Publication Year: within 10 Years

30051. License to Be Yourself: Forced Sterilization

Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The vast majority of trans people around the world cannot obtain legal recognition of—or official documents that match—their gender identity. Where laws do recognize trans people, they often require that trans people have undergone gender affirming surgeries or hormone treatment, which result in sterilization. This forces trans people to choose between legal recognition of their gender identity or medical treatments they do not desire. In many cases these requirements amount to forced or coerced sterilization. This brief explains legal requirements that affect the recognition of trans and intersex people. It examines case law and addresses key arguments made by those who defend required medical treatments. It is the second of four resources for activists that accompany Open Society’s 2014 report on legal gender recognition across the world, License to Be Yourself.
Topic:: Gender Issues, LGBT+, Public Health, Identity, Transgender, and Sterilization
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30052. License to Be Yourself: Trans Children and Youth

Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The vast majority of trans youth around the world cannot obtain legal recognition of—or official documents that match—their gender identity. This means trans youth have to navigate sex-segregated situations with no formal documents that support their gender identity. This exposes trans youth to exclusion, discrimination, and abuse. Day-to-day impacts include being excluded from single-sex schools, and from gender-segregated activities such as sports teams or school camps. Often trans children and youth are prohibited from using school bathrooms that are appropriate for their gender identity, placing them at high risk of violence and bullying. This brief explains international human rights obligations and current recognition laws from across the world. It also examines key arguments made by those who opppose legal gender recognition for trans youth. It is the third of four resources for activists that accompany Open Society’s 2014 report on legal gender recognition across the world, License to Be Yourself.
Topic:: Education, Gender Issues, Youth, LGBT+, Sexual Violence, Justice, Sexuality, Sexual Health, and Transgender
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30053. License to Be Yourself: Marriage and Forced Divorce

Publication Date:: 04-2015
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The vast majority of trans people around the world cannot obtain legal recognition of—or official documents that match—their gender identity. Where laws do recognize trans people, they often exclude those who are married. This forces trans people to choose between legal recognition of their gender identity or their marriage. Forced divoce violates trans people’s right to privacy, marriage, and recognition under the law. This brief explains legal restrictions that affect the recognition of married trans and intersex people. It examines case law and addresses key arguments made by those who oppose such recognition. It is the first of four resources for activists that accompany Open Society’s 2014 report on legal gender recognition across the world, License to Be Yourself.
Topic:: Law, Discrimination, LGBT+, Family, Sexuality, Marriage, and Transgender
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30054. Community, Not Confinement

Publication Date:: 10-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Open Society Foundations
Abstract:: The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) affirms the rights of all people to live in their communities. Yet between 2007 and 2013, EU member states invested millions of euros of EU structural funds into institutions that confine and segregate people living with disabilities. Now, although the 2014–2020 round of structural funds requires member states to introduce domestic deinstitutionalization measues, the danger remains that EU investments in institutions will continue. The European Commission has a responsibility to ensure the rights of Europeans with disabilities and the proper direction of EU investments. Community, Not Confinement examines EU law and policy governing the use of structural funds, and EU and state responsibilities to human rights obligations under international and EU law. This report also recommends several steps the commission should take, including providing clear guidance to member states that projects selected for the use of structural funds must comply with the CRPD; verifying that such programming aligns with the CRPD and supports independent living; and funding civil society to monitor member states’ investments and inform the commission of findings.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, United Nations, Law, Disability, Community, Political Rights, and Legal Sector
Political Geography:: Europe

30055. Baku Dialogues

Author:: Zaur Shiriyev
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Baku Dialogues
Institution:: ADA University
Abstract:: “Baku Dialogues” is a series of events featuring leading world personalities who will address subjects of current international interest by presenting their views and participating in discussion of these subjects with interested Azerbaijani and international figures. These presentations and discussions, along with other submissions, will be recorded in the “Baku Dialogues”, ADA University’s new journal of record for academic and policy research.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, Diplomacy, Treaties and Agreements, International Security, Partnerships, Peace, and Berlin Wall
Political Geography:: United Kingdom, Europe, Turkey, Finland, Latvia, and Global Focus

30056. Gender, Agency and Vulnerability: The Case of Western Muslim Women Joining the ISIS

Author:: Aamer Raza
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: In this article I look at the case of Western Muslim women who joined the Islamic terrorist group of ISIS. I deconstruct the generally held assumptions in the main stream Western media about the desirability of an unrestricted life. One of the major questions that I raise through this article is whether or not feminist scholarship should aim at developing a certain standard of emancipation of women. To be more specific, through this study, I want to understand what freedom means for different actors—Western Muslim women, mainstream media, and social media—involved in the debate on young western men and women joining the ISIS.
Topic:: Gender Issues, Islam, Women, and Islamic State
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30057. E-Governance, Police Reforms, and Human Rights in Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa, Pakistan

Author:: Fasihuddin and Syed Ali Raza Zaidi
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: The Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government is about to pass a legislation (Police Bill 2016) to replace the colonial police law. Moreover, the provincial police administration has already taken certain measures to introduce modern information technology in the policing system. These measures were taken in the larger backdrop of provincial government’s interest in introducing egovernance in the province. In this article we discuss these measures with a focus on whether the police performance and human rights conditions have improved with them.
Topic:: Human Rights, Governance, Reform, and Police
Political Geography:: Pakistan and South Asia

30058. Law, Rights, and the Colonial Administrative System: A Critical Note on the Frontier Crimes Regulation (1901) in the FATA, Pakistan

Author:: Noreen Naseer
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: With these regulations, the colonial administration consolidated the long-term basis of their power and institutionalised an oppressive administrative-judicial system. For this purpose they also engaged local elites and customs. The administrative-judicial system introduced on the Northwestern border was different from the criminal and civil laws introduced elsewhere in British India. In 1947, when British colonial governance ended and the tribal areas became part of Pakistan, the oppressive colonial system of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) continued. It is still in force to the present day. In this article, I discuss the control structure of the administrative-judicial system that was imposed through these crime regulations in the FATA. I argue that these regulations are against fundamental rights prescribed in Pakistan’s Constitution of 1973 and the UN Human Rights Charter. I also highlight the plight of tribal people suffering politically, socially, and economically due to these undemocratic and discriminatory regulations, which are unduly unjustified and defended by a group of people with vested interests.
Topic:: Crime, Human Rights, History, Law, and Regulation
Political Geography:: Pakistan and South Asia

30059. Human Rights in Cambodia after the Khmer Rouge

Author:: Alvin Cheng-Hin Lim
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: This article will first consider the decline of human rights in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge’s Democratic Kampuchea regime. This will be compared with the situation in the Vietnamese-backed regime which followed Democratic Kampuchea, and with the post-conflict regime that was established after the Paris Peace Agreements of 1991. In particular, it will examine the different ways Cambodians lost their human rights under the revolutionary socialist regime of Democratic Kampuchea, the postrevolutionary socialist regime of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea, and the neoliberal post-socialist conditions of contemporary Cambodia. The article will conclude with a consideration of the future of human rights in Cambodia.
Topic:: Human Rights, History, Authoritarianism, and Khmer Rouge
Political Geography:: Asia, Cambodia, and Southeast Asia

30060. “Divine Violence” After the Kharotabad Killings

Author:: Syed Sami Raza
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Review of Human Rights
Institution:: Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
Abstract:: In 2011 the law enforcement agencies of Pakistan killed a group of foreigners traveling across Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The agencies then tried to cover up the incident by calling it a potential suicide-bombing attack. However, they could not succeed in the cover-up plan primarily due to a photograph of one of the killed aliens—a woman—that appeared on local media. In this photograph the alien woman is shown lying on the ground near a sandbag-covered check-post waving for mercy/justice. The photograph becomes viral on both electronic news and social media and impels the government to order an inquiry. In this article, I engage the concept of “divine violence” and explore the photograph’s politics of aesthetics, which I argue contextualizes the photograph’s meaning during a creative moment for human rights.
Topic:: Security, Politics, Terrorism, Violence, and Aesthetics
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Afghanistan, and South Asia

30061. Volume 65 Issue 1

Author:: Halis Yunus Ersöz
Publication Date:: 01-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Istanbul Journal of Economics
Institution:: Istanbul University Faculty of Economics
Abstract:: Istanbul Journal of Economics-İstanbul İktisat Dergisi is an open access, peer-reviewed, scholarly journal published two times a year in June and December. It has been an official publication of Istanbul University Faculty of Economics since 1939. The manuscripts submitted for publication in the journal must be scientific and original work in Turkish or English. Being one of the earliest peer-reviewed academic journals in Turkey in the area of economics, Istanbul Journal of Economics-İstanbul İktisat Dergisi aims to provide a forum for exploring issues in basicly economics and publish both disciplinary and multidisciplinary articles. Economics is the main scope of the journal. However, multidisciplinary and comparative approaches are encouraged as well and articles from various social science areas such as sociology of economics, history, social policy, international relations, financial studies are welcomed in this regard. The target group of the journal consists of academicians, researchers, professionals, students, related professional and academic bodies and institutions.
Topic:: Economics, International Political Economy, Philosophy, and Political Science
Political Geography:: Turkey and Global Focus

30062. Volume 65 Issue 2

Author:: Haluk Alkan
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Istanbul Journal of Economics
Institution:: Istanbul University Faculty of Economics
Abstract:: Istanbul Journal of Economics-İstanbul İktisat Dergisi is an open access, peer-reviewed, scholarly journal published two times a year in June and December. It has been an official publication of Istanbul University Faculty of Economics since 1939. The manuscripts submitted for publication in the journal must be scientific and original work in Turkish or English. Being one of the earliest peer-reviewed academic journals in Turkey in the area of economics, Istanbul Journal of Economics-İstanbul İktisat Dergisi aims to provide a forum for exploring issues in basicly economics and publish both disciplinary and multidisciplinary articles. Economics is the main scope of the journal. However, multidisciplinary and comparative approaches are encouraged as well and articles from various social science areas such as sociology of economics, history, social policy, international relations, financial studies are welcomed in this regard. The target group of the journal consists of academicians, researchers, professionals, students, related professional and academic bodies and institutions.
Topic:: Economics, International Political Economy, and Political Science
Political Geography:: Turkey and Global Focus

30063. Global Report: Civil Society Organization (CSO) Survey for the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security CSO Perspectives on UNSCR 1325 Implementation 15 Years after Adoption

Author:: Danielle B. Goldberg
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
Abstract:: When the idea of the Global Study on UNSCR 1325 was proposed, some members of civil society did not welcome the concept. There were already countless studies and recommendations on the implementation of UNSCR 1325, so what would be the value of another study? Moreover, we knew where most of the gaps existed—both internationally and in national contexts. The Global Study was, called by UN Security Council Resolution 2122 “to highlight examples of good practice, implementation gaps and challenges, and priorities for action.” Yet, we also understood that the Global Study could be an important platform for highlighting persistent problems, such as underrepresentation of women in official peace negotiations, lack of local level action and the perennial lack of funding, particularly for women’s peacebuilding work at the community level. To participate in the Global Study process, we set two conditions: that it be totally independent and that it accurately reflect the voices of civil society, given that activists—working at grassroots, national and international levels—have been the driving forces in making sure the resolution and its agenda remain active and relevant. It was in this spirit that the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), Cordaid, the International Civil society Action Network (ICAN) and the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (NGOWG) embarked on a civil society survey to inform the Global Study. We also believed it was extremely important that there be a mechanism built into the Global Study to formally capture the experiences, challenges and recommendations of civil society around the world working on WPS.
Topic:: Security, Gender Issues, United Nations, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30064. Focus Group Discussion Report for the Civil Society Organization (CSO) Survey: Civil Society Input

Author:: Agnieszka Fal
Publication Date:: 05-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
Abstract:: The Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Report is based on findings from 17 FGDs and one international 1325 expert conference, held in 16 countries with over 200 participants.1 The report informs the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security, called by UNSCR 2122 to "highlight examples of good practice, implementation gaps and challenges, and priorities for action," to ensure that civil society voices are adequately reflected in the study. The promise of UNSCR 1325 cannot be realized without the full participation of civil society activists—a view shared at the global and local level alike. Just as the Global Study team coordinated by UN Women has explicitly sought input from women’s groups around the world through this initiative and others, so have participants of the FGDs echoed their fervent desire to have their views, concerns and recommendations feed into the Global Study. Civil society lobbied for the adoption of UNSCR 1325, contributed to its drafting and has stood at the forefront of its implementation, so its voice is a powerful contribution to the Global Study. This report consolidates and presents the results of the FGDs. The FGDs also raised awareness among CSOs around the world of the High-Level Review on the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, the Global Study and the CSO Survey. Furthermore, they provided a safe and collaborative experience for CSOs to exchange views on issues related to their work on Women, Peace and Security. Finally, the focus group discussions served as a tool to recognize and galvanize women’s groups doing important work on women, peace and security on the ground, despite the many challenges they face.
Topic:: Security, Gender Issues, United Nations, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30065. Journal of Advanced Military Studies: Fall 2015

Author:: Julia McQuaid, Patricio Asfura-Heim, Dr. Jose de Arimateia da Cruz, Taylor Alvarez, and Tal Tovy
Publication Date:: 09-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Advanced Military Studies
Institution:: Marine Corps University Press, National Defense University
Abstract:: In 2009, a militant Islamist group commonly known as Boko Haram began a campaign of terror across northeastern Nigeria with the main purpose of removing all Western influences and replacing the national government with an Islamic state. For more than a decade, the U.S. government has worked extensively with foreign governments to counter these types of acts around the world, often with mixed results. As such, interoperability, or the capacity of one element of the government to work with another, has become a critical component of America’s international relations and national security policies. As we transition from U.S. involvement in ground wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to monitoring civil unrest throughout the Middle East and Africa, American forces must continue to apply the fundamentals of counterinsurgency (COIN) and cultural operations to their roles within the evolving battlespace.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Cybersecurity, History, Boko Haram, and Vietnam War
Political Geography:: Africa, Vietnam, South America, North America, Nigeria, and United States of America

30066. Journal of Advanced Military Studies: Spring 2015

Author:: Christopher Steinitz, William McCants, Donald Thieme II, and David J. Ulbrich
Publication Date:: 01-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Advanced Military Studies
Institution:: Marine Corps University Press, National Defense University
Abstract:: Change is many things if not inevitable. It has become a pervasive part of everyday life, yet it defies description or analysis at its most basic level. While many see change as destructive, its presence means that people must continually evolve, adapt, and innovate to meet tomorrow’s challenges. This issue of the Marine Corps University Journal highlights the concept of change in all its forms. Even as recent regional events in the Middle East have challenged the individual governments of the Gulf Cooperation Council, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, and Saudi Arabia have been the most active in reshaping their existence in the wake of the Arab uprisings. In this issue’s lead article, Christopher Steinitz and William McCants posit that, for the United States, understanding the goals and motivations of these Gulf states remains key to effective international relations. At the regional level, Gulf states are in accord on the need to prevent instability even as their perspectives on the most dangerous threats vary as developments occur. At the global level, Gulf states hope to internationalize the security of the region by keeping the United States engaged and active in the area. While the UAE, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia are similar in many ways—particularly in their heritage, culture, language, political systems, and economies—their differences highlight the disparity of their goals, strategies, and approaches to foreign policies. While the United States should endeavor to avoid appearing biased toward a single Gulf state, it should actively support a common purpose with its allies for Syria and Egypt. Appearances suggest, however, that the issues with these two Arab states will not end until the UAE, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia move in the same direction.
Topic:: Armed Forces, Military Affairs, and Arab Spring
Political Geography:: Japan, Middle East, Arab Countries, and North Africa

30067. ARAB STUDIES JOURNAL VOL. XXIII, NO. 1

Author:: Sherene Seikaly
Publication Date:: 09-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Arab Studies Journal
Institution:: Arab Studies Institute
Abstract:: The rapid changes that the people of the Arab world have witnessed in the last four and a half years have been revolutionary. In its initial instances this wave of change was a euphoric experience. From the far east of the Arabian Peninsula to the far west of Morocco, many transgressed generational, sectarian, gender, and class divides to break the barrier of fear. They unified to publically and collectively call for popular sovereignty. They marched on various squares, neighborhoods, and roads demanding bread, freedom, and social justice. They led us to the unknown territory of hope. As the bids for popular sovereignty became louder and stronger, and people placed their lives and bodies in the line of fire, these Arabs posed a fundamental challenge to what observers had admonished as apathetic and moribund. Politics outside the confines of a militant Islamism and a calcified authoritarianism seemed possible. Perhaps at last, Arabs could step out of the identity debate on authenticity, to demand the basics: economic redistribution and freedom from state brutality. Perhaps at last, observers could finally step out of the closed circle of debate that 11 September 2001 and the war on terror escalated to new heights: essentialism on the one hand and apologetics on the other. In a sense, the ontological non-choice between militant Islamism and militant authoritarianism mirrors the epistemological trap that can do little more than eulogize politics.
Topic:: Islam, Religion, Arab Spring, Christianity, War on Terror, Gulf War, Iraq War, Militant Islam, Nakba, and Orientalism
Political Geography:: Iraq, Middle East, Kuwait, Palestine, Algeria, North Africa, Lebanon, and Kurdistan

30068. A Democracy Assembly to Face the New Authoritarian Challenges

Author:: Ladan Boroumand
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL)
Abstract:: Sixteen years after the first World Movement Assembly, the situation has dramatically changed. We no longer have the strong wind of triumphant democracy in our sails. Instead, we are facing a reinvigorated wind of authoritarianism that defies us not only in practice but also ideologically and tests our understanding of our own values, our consistency, and our commitment. During the last wave of democratization, civil society emerged as a recognized and legitimate actor on the international stage. If as civil society actors we are being silenced and made irrelevant in our countries, with the help of democratic governments and the global human-rights community we can use the virtual and international stage to reemerge as strong, relevant actors and impose ourselves as our governments’ interlocutors.
Topic:: Civil Society, Human Rights, Authoritarianism, and Democracy
Political Geography:: Latin America and Global Focus

30069. Comparing Turkey and Iran in Political Science and Historical Sociology: A Critical Review

Author:: Agah Hazir
Publication Date:: 09-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: This article reviews existing comparative literature on Iran and Turkey in terms of their approaches, themes and findings. It extracts and critically analyses two dominant trends in this literature; Comparative Analyses of Cultures and Comparative Analyses of Modernizations. This paper argues that, these two common lines of approaching have serious limitations since they carry the traces of orientalist and ethnocentric assumptions. New literature on this topic however, offers new avenues of research, enabling the debate to avoid the above mentioned pitfalls. As a conclusion, this critical review points to certain dynamics to consider (over-politicization of the Iran-Turkey comparisons and the impact of international developments) in order to facilitate stronger comparative frameworks.
Topic:: History, Sociology, and Academia
Political Geography:: Iran, Turkey, and Middle East

30070. Foreign Policy as Domestic Power Struggle: The Northern Iraq as a Battlefield Between the AKP and the TAF in 2007-8

Author:: Ali Balci
Publication Date:: 09-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: The issue of rapprochement with Kurdish parties in the Northern Iraq turned a discursive battlefield between Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) and the ruling Justice Development Party (AKP) after the 2005 General Elections in Iraq from which Kurdish groups emerged as a strong political actor in Iraqi politics. When the AKP government declared its policy of rapprochement with the Kurdish regional government at the beginning of 2007, the then Chief of General Staff Yaşar Büyükanıt publicly criticized and rejected this new policy. Büyükanıt declined to talk with Kurdish leaders on the grounds that they were supporting for the PKK. This exchange of statements was the part of a political snowball rolling to which other areas of the struggle were included. The rift between the AKP government and the TAF over how to deal with Iraqi Kurds started just as Turkey gears up for key presidential elections. This paper will attempt to analyze the battle over the Northern Iraq between the TAF and the AKP in order to answer the following questions: How the TAF and the AKP came face to face on the issue of the Northern Iraq? Under what conditions the Northern Iraq turned a discursive battlefield between the TAF and the AKP? What was the function of the Northern Iraq in the domestic power struggle between the TAF and the AKP?
Topic:: Foreign Policy, History, and Political Parties
Political Geography:: Iraq, Turkey, Middle East, and Kurdistan

30071. Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu Politikası | Turkey’s Middle East Policy 2015

Author:: Kemal İnat, Muhittin Ataman, and Açılım Kitap
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: 2015 yılında Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu politikasında yaşanan gelişmelerin ele alındığı bu yazıda, Türkiye’nin özellikle kendisini çok yakından ilgilendiren Ortadoğu sorunları konusundaki yaklaşımı analiz edilmiştir. Bu çerçevede Suriye ve Irak sorunları konusunda Türkiye’nin politikası açısından önem arz eden gelişmeler incelenmiş ve bu gelişmelerin Türkiye’nin İran gibi bölge ülkeleriyle ilişkilerine etkisi analiz edilmiştir. Aynı şekilde söz konusu sorunların Türkiye’nin ABD, Rusya ve Avrupa Birliği gibi küresel güçlerle ilişkileri açısından ne tür etkilerde bulunduğu da ele alınmıştır. Son olarak Türkiye ile Ortadoğu ülkeleri arasındaki ekonomik ilişkiler de makale çerçevesinde incelenmiştir. | In this paper, which analyzes the Turkish foreign policy initiatives regarding the Middle East in 2015, the focus particularly lies on events that are of great importance for Turkey. In this framework Ankara’s policies towards the Iraq and Syria problems are examined and also its effects on Turkey’s relationship to regional states like Iran are matter of analysis. Also the question of how these problems influence Turkey’s affairs with international actors like the USA, Russia and the European Union, is tried to be answered. Finally, the study explores economic ties between Turkey and the Middle East countries.
Topic:: Foreign Policy and Economics
Political Geography:: Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and Syria

30072. Avrupa Birliği’nin Filistin Politikası | European Union’s Palestine Policy

Author:: Fatma Zehra Toçoğlu
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: Bu çalışmada Avrupa Birliği’nin Ortadoğu’ya olan ilgisi ve bu bağlamda Filistin-İsrail meselesine yaklaşımı incelenmektedir. Avrupa Birliği’nin kuruluşuna kısaca değinildikten sonra dış politika konusunda yapmış olduğu çalışmalar ele alınacaktır. AB’nin genişleme sürecinden sonra komşuları ile güçlü ilişkiler kurmak için oluşturduğu Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası birimi ile sınırları dışındaki bölgelere olan ilgisi artmış, Filistinİsrail çatışmasında ortak bir dış politika belirleme çabasında olmuştur. AB kendisi için siyasi, stratejik ve ekonomik nedenlerden dolayı daima önemli bir bölge olarak gördüğü Ortadoğu ve özelde Filistin konusunda özel politikalar geliştirmiştir. Son zamanlarda Avrupa Birliği üye ülkeleri Filistin’i devlet olarak tanımayı gündemlerine aldı. Bu çerçevede makalede Avrupa Birliği’nin Filistin politikasının ekonomik ve siyasi yaklaşımları ortaya konulacaktır. | In this article, the question of how the EU is established and what kind of studies the EU undertook concerning foreign policy so far, is briefly discussed. The interest of the European Union in the Middle East is examined regarding the approach of the Palestinian - Israeli conflict. After the enlargement process, the EU has increased its interest in areas outside the borders of the EU Neighborhood Policy in order to build strong relationships with its neighbors and made efforts to define a common policy for the Palestine-Israel conflict. The EU developed particular policies for the Palestinian issue and the Middle East that are sprung from political, strategic and economic reasons. Recently, some EU member states put the recognition of the state of Palestine on their agenda. In this context, the EU’s approach toward the historical process of Palestine and the Palestinian issue is explored in this article.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, European Union, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

30073. Türk Dış Politikasında İslamcı-Kemalist Hesaplaşma: Erbakan Dönemi Libya Örneği | Islamist-Kemalist Reckoning in Turkish Foreign Policy: Libyan Case in the Erbakan Era

Author:: Talip Küçükcan
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: Campbell’ın ‘”çifte dışlama” (double exclusion) kavramsallaştırmasından yola çıkarak, dış politikanın içeride işlerlikte olan iktidar ilişkilerinin bir uzantısı olduğunu savunan bu çalışma, Erbakan dönemi iktidar ilişkilerine odaklanarak bu dönemin dış politikasını incelemektedir. Bu noktada Refah Partisi’nin Kemalizm’in sacayakları olan laiklik, ulus-devlet ve Batıcılık ilkelerini yerinden edici söylem ve pratikleri incelenecek ve bu dönem dış politikasının Kemalist yerleşiklerin iç siyasetteki tutunma alanları üzerindeki iç politik mücadelenin bir parçası olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılacaktır. Bu anlamda bilhassa Refah Parti iktidarının ilk aylarını fazlasıyla meşgul eden Libya konusu analiz edilecek ve konunun söz konusu iki blok arasındaki mücadelede hangi söylem ve pratikler çerçevesinde nasıl bir temsile oturtulduğuna bakılacaktır. | With reference to Campbell’s ‘double exclusion’ conceptualization, considering foreign policy as a continuation of domestic power struggle, this paper focuses on Turkish foreign policy while particularly taking into account the domestic power struggle in Erbakan’s first period. At this point, the paper analyzes the Welfare Party’s discourses and practices which are adverse to Kemalism’s trivet -secularism, nationstate and Westernism- and tries to show that foreign policy in this period is a part of a domestic struggle. In this sense, especially the Libya case which had exceedingly occupied the first months of the Welfare Party rule, is analyzed. A part of this analysis is also the question of how this issue is represented while taking a deeper look at the discourses and practices within the mentioned two blocks.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Islamism, Welfare, Political Parties, and Identity
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, and Libya

30074. Future Directions in the DPRK’S Nuclear Weapons Program: Three Scenarios for 2020

Author:: David Albright
Publication Date:: 02-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: Like many secret nuclear weapons programs, the DPRK goes to great lengths to hide its capabilities to produce nuclear explosive materials and nuclear weapons. Despite these actions, a picture can be drawn of North Korea’s current and projected plutonium and weapons-grade uranium (WGU) stocks. Knowing these plutonium and WGU stocks can, in turn, allow an estimate of the DPRK’s current number of nuclear weapons and a range of projections of the number North Korea could build in the next several years. Although great uncertainty surrounds these projections, as well as the quality of North Korea’s nuclear weapons, these projections form a reasonable picture of the DPRK’s possible nuclear weapons futures, absent actions to significantly limit its nuclear programs. After summarizing estimates of stocks of separated plutonium and weapons-grade uranium as of the end of 2014, this report develops three projections of future nuclear arsenals through 2020: low-end, medium, and high-end nuclear futures. In developing these projections, which are intended to bound North Korea’s nuclear futures, a number of constraints are considered, including the number and size of nuclear production facilities, future underground testing, the extent and success of nuclear weaponization efforts, costs, and access to necessary goods and classified and proprietary technologies abroad.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, and Science and Technology
Political Geography:: Asia and North Korea

30075. Civil HEU Watch Tracking: Inventories of Civil Highly Enriched Uranium: National and Global Stocks, as of End 2014

Author:: David Albright and Serena Kelleher-Vergantini
Publication Date:: 10-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is a key ingredient in nuclear weapons, making it one of the most dangerous materials in existence. As a result, governments take extraordinary measures to secure HEU against theft or diversion and to reduce the inventories of HEU in the world. To that end, it is important to track how much civil HEU exists and where it is. However, national civil HEU stocks are difficult to estimate, with transparency policies varying by country and few countries providing official declarations of their stocks. As a result, this report contains the few official civil HEU declarations and estimates civil HEU stocks in countries that do not provide public declarations. This study relies on open source information to derive these estimates. It is an update of a report published in 2005.
Topic:: Nuclear Weapons, Nuclear Power, and Uranium
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30076. India’s Stocks of Civil and Military Plutonium and Highly Enriched Uranium, End 2014

Author:: David Albright and Serena Kelleher-Vergantini
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: India has one of the largest nuclear power programs among developing nations. Utilizing plutonium produced in these power reactors and discharged in irradiated or spent fuel, India has developed a relatively large civil plutonium separation program and an associated fast breeder reactor program that is using that separated plutonium. India has a sizeable nuclear weapons effort. The weapons use separated plutonium produced primarily in a set of small, dedicated reactors and a smaller amount produced in nuclear power reactors. It has a growing gas centrifuge program able to produce significant amounts of highly enriched uranium (HEU) mostly for naval reactor fuel and perhaps for nuclear weapons, including thermonuclear weapons. India is not transparent about its fissile material stocks. This report estimates India’s stocks of separated plutonium and highly enriched uranium.
Topic:: Nuclear Weapons, Nuclear Power, Uranium, and Plutonium
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

30077. Military Highly Enriched Uranium and Plutonium Stocks in Acknowledged Nuclear Weapon States

Author:: David Albright and Serena Kelleher-Vergantini
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: Plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU), called “fissile materials,” were first produced in large quantities for use in nuclear weapons. Starting in World War II, and for over two decades afterwards, almost all the plutonium and HEU in the world was produced for these immensely destructive weapons. This production was centered almost exclusively in five states: Britain, China, France, Russia, and the United States. In the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) these five countries are designated as “nuclearweapon states” because all five had manufactured and exploded a nuclear weapon prior to January 1, 1967. To this day, they remain the only acknowledged nuclear weapon states. Although other countries possess nuclear weapons, the acknowledged states have gained a special status in international affairs. As part of that status, however, these five states also committed to work towards nuclear disarmament, in particular steps accompanied by the elimination of their own stocks of fissile material for nuclear weapons. At the end of 2014, these five states had military stocks totaling about 238 tonnes of plutonium and 1,330 tonnes of HEU, mostly weapon-grade uranium (WGU is defined as HEU enriched over 90 percent). Table 1 provides a summary of the results. Tables 2 and 3, located at the end of the report, provide official declarations or detailed estimates of each country’s military plutonium and HEU holdings. These tables provide extensive endnotes describing official declarations, other sources, and the derivation of the various estimates. In addition to aggregate totals, tables 2 and 3 provide partial information about the various types of military stocks held by these five countries, including fissile material dedicated to nuclear weapons activities and naval propulsion programs, and declared excess to defense requirements.
Topic:: Nuclear Weapons, Uranium, and Plutonium
Political Geography:: Britain, Russia, China, France, and United States of America

30078. Highly Enriched Uranium Inventories in South Africa

Author:: David Albright
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: South Africa produced highly enriched uranium (HEU) for nuclear weapons at the Y plant at the Pelindaba nuclear center located near Pretoria. This plant, which operated from 1977 until early 1990, was designed to make weapon-grade uranium. However, it experienced operational problems that led to the production of less than expected amounts of weapon-grade uranium and a considerable amount of HEU enriched less than 90 percent. In late 1989, then-President F.W. de Klerk ordered an end to the nuclear weapons program, including the shutdown of the Y Plant, and decided to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Following the dismantlement of its nuclear weapons, South Africa brought the NPT into force in 1991, subjecting its entire inventory of HEU to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. As part of the IAEA’s effort to verify South Africa’s initial nuclear material declaration, it conducted an unprecedented investigation aimed at determining that South Africa had declared its HEU inventory completely. After a two year investigation into both the production and use of HEU, the IAEA concluded in September 1993 that South Africa had satisfactorily declared its HEU.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, Treaties and Agreements, and Uranium
Political Geography:: Africa and South Africa

30079. Israel’s Military Plutonium Inventory

Author:: David Albright
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: Israel developed its first nuclear weapon shortly before the 1967 Six Day War, making it the sixth nation to develop nuclear weapons.2 To this day, Israel maintains an ambiguous posture about its nuclear weapons, despite the declassification of formerly secret U.S. government documents which assert the existence of Israeli nuclear weapons. In addition, the revelations of Mordechai Vanunu in 1986 revealed a larger nuclear weapons program than commonly assessed at that time.3 The heart of Israel’s nuclear weapons production complex is the Dimona site near the city of Beersheva. This site contains a number of secret nuclear facilities for the production of plutonium, including a heavy water reactor, a fuel fabrication plant, and a plutonium separation plant, all provided by France in the 1950s and early 1960s. The site also reportedly contains facilities likely involved in tritium extraction and purification (using tritium also produced in the reactor), lithium production, and possibly facilities dedicated to uranium enrichment, at least on a research and development scale.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, and Nuclear Power
Political Geography:: Middle East and Israel

30080. Additional Taiwan-Based Element of Iranian Military Goods Procurement Network Exposed

Author:: David Albright, Andrea Stricker, David Schnur, and Sarah Burkhard
Publication Date:: 09-2015
Content Type:: Case Study
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: On June 25, 2015, the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Texas announced that Kunlin Hsieh (or Xia) of Taiwan pled guilty to conspiring to violate U.S. export control laws and transshipment of dual-use military equipment from the United States to Iran.1 The goods had uses in missile guidance systems, secure tactical radio communications, and military radar networks. According to court documents, between 2007 and 2014, Hsieh, a Taiwanese national and sales manager of JunBon Enterprises of Taiwan, along with his associate Agris Indricevs, who was charged in the same indictment, procured and brokered the purchase of U.S. goods and transshipped them to Iran. They also worked with Ryan Surrena, another employee of JunBon, who was charged in a separate indictment. Hsieh will face up to twenty years in prison at a sentencing hearing scheduled for September 25, 2015. Indricevs’ case was scheduled to go to trial on August 10, 2015. Surrena was arrested in Texas in 2013 and worked with U.S. officials to further their case. He pled guilty to reduced charges in July 2014 under a sealed plea agreement, which likely takes into consideration his believed assistance, and is due to face sentencing in October 2015. This network represents another element of an already known procurement network operating among entities in Taiwan and Iran and targeting goods made in the United States. The network sent U.S. dual-use military equipment to several companies owned by Mehrdad Foomanie in Iran, such as Sazgan Ertebat Co and Moravid Sanant Co, Ltd.2 Foomanie, who remains at large, was indicted by the Texas court in 2011. Another Taiwanese national operating in the United States, Susan Yip, was arrested and sentenced in Texas. ISIS documented the case of Yip and Foomanie here. Yip used her Taiwan based company Hivocal Technology Co to procure goods for Foomanie in Iran.3 She pled guilty in July 2012 to charges and was sentenced to two years in prison. It appears that U.S. officials gathered additional evidence for charges before seeking to indict the other participants in the network.
Topic:: Military Affairs, Military Spending, Trade, and Illegal Trade
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, Taiwan, and Asia

30081. Daesh Hype about Stealing Nuclear Weapons

Author:: David Albright and Sarah Burkhard
Publication Date:: 10-2015
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:: With Daesh entrenched in Syria and Iraq and growing in influence in North Africa and Pakistan, the risk is likely to grow that the terrorist group or one of its allies will seek nuclear weapons. Or at least this is what they want the world to think since their publications imply these intentions. But Daesh’s public claims of ways to accomplish that goal are unfounded and mainly seem intended to simply incite fear. At ISIS, we assess that the risk of Daesh acquiring nuclear weapons is low. However, that characterization needs to be carefully considered. The chance of Daesh acquiring a nuclear weapon, either through theft of a functioning nuclear weapon, or of nuclear explosive material followed by the manufacturing of a crude nuclear explosive, is assessed as low, similar to the risk of a major nuclear reactor accident, such as the Chernobyl and Fukishima disasters. However, although the chance of Daesh stealing a nuclear weapon is low, the consequences would be horrible and extraordinary efforts need to be waged to ensure that the risk becomes even lower. A nuclear explosive going off in a major city would have catastrophic consequences, probably far worse than those of Chernobyl or Fukishima. While the threat of Daesh stealing or otherwise acquiring a nuclear weapon needs to be taken seriously, Daesh writings on the subject should be discounted. In a May 2015 article in the Daesh magazine Dabiq, the British journalist John Cantlie warns of Daesh’s rapid global expansion and its capabilities to launch major terroristic attacks – including acquiring a nuclear weapon and smuggling it into the United States. It is uncertain if Cantlie actually penned the article, titled “The Perfect Storm.” However, the sentiments of the piece likely reflect Daesh ambitions.
Topic:: Nuclear Weapons, Terrorism, and Islamic State
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Middle East, and North Africa

30082. How can developing cities provide better water to their residents?

Author:: Benjamin Edwards and Mohammad Hamze
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Urban Institute
Abstract:: The world’s urban population is projected to add 2.5 billion people by 2050, with nearly 90 percent of the increase concentrated in Asia and Africa. The provision of safe, clean drinking water in urban settings is a high priority for international development, and justifiably so. Drinking water that is protected from contamination improves health, education, and economic growth, yet roughly 150 million urban dwellers do not have access, with numbers on the rise. Fortunately, the problem has not gone unrecognized. An expansive body of work explores the causes of water market failures and the policy interventions national governments can use to mitigate them. This body of work, however, has paid less heed to local governments’ role in implementing those policies, a critical link in the chain of service provision.
Topic:: Development, Government, Water, and Cities
Political Geography:: Africa, Asia, and Global Focus

30083. A more comprehensive picture of local public spending in global health and education

Author:: Jameson Boex and Benjamin Edwards
Publication Date:: 04-2015
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Urban Institute
Abstract:: As we approach this year’s deadline for achieving the UN’s Millennium Development Goals, the global development community is trying to decide how to make the new targets for 2030 more responsive and appropriate to local needs. An important piece of this debate concerns the role of local governments, and how local spending on public services such as health care and education could promote human welfare. A growing body of research explores this relationship, but so far the focus of most studies has been limited to spending by elected local governments, with the assumption that this type of local spending is the only type that matters. Yet many local entities responsible for service delivery in the developing world are not elected. Excluding resources provided directly by central government ministries or their local administrative arms ignores a rich and complicated story of how different levels of government interact to provide basic services.
Topic:: Development, Education, Government, and Health
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30084. How do urban migrants access land and services in African cities?

Author:: Luke Fuller
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Urban Institute
Abstract:: Africa is on the move. Cities across the continent are continuing to grow, shrink, and transform in response to the demographic and economic pressures that drive urban migration. By conservative estimates, every hour Dar es Salaam, Tanzania is growing by 47 people; Kinshasa, DR Congo by 53 people; and Lagos, Nigeria by 58. Today about 40 percent of Africans are city dwellers, and that number will rise to nearly 60 percent by 2050 as sub-Saharan cities swell with 800 million new residents. This tremendous shift in where people live represents a major opportunity to guide development, but it also raises important questions. In places where land is scarce and expensive, how do urban migrants find a foothold? What opportunities or anchors do people use to establish themselves in the city? How do they buy or rent land for their own use and welfare? And what does this mean for governments?
Topic:: Demographics, Urban, Cities, and Migrant Workers
Political Geography:: Africa

30085. How can we strengthen local government responses to displacement in Africa?

Author:: Caroline Smith and Luke Fuller
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Urban Institute
Abstract:: Of the world’s 10.5 million refugees, just one-third reside in camps. This figure turns on its head the common perception that refugees live in rural camp settings and begs the question: where are the other seven million refugees? The short answer is that many refugees and displaced peoples make their way to cities or other communities in pursuit of better opportunities for employment and education, to join existing ethnic or familial social networks, and to gain some level of security not available to them in settlements. However, host country policies designed to protect and support refugees often apply only to those residing in settlements, implicitly discouraging refugees from moving into urban areas. So if policies largely overlook the existence of urban refugees, how do governments, humanitarian agencies, civil society organizations, and others plan, implement, and coordinate efforts to ensure that this massive segment of the refugee population is cared for?
Topic:: Government, Refugees, and Displacement
Political Geography:: Africa

30086. What defines a “city”?

Author:: Ammar A. Malik and Julia Hagen
Publication Date:: 10-2015
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Urban Institute
Abstract:: Readers love lists, especially city rankings. There are lists that rank the world’s leading cities of opportunity, the most sustainable cities, the bike-friendliest cities, the top shopping cities, and even the most competitive cities in the future. What they all share is an attempt to measure cities. But what defines a city? The answer isn’t as clear-cut as it seems. Every year, leading corporations fund the publication of an increasingly large number of benchmarking studies, which generate significant interest in the media. Even the UN has jumped on this bandwagon by adapting, for the first time, an urban goal within the Sustainable Development Goals framework. However, the basic question of what constitutes a city is often defined inconsistently across rankings. This could leave general-interest readers and policymakers, confused, or worse—misled.
Topic:: United Nations, Urbanization, Sustainable Development Goals, and Cities
Political Geography:: Global Focus

30087. The Asia-Pacific and the Royal Canadian Navy

Author:: Eric Lerhe
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: Over the past five years, there have been repeated academic and media calls for greater Canadian engagement in the Asia-Pacific, with the Royal Canadian Navy taking the lead. Such engagement, it was claimed, was needed to reflect Canada’s increasing economic links, rapidly-growing personal ties to the area, and the deteriorating security climate, especially in the South China Sea. Despite government claims that Canada “gets it” as to the importance of the region, little of consequence has occurred and our Navy’s Atlantic dominance remains. For this and other reasons, Canada is now widely considered “absent” from the region. This paper argues that this cannot safely continue as both our security and our access to the rapidly growing Pacific economies will be at risk. The paper then examines our history in the area, the 2011 U.S. “Pacific pivot,” our own weak “mini pivot,” and the current security situation before providing detailed recommendations for greater Canadian naval engagement.
Topic:: International Affairs, Military Affairs, and Navy
Political Geography:: Canada, North America, Asia-Pacific, United States of America, and South China Sea

30088. Science and diplomacy after Canada’s lost decade: Counting the costs, looking beyond

Author:: Daryl Copeland
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: In the twenty-first century, Canada’s security and prosperity - and the shared prospects for peace and development globally - depend increasingly on diplomacy rather than defence. In that regard, not least because there are no military solutions for the most pressing problems facing the planet, science diplomacy, and international science and technology more generally, have never mattered more. Yet rather than building a capability to join in collaborative efforts to find and deliver effective responses to complex global issues, under the Conservative Government key Canadian policy instruments were run down. Preoccupied with foreign wars, Islamist terrorism and related fear-inducing threats, Canada’s political decision-makers shunned science, disdained diplomacy and dismissed multilateralism. That record has diminished this country’s international reputation and influence while leaving the population vulnerable and exposed to a wide range of S&T-based threats. If Canada is to face the future with confidence, the new government must reallocate priorities and resources in support of science and diplomacy, and move immediately to address performance issues. Specific policy recommendations conclude this analysis.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Science and Technology, International Affairs, and Multilateralism
Political Geography:: Canada and North America

30089. No, But Yes. Military Intervention in the New Era: Implications for the Canadian Armed Forces

Author:: Bernd Horn
Publication Date:: 03-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: The current complexity, ambiguity and chaos in the contemporary operating environment creates, for most national governments and their militaries, difficulty in adequately understanding, coping and responding to the myriad of security concerns. The challenge is normally one of scope and viable options. Canada is no different. Both the Government and the Canadian public are war-weary from over a decade of savage insurgency in Afghanistan. Further, the dire international economic situation has necessitated fiscal austerity measures that have had a significant impact on the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). As a result, the Government is reluctant, if not downright opposed, to any form of military intervention that may lead to becoming embroiled in another long drawn-out conflict with ground forces that will create a drain on national blood and treasure. Therefore, there is a tendency to say “No” to military intervention. Yet, for the government to maintain its status and influence with Allies, friends and global partners, it cannot be so naïve. It must do its share of “heavy lifting” with regard to ensuring world stability and security. As such, this article examines the necessity for the CAF, which will find itself squeezed by the fiscal necessity of the times, to simultaneously deliver relevant, strategic expeditionary capabilities that can quickly deploy and that will allow the Canadian government to maintain its credibility as a reliable ally and global partner.
Topic:: Insurgency, Armed Forces, Military Affairs, and Military Intervention
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Canada, and North America

30090. NATO: Countering Strategic Maskirovka

Author:: Julian Lindley-French
Publication Date:: 05-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: What must NATO do to counter President Putin? Maskirovka is the traditional Russian use of military deception and Russia’s seizure of Ukraine-Crimea and incursion into eastern Ukraine is just the beginning of a new multi-dimensional Russian challenge to NATO and the West. Moscow has established a new level of ambition – strategic Maskirovka – by which disinformation is applied against all levels of NATO’s command chain and wider public opinion to keep the West politically and militarily off-balance. First, NATO’s strongest military powers must demonstrate the will and the capacity to meet the Russian challenge. Second, NATO, an alliance of democracies, must re-establish itself at the core of a world-wide web of secure, mutually-reinforcing democracies anchored on the United States. Third, defence expenditure of all the NATO allies must move towards 2% GDP and quickly. Fourth, the Alliance must mean what it says. Strategic unity of effort and purpose is key to deterring Russia. Fifth, Europeans must take the lead in efforts to convince President Putin that Russia has nothing to gain from such an aggressive strategy. President Putin is an opportunist. He believes that the West is decadent and declining and that his use of strategic Maskirovka can keep the Allies sufficiently divided and politically offbalance to enable him to achieve his primary strategic objective: the creation of a new Russiancentric sphere of influence around Russia’s borders and the ending of ‘frozen conflicts’ in Eastern Europe and Central Asia in Russia’s favour. Putin also believes that whatever weaponssystems NATO has at its disposal, Europeans are so weak and divided that little or no military action will ever be taken against him. Putin may be right and his gamble (for that is what it is) could pay off if the Alliance does not stand firm and act together.
Topic:: Defense Policy, NATO, and International Affairs
Political Geography:: Russia, Eurasia, and Ukraine

30091. Middle East Realities and Western Responses

Author:: Michael Bell
Publication Date:: 07-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: The 2011 popular uprisings in the Arab world brought much hope that democratic change was dawning. Five years later authoritarianism, exclusive ethno-nationalism and extreme ideologies dominate the region. Fair-minded normalcy in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and tribal Libya, and in the region as a whole, is beyond reach in any foreseeable future because democratic transformation requires profound behavioural changes by the protagonists. The question then is whether there is anything that Western countries can do on a human scale to alleviate the suffering generated by this tragic situation. A realistic and pragmatic approach, governed by our capabilities, is a sine qua non. If we content ourselves with limited goals, as with supporting states at risk and refugee relief, we may just salvage something. Disempowering cult behaviour is beyond the art of the possible.
Topic:: Authoritarianism, Ethnicity, Arab Spring, Military Intervention, Ideology, and Liberalism
Political Geography:: Middle East and Arab Countries

30092. Crisis – Order – Europe: Germany Steps Up

Author:: Gary Soroka
Publication Date:: 07-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: Germany recently issued the results of a year-long review of foreign policy titled “Crisis – Order - Europe”. The principal conclusions are: crises - unpredictable and dangerous - are the new norm; the multilateral system is unable to meet the demands placed upon it; and Germany’s relationship with Europe has to be factored into every major policy discussion. The German Foreign Ministry will be restructured to improve policy development and delivery in these three areas. The wider context for the review is that the traditional foreign policy heavyweights within Europe - France and Britain - are not able or willing to play the role they used to, while the USA is overstretched in a number of global hot spots and so Germany must assume greater responsibility. The German population, however, fears that deeper engagement on “hard” security issues could drag the country into foreign conflicts, and so a major effort will be made to build public support for a German international role commensurate with its growing economic and political power.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, International Affairs, Conflict, and Multilateralism
Political Geography:: Europe and Germany

30093. Championing the Joint Force: a Job for the Public and our Political Leaders – Not Just Military Professionals Alone

Author:: Stuart Beare
Publication Date:: 11-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: Canada’s security interests and the mission of our Armed Forces – to defend Canada, defend North America and promote peace and security abroad – largely remains unchanged and timeless. The nature of the security environment, however, has not – nor will it be in the years to come. An effective and relevant Canadian Armed Forces will continue to require capable, well-equipped and operationally ready maritime, air and land forces, which are largely raised and trained within our Army, Navy and Air Force. But in order for defence to remain relevant and effective in an era of increased instability, volatility and unpredictability, our Armed Forces need an increased understanding of what is going on and preparedness for what is to come. This is the business of our military’s Joint Force – those that include and that go beyond the tactical units that the services provide. Joint organizations and networks generate intelligence, provide understanding and lead the partnering, planning, force-posturing and practicing that is essential to anticipating, preparing for and conducting operations, particularly in a world of unrelenting complexity. A decade after former Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS) General Rick Hillier’s extraordinary initiatives to transform our Armed Forces from a service-centric, machine-age force to one focused on the business of operations, which thinks and acts as Canadian Forces (joint) first, we see evidence of real progress in the approach to joint operations. There is also an improved appreciation of our military’s joint functions and capabilities. Unlike the political and public calls for strong services and the modernization of their major platforms, however, this progress has been realized largely through efforts internal to the Armed Forces themselves. The initiative has been without political leadership and external policy top-cover, rendering it vulnerable and reversible. This paper describes the functions of the Joint Force, advocates for the capabilities required to enable partnerships, enhance understanding and advance mission preparedness, and calls for unified leadership of the joint domain and over our military’s joint culture. Our traditional international partners have travelled this road. They too see that clarity on joint functions, joint capability, joint domain leadership and stewardship over joint culture are vital to the military’s relevance and operational effectiveness. This is also critical to its agility and flexibility in the years to come. Their progress is the result of internal professional transformation, as well as the requirement by political leaders and modern defence policy to make this so. Here in Canada, the forming of a new government this autumn calls for a new look at defence policy, providing an opportunity to invite that same political leadership and influence. Joint functions, joint capabilities and clear joint leadership are vital to our military’s relevance to, and effectiveness in, our national defence and operations. A Joint Force and the joint domain, like a strong and capable Army, Navy and Air Force, need to be led, resourced and fully engaged before planes fly, ships sail and troops deploy. Joint-ness requires external understanding and proponents, and, within the Forces, a clearly identifiable champion. In Canada, however, these range from ambiguous to absent.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Armed Forces, and Military Affairs
Political Geography:: Canada and North America

30094. Canada and Asia: Prosperity and Security

Author:: Marius Grinius
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: Arguably the mid-1990s were Canada’s “Golden Age of Asia”, highlighted by the Team Canada trade visits by Prime Minister Jean Chretien and the provincial Premiers to China, India, Pakistan and Japan, as well as to Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand. At the same time Canada played a prominent role in Asian security matters. This included Canadian expert participation in multilateral discussions on the South China Sea and in the North Pacific Cooperative Security Dialogue, a Canadian initiative. That particular Golden Age culminated with the Government proclaiming 1997 as “Canada’s Year of Asia Pacific”. Trade statistics indicate that Canada has once again rediscovered Asia, at least in terms of commercial prospects. What is less clear, however, is Canada’s commitment to the security and stability challenges that Asia continues to face. Notwithstanding all of the positive indicators of economic success in the Asia-Pacific region and all of the incentives for even greater prosperity within a predictable and peaceful environment, there are still many instances of potential military conflict that could jeopardize Asia’s economic successes. While Canada has considerable economic interests in Asia Pacific, its security record there is modest. Now, when China is our number two trading partner and Japan is number three, when we have our first Asian Free Trade Agreement, when we are looking to closer economic ties with the Asia-Pacific region, it would make sense for Canada to contribute more substantially to Asia Pacific’s long-term stability and security architecture. It has in the past. Canada has expressed its desire to join the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus Forum. It appears, however, that ASEAN is still not quite convinced of Canada’s commitment to Southeast Asia, or to Asia, and continues politely to stall until such time as Canada can show a serious, long-term track record of participation in ASEAN strategic and security priorities. The Asian way requires frequent and consistent face-time. Relationships matter. The regular message from polite ASEAN interlocutors remains the same: where is Canada? From the late 1980s and to about 2006, Canadian academic experts were closely involved in all relevant Asian fora, including the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council, the Council for Security Cooperation in Asia Pacific and the North Pacific Cooperative Security Dialogue. The Canadian Consortium on Asia Pacific Security, a group of some one hundred researchers across Canada, was highly active in Track II diplomacy (informal, non-governmental and unofficial) on Asian security issues. This included Canadian Law of the Sea experts who addressed South China Sea issues, a ten-year effort co-hosted and funded by Indonesia and CIDA. Government of Canada funding for this type of work, however, has dried up. All current Canadian Track II efforts are funded by private institutions. Just when China is taking an aggressive stance in the South China Sea, Canada is absent. Canada must demonstrate a stronger and more consistent commitment to Asia that goes well beyond the economic-commercial dimension. It must include a robust defence and security dimension. Canada has, for now, chosen to emphasize a mercantile foreign policy. Such an approach, however, must not ignore the need for a strong defence policy anchored within a vigorous foreign policy that is able to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. This applies to Canada’s approach to the Asia-Pacific region as much as to the rest of the world. Neither a “Global Markets Action Plan