emergency management, namely asking whether emergency management provides an escape from the constraints imposed by fundamental and basic rights.
Topic:
Migration, Governance, Border Control, and Borders
Political Geography:
Europe, Spain, and Canary Islands

29203. Lesbos, the Island of Barriers. Migration and Containment at the Greece-Turkey Border | Lesbos, l’île aux grillages. Migrations et enfermement à la frontière gréco-turque

Author:
Laurence Pillant and Louise Tassin
Publication Date:
09-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
Based on two separate studies in sociology and geography, this article emphasizes the effects of “armour-plating” borders in the European Union through a focus on the confinement measures used on migrants at the Greece-Turkey border. Analysing both the construction and contention of detention centres on Lesbos Island, this paper shows that migration control is situated in a myriad of formal as well as informal sites, therefore going beyond the walls of official centres and sanctioning the immobilization or locking up of migrants. Consequently, this article places official detention centres and spaces created by civil society in a wider continuum. While the latter provide an alternative form of detention, in extending and reproducing logics of confinement, in the end, they too build barriers.
Topic:
Migration, Sociology, Border Control, Refugees, and Geography
Political Geography:
Europe, Turkey, and Greece

29204. A Cautionary Tale of Zambia’s International Sovereign Bond Issuances

Author:
Shebo Nalishebo and Albert Halwampa
Publication Date:
03-2015
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Zambia Institute for Policy Analysis and Research (ZIPAR)
Abstract:
In recent years, Zambia has been faced with the increased need to plug huge infrastructural gaps. However, the slowing down of bilateral and multilateral financing due to austerity measures in developed economies has made the country diversify its budget and project financing options by issuing Eurobonds. Eurobonds are commercial borrowings by governments in currencies other than their own - in Zambia’s case, the borrowing is denominated in US dollars. Since 2012, the Zambian Government has issued two ten-year sovereign bonds collectively worth US$1.75 billion mainly to finance infrastructure projects. Eurobonds bring with them opportunities for economic development, but there are risks. This report assesses the current legal and institutional frameworks governing borrowing from international capital markets in Zambia, including the role of credit rating agencies. It also examines the benefits, costs and risks associated with the issuance of sovereign bonds, including the cost and risk of sovereign defaults. It also proposes the mitigation of these costs and risks. Eurobonds offer African countries easy access to monies that are free from the stringent conditionalities that often come with the traditional concessional borrowing. Eurobonds also strengthen macroeconomic discipline and are used as a benchmark for pricing subnational bonds. If the borrowed funds are spent on projects that offer a greater scope for augmenting revenue earnings and creating employment opportunities, this would accelerate economic growth and reduce the high poverty levels that Africa faces.
Topic:
Economy, Economic Development, Public Debt, Bonds, and Eurobonds
Political Geography:
Africa and Zambia

29205. Eurobonds Repayment: Limiting the Risks

Author:
Shebo Nalishebo and Albert Halwampa
Publication Date:
03-2015
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Zambia Institute for Policy Analysis and Research (ZIPAR)
Abstract:
In recent years, the Zambian economy has been growing strongly and the country has increasingly been faced with the need to plug huge infrastructural gaps. However, the slowing down of bilateral and multilateral financing due to austerity measures in developed economies and the World Bank’s reclassification of Zambia as a lower middle income country has led financiers to divert concessional loans to other needy countries in the low income bracket. Consequently, Zambia has had to diversify its budget and project financing options by issuing Eurobonds which are commercial borrowings by governments in currencies other than their own - in Zambia’s case, it is denominated in US dollars. Since 2012, the Zambian Government has issued two ten-year sovereign bonds collectively worth US$1.75 billion to mainly finance infrastructure projects. These two bonds amounted to 37% of Zambia’s external debt in 2014. With an average coupon rate of 6.9%, the two bonds have bullet repayment structures, implying that lump sum principal payments will be paid at the end of their respective ten-year maturity periods. The coupon rate is the interest rate at the time of issuance. Notwithstanding the high interest payments of over US$125 million annually, the bullet structure of the two bonds may have significant repayment risks as the country is expected to pay out the US$1.75 billion within a two-year period (in 2022 and 2024). The country may experience difficulty in repaying or refinancing the face value at maturity if the money is not spent in activities with high economic returns and if there are adverse changes in its exchange rate or international market conditions. The risks are already on the horizon – the recent depreciation of the Kwacha has increased debt servicing costs, while the low copper prices have reduced the much-needed export revenues used to service debt. Has Zambia dug itself into another debt hole? What measures can be put in place to mitigate the risk of a pending default?
Topic:
Economy, Economic Growth, Bonds, and Eurobonds
Political Geography:
Africa and Zambia

29206. The Normative Terrain of the Global Refugee Regime

Author:
Alexander Betts
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Abstract:
The global refugee regime encompasses the rules, norms, principles, and decision-making procedures that govern states' responses to refugees. It comprises a set of norms, primarily those entrenched in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, which defines who is a refugee and the rights to which such people are entitled. It also comprises an international organization, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which has supervisory responsibility for ensuring that states meet their obligations toward refugees.
Topic:
United Nations, Refugees, Displacement, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Global Focus

29207. SOGI-Related Forced Migration in East Africa: Fleeing Uganda After the Passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act

Author:
Gitta Zomorodi
Publication Date:
07-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
Over the past decade, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) Ugandans have sought safety and asylum in various countries, but never in such numbers or with such a high degree of visibility as following the passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act in December 2013. When reports of LGBT Ugandans seeking refuge in Kenya began to surface in the months following, many international donors and LGBT activists in the region felt at a loss for how to respond. Stories of LGBT Ugandans in the Kakuma refugee camp and Nairobi highlighted difficult living conditions, harassment, arrests and violence. Refugee service providers, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), struggled to respond to the unexpected influx, one that coincided with a government crackdown on refugees in Kenya. It seemed that the Ugandans had left one hostile and insecure environment for another, yet the numbers continued to grow. Instead of slowing, following the Anti-Homosexuality Act’s nullification in August 2014, the stream of asylum seekers from Uganda continued and even increased. …The findings of the research are intended to inform the individuals and organizations who have been responding or wish to respond to this complex situation; to help strengthen protection mechanisms within Uganda and Kenya; and to support proactive and sustainable interventions to address LGBT forced migration. While the recommendations are focused on the situation related to Uganda, it is hoped that they have relevance to the region more broadly and wherever similar situations may arise.
Topic:
Refugees, LGBT+, Asylum, and Forced Migration
Political Geography:
Uganda, Africa, and East Africa

29208. Advancing Women’s Agency in Conflict Settings through Health Work: A Comparative Evaluation of the Dr. Hawa Abdi Foundation and the Panzi Foundation

Author:
Patty Chang, Mayesha Alam, Roslyn Warren, Rukmani Bhatia, and Rebecca Turkington
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women historically have been, and remain, marginalized from the highest echelons of political power. As a result, their experiences, perspectives, leadership, and potential are untapped in governance. In international peacemaking, women are grossly underrepresented, especially in high-level processes. There are growing calls – by both international policymakers and feminists – to do more to include and uplift women in peace and security efforts, as originally directed in UN Security Council Resolution 1325. Today, this is increasingly framed as not only the “right” thing to do, but also the “smart” thing to do. But what does this mean? And what can we learn from women who have mobilized and engaged in peacemaking already? This study examines women’s political participation in peace negotiations, focusing on four cases where women have gained access to high-level official negotiations. Each case study – Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines – is framed by eight overarching research questions: Why did women mobilize for peace? How did women mobilize and organize to gain access to high-level peace negotiations? How did they form coalitions and alliances? How did they assemble and shape agendas? How did they set priorities for their activities? How did their priorities change when they participated in high-level peace negotiations? How did they negotiate their goals? And, to what extent were their objectives or priorities represented in the resulting peace agreement? As a departure from publications of a similar nature, this study offers a comprehensive, systematic literature review and a series of new findings on women participating in high-level peace processes in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines based on a political economy approach. It analyzes nearly 100 in-depth, face-to-face interviews collected in-country with diverse women in civil society, and applies a rigorous two-stage coding method to examine emergent themes. All data are triangulated against existing secondary literature and primary source documents to improve the reliability and validity of results. Although this is not a cross-comparative study, there are interesting commonalities in women’s experiences that are decipherable. For example, in each case, women were primarily motivated by a desire to end violent conflict, and they seized opportunities that emerged within the process to play more prominent political roles in the formal negotiations. Women drew upon their personal connections and leveraged their interpersonal and professional skills, as well as their political capabilities, to advance their goals. In Northern Ireland and Kenya, for example, women drew on pre-existing and new networks, which proved vital to mobilization. In Guatemala and the Philippines, women forged strategic alliances and relentlessly lobbied at multiple levels in order to negotiate their goals. At the same time, in each case, external actors – within and outside of the country in question – influenced women’s mobilization. Despite the similarities between the four cases, there are also many important distinctions in how women negotiated their goals, shaped agendas, formulated proposals, and influenced the content of peace agreements. In Northern Ireland, the NIWC established a precedent for political participation and engaged in women’s collective political consciousness-raising. In Guatemala, provisions inserted in the final agreement tracked back to the Women’s Sector’s agenda, but overall the language on gender lacked the strength and depth the Women’s Sector desired. In Kenya, women in CSOs held mixed sentiments about their degree of influence on the process, but generally felt the mediation agenda reflected the issues for which they lobbied. In the Philippines, the dual effects of women officially embedded in the peace talks and external pressure from civil society women’s networks influenced the language, agenda, and format of the power-sharing agreement. The differences of women’s experiences, resulting from unique conditions in each case, reinforce the understanding that women are not a monolithic demographic anywhere. Rather, race, religion, ethnicity, economic status, cultural background, and other characteristics shape their identities, perspectives, agendas, and lived experiences. This report describes and analyzes the specificity of women’s political participation in each country in detail, demonstrating the myriad ways in which women can and do engage in peacemaking, as well as the challenges they face and the limits of their participation. 12Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security Overall, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of not only why and how women in CSOs mobilized for peace, but also how they shaped negotiations and outcome documents within a specific context. More importantly, this study finds that how women in civil society gain access to high-level peace negotiations is contingent not only on the careful selection of tactics and strategies, but also on the dynamic relationships and iterative interactions between different parties (i.e., government officials, rebel organizations, key constituents), the opportunity structures that permit participation, and the socio-political context that shape the interactions. This report is a unique and a significant contribution not only because of its methodological rigor, but also because it brings the voices of different women peacemakers to the fore, highlighting their perceptions, reflections, and lessons-learned. In doing so, the findings here describe how women’s participation affects negotiations and their outcomes. Having a woman at the formal negotiation table does not guarantee that she will raise issues of gender equality and women’s empowerment, as demonstrated by Raquel Zelaya, who was a member of the Guatemalan government’s peace panel. At the same time, depending on which and how many women are at the table, it is possible that issues affecting women and their families may be taken more seriously, as was increasingly evident in the Philippines. Outside of the confines of official negotiations, women in civil society tend to seek transformative change in a way that conceptualizes peace beyond the cessation of hostilities and the disarmament of warring troops. Irrespective of their strategies and approaches to engagement, this was true for civil society women in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines, and it is by no means unique to those four countries. The frequent, if not consistent, abrogation of peace agreements coupled with the continued marginalization of women from the business of peacemaking poses two problematic, and possibly correlated, challenges that stymie the durability and inclusivity of peace agreements. In recognition of the unfinished business of gender equality, this timely report offers a detailed historical account of women’s participation in four contexts. There are many important lessons-learned about women’s participation and leadership in peace processes, which are shaped by their circumstances, but hold relevance beyond the four respective contexts. As such, the study also acts as a resource for women in civil society currently engaged in peace activism in conflict settings around the world. At the same time, in a world fraught by violent conflict, this report serves as an informative tool for representatives of international institutions that promote governance, security, and development.
Topic:
Health, Governance, Women, Conflict, Peace, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Global Focus

29209. Under Fire: Women Human Rights Defenders in Mesoamerica

Author:
Ashley Binetti
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) are integral to the promotion of human rights in their communities and in fostering regional stability. However, WHRDs often face violent repercussions for their work—including physical attacks, death threats and assassinations. The danger faced by WHRDs is particularly acute in Mesoamerica, where there were 1,375 reported attacks against WHRDs in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala between 2012 and 2013. When assessing how to protect WHRDs, it is important to understand their unique vulnerabilities, which stem from their gender and the subject of their advocacy efforts. Despite a strong normative international legal framework, available regional protection mechanisms through the Organization of American States (OAS) and the nascent development of national laws, Mesoamerican WHRDs work under perilous conditions while their persecutors operate with impunity. While it is the primary responsibility of States to protect WHRDs, the United States has a legal and moral duty to assist this vulnerable population when their own governments are perpetrators of the abuse or fail to provide protection from attacks. This duty arises from UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and its progeny, which embody principles of binding customary international law, as well as the U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, which represents the government’s express commitment to empower women around the world as agents of peace and stability. In addition to maintaining a clear regional policy against femicide, pressuring foreign governments to improve their laws and investigate and punish attacks against WHRDs, and suspending U.S. aid to governments who wantonly abuse or fail to protect defenders, the U.S. can also act in concrete ways to directly benefit WHRDs. This paper recommends that the U.S. begin to strengthen its commitment to WHRDs by: (1) Improving access to existing funds for human rights defenders, and (2) Increasing the availability of temporary humanitarian relocation within the U.S. through longer-term B1 and B2 visas, or by implementing a Temporary Protected Status (TPS)-type program for WHRDs. The implications of these recommendations would allow WHRDs to access available funds with greater ease, and seek temporary respite in the U.S. until safety concerns were eliminated and they could return home to continue their work. WHRDs in Mesoamerica are engaged in promoting democracy and human rights, which strengthens not only their own communities, but also bolsters regional security and stability more broadly. In acting upon these two recommendations, and in remaining cognizant of underlying gender vulnerabilities when exploring new protection mechanisms in consultation with WHRDs, the U.S. will demonstrably strengthen the commitment it made to WHRDs in its National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, and confirm its solidarity with advocates of human rights in Mesoamerica and beyond.
Topic:
Human Rights, Women, Democracy, and Political stability
Political Geography:
Latin America and Central America

29210. Protection for Whom? Violations of International Law in Myanmar's New 'Race and Religion Protection' Laws

Author:
Chloé White
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
In recent years, Myanmar has undergone a significant political transformation. In 2011, after nearly sixty years of iron-fisted rule, the governing military junta transferred power to a quasicivilian government.1 The new government has undertaken various political and economic reforms2 and has become a signatory to and ratified several international treaties.3 In response, the United States, the European Union and others have opened up relations with the country and eased sanctions.4 Despite these advances, however, Myanmar has several obstacles to overcome before it can be considered a pluralistic, functioning democracy. The analysis here focuses on two issues of concern: discrimination against minority ethnic and religious groups, particularly Muslims, and discrimination against women, and how the two have intertwined in dangerous new state policy. Myanmar president Thein Sein recently signed into law a set of four bills that exemplify the challenges facing the country. 5 These new laws are allegedly aimed at ‘preserving race and religion,’ but have a clear goal of discriminating against Muslims and other non-Buddhist groups by, in part, reinforcing traditional gender stereotypes. 6 The group of bills, first proposed in 2013 by the anti-Muslim Association for the Protection of Race and Religion (known as Ma Ba Tha) and supported by a petition supposedly signed by 1.3 million people,7 consists of legislation to outlaw polygamy and adultery, regulate religious conversions, restrict the marriage of Buddhist women to non-Buddhist men, and institute population control measures.8 While some of the provisions of these bills may seem innocuous, the timing of their passage, shortly before the November 2015 elections,9 and the surrounding rhetoric by ultra-nationalists belie any ostensibly benign motives. These initiatives could, both as passed and in practice, further exacerbate religious, ethnic and gender strife, violate both the Burmese constitution as well as international norms and obligations, and pose a particular threat to women’s health and empowerment.
Topic:
International Law, Politics, Women, Discrimination, and Rohingya
Political Geography:
Southeast Asia and Myanmar

29211. The 2015 Nigeria Elections & Violence Against Women in Politics

Author:
Alexandra Z. Safir and Mayesha Alam
Publication Date:
04-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Violence against women in politics is a global scourge that marginalizes women in political and public life. This report examines the troubling, multidimensional phenomenon of violence against women in politics and elections with specific focus on Nigeria, where historic presidential elections were held on March 28, 2015, followed by local elections on April 12. In the lead up to the elections, which were postponed for six weeks due to the tenuous security situation, there was widespread fear of electoral violence. However, monitors and the international community deemed Nigeria’s elections free and fair, an unprecedented peaceful and democratic transition of power. Despite this commendable achievement, electoral politics in Nigeria is not free from violence, and women face significant gender-based vulnerabilities. In the year prior to the elections, Nigeria experienced more political violence than it had during its previous election cycle in 2011, when over 1000 fatalities were reported. During the presidential election, an attack by the Islamic militant group Boko Haram killed 41 people, including a legislator and two voters, and scared hundreds away from the polls.1 Additionally, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has reported 66 incidents of violence during the more recent local elections.
Topic:
Politics, Elections, Women, and Participation
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

29212. Women Leading Peace: A Close Examination of Women’s Political Participation in Peace Processes in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines

Author:
Patty Chang, Mayesha Alam, Roslyn Warren, Rukmani Bhatia, and Rebecca Turkington
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women make important contributions to the attainment of peace, but they remain grossly underrepresented in official peacemaking processes. This study and policy brief demonstrate how women from civil society in the Philippines, Northern Ireland, Guatemala, and Kenya accessed and shaped peace processes in their countries. It illustrates that women from civil society have greatest impact on peace agreements— making them more comprehensive and durable—if they are involved in official roles during the peace process.
Topic:
Civil Society, Women, and Peace
Political Geography:
Kenya, Philippines, Guatemala, and Northern Ireland

29213. Women and Climate Change: Impact and Agency in Human Rights, Security, and Economic Development

Author:
Mayesha Alam, Rukmani Bhatia, and Briana Mawby
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Climate change is a global challenge that burdens all of humanity, but not equally. The world’s poor, the majority of whom are women, are encumbered disproportionately. The distinct impacts of climate change on men and women are exacerbated in settings that are also affected by violent conflict, political instability, and economic strife. As the world struggles to grapple with rapid onset disasters as well as respond to slower degradation caused by climate change, it is critical to ensure that the plight of women is firmly on the agenda of concerns, and that women – from different backgrounds – are able to lead in negotiations and participate in the design and implementation of programs. This report comes at an important time of international observance when new commitments to action will be made, coinciding not only with the fifteenth anniversaries of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) and the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000, but also in anticipation of the Conference of Parties (COP) 21 conference in Paris in late 2015. In an effort to remedy the dearth of existing literature on women and climate change, this report makes an important contribution by covering a wide variety of issues; highlighting both impact and agency; mapping examples of solutions that have proven to be successful; and holding relevance to policy- makers, practitioners, scholars, and students. The findings of the report are based on and buttressed by a thorough examination of international conventions and protocols; national action plans; journal articles and other scholarly publications; reports by government and multilateral agencies; policy briefs and guidance notes, as well as civil society reports. The analysis is also informed by and draws upon a series of consultations with experts from around the world in research, advocacy, program design and implementation, and global leadership positions. As a result, the study represents an interdisciplinary endeavor with far-reaching practical applicability.
Topic:
Security, Climate Change, Human Rights, Women, and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Global Focus

29214. Devaluation of Azerbaijani National Currency; Causes and Consequences

Author:
CESD Research Team
Publication Date:
02-2015
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Economic and Social Development (CESD)
Abstract:
Starting on February 21st, 2015 the official exchange rate of the dollar to the manat, the Azerbaijani national currency, has been set at 1.05 manat, which is 33.86 percent higher than the exchange rate set prior to the beginning of the exchange rate weakening process. The Azerbaijani national currency has been depreciated against US dollar for the first time since 2006. Since the sharp drop of crude oil prices in the world market in the fall of 2014, the Central Bank of Azerbaijan has faced the dilemma of either a sharp depreciation or a gradual devaluation of the manat. In fact, the Central Bank has announced that a sharp depreciation would not be in the government’s agenda in the near future. But, just two days after the Central Bank’s governor’s official declaration on not having a sharp depreciation, the national currency of Azerbaijan has lost its value against major foreign currencies by 33.86 %. The Manat’s rate dropped to 1.05 from 0.78 against to US dollar.
Topic:
Economy, Exchange Rate Policy, Central Bank, and Currency
Political Geography:
Azerbaijan and South Caucasus

29215. Energy Security and Energy Union Perspectives for Azerbaijan

Author:
Rovshan Jamalov and Tahmasib Alizada
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Economic and Social Development (CESD)
Abstract:
Azerbaijan is a reliable partner in the energy security issue for the oil importer countries. Country has sufficiently traditional energy resources which already invested on this energy sector. However, country geographical location gives opportunity in order to use the alternative and renewable energy resources which helps to keep the balance of the utilization of energy resources. The energy security is also main important issue for the country. Therefore, country broaden the relation with the EU in the context of EU energy security and EaP partnership countries.
Topic:
Security, Energy Policy, European Union, Renewable Energy, and Geography
Political Geography:
Europe, Azerbaijan, and South Caucasus

29216. Evaluation and Modeling of Comparative Advantages in Agriculture in Azerbaijan

Author:
CESD Research Team
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Economic and Social Development (CESD)
Abstract:
The short history of transition to the economic model is based on the modern principles of the market and assurance to the trade surplus that was formed by natural resources within external trade. During previous periods in Azerbaijan these ones were considered the main causes for the shape of production and export opportunities according to the principles of comparative advantage. It is not a coincidence that the size of the non-oil sector does not even reach the 10% (7.4% in 2013) of the export. In addition, exports are approximately six times less than imports. Other important issues are the increase of citizen‟s welfare, the creation of a strong supply of food for the country, and the support of an effective use of a potential export through the use of agriculture, which is an essential part of Azeri employment (37.1% in 2013). Additionally, the agricultural sector needs to be more profitable in Azerbaijan. For the reasons mentioned above, the main aims of this research are to analyze the local characteristics of agriculture, to define the export possibilities and products that have comparative advantages in agriculture, and to research about countries in which there are more suitable market conditions and export opportunities. Moreover, the dependency of a country‟s financial stability on raw materials, especially oil and oil products, is going to form an international threat. On the other hand, providing sustainability in the Azerbaijani economy is currently one of the main duties of the government.
Topic:
Agriculture, Markets, Trade, and Financial Stability
Political Geography:
Azerbaijan and South Caucasus

29217. ICE Officers Overwhelmingly Use Their Discretion to Detain LGBT Immigrants

Author:
Sharita Gruberg
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for American Progress - CAP
Abstract:
On November 20, 2014, as part of President Barack Obama’s executive actions on immigration, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, or DHS, Secretary Jeh Johnson issued a memorandum that established priorities to guide all aspects of immigration enforcement regarding the apprehension, detention, and removal of unauthorized immigrants.1 Those priorities have focused government resources on addressing threats to public safety, national security, and border security rather than on unauthorized immigrants who have been in the United States for years without committing serious crimes. That memorandum, in addition to outlining enforcement priorities, clarified that certain categories of vulnerable people—unless subject to mandatory detention—should not be detained absent extraordinary circumstances.2 Although the memo does not specifically mention lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender—or LGBT—immigrants, due to their extreme risk of abuse in detention, they are recognized as a “special vulnerability” category by the DHS.3 Data obtained recently by the Center for American Progress through a Freedom of Information Act request revealed that despite the priorities outlined in the memo, the DHS elected to detain a higher percentage of LGBT immigrants who were not subject to mandatory detention in fiscal year 2015 than the year before the memorandum was issued.4 These data indicate that Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, officers ignored Secretary Johnson’s enforcement priorities when making custody decisions for LGBT immigrants.
Topic:
Migration, Immigration, Discrimination, LGBT+, Labor Policies, and Police
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

29218. Countering Foreign Terrorist Fighter (FTF) Recruitment Workshop: Counter-Messaging and the Role of Disillusioned Former Fighters

Author:
Hedayah
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Hedayah
Abstract:
Foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) returning to their home countries from the conflict stimulated by the self-proclaimed “Islamic State” or ad-Dawlah al-Islamiyah fil-Iraq wa asSham (DA’ESH) abroad, are a growing concern for many countries—particularly those in the international counter-DA’ESH coalition. Past conferences and workshops have focused on issues related to FTF rehabilitation and reintegration back into society, but the need for effective counter-narrative communication strategies to prevent the spread of violent extremism and terrorism is now more relevant than ever. The use of interviews, testimonials, and statements of once-inspired FTFs, who now denounce the actions of DA’ESH and other terrorist groups, can be potentially powerful in countering DA’ESH recruitment. This three-day countering violent extremism (CVE) workshop—hosted by Hedayah, the Abu Dhabi-based international CVE center of excellence—convened government and nongovernment CVE practitioners to share communication approaches relevant to countering FTF radicalization and recruitment into DA’ESH, with a particular focus on the role of disillusioned FTFs in creating counter narratives/ messages. Over the course of the three days, participants were asked to apply knowledge gained from the panel sessions to create and develop the content and structure of an alternative or counter-narrative/message that involves actual case studies of individuals who have traveled to join DA’ESH.
Topic:
Terrorism, Recruitment, Foreign Fighters, and Political Extremism
Political Geography:
Middle East and Global Focus

29219. Understanding the Great Recession

Author:
Mario Seccareccia and Marc Lavoie
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET)
Abstract:
Some Fundamental Keynesian and Post-Keynesian Insights, with an Analysis of Possible Mechanisms to Achieve a Sustained Recovery Fears of deflation and long-term stagnation have become more commonplace since the Great Recession. Yet, within the mainstream, economists are divided into two camps: those who see the benefits of downward wage and price adjustment, as a private sector stabilizer, and those who fear deflationary pressures because of their destabilizing consequences. This paper reviews this theoretical literature using a simple “New Consensus” framework of analysis and it also seeks to describe how mainstream and heterodox economists analyzing the consequences of deflationary pressures come to very different conclusions on the nature of private sector stabilizers in a recessionary environment. After reviewing the different perspectives, the paper undertakes a comparative analysis of the experience of both the Great Depression and the Great Recession by looking at the behavior of certain key variables in three countries: Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. The paper concludes that, if it was not for the quick actions of governments in stabilizing the economy through activist macroeconomic policies during the Great Recession, private sector stabilizers were actually less significant during the recent crisis than they were during the 1930s.
Topic:
Economics, Global Recession, Economic Theory, Sustainability, and Economic Recovery
Political Geography:
Global Focus

29220. A Theory of How and Why Central-Bank Culture Supports Predatory Risk-Taking at Megabanks

Author:
Edward J. Kane
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET)
Abstract:
This paper applies Schein’s model of organizational culture to financial firms and their prudential regulators. It identifies a series of hard-to-change cultural norms and assumptions that support go-for-broke risk-taking by megabanks that meets the every-day definition of theft. The problem is not to find new ways to constrain this behavior, but to change the norms that support it by establishing that managers of megabanks owe duties of loyalty, competence, and care directly to taxpayers.
Topic:
Economic Theory, Central Bank, Risk, Fiscal Policy, and Banking
Political Geography:
Global Focus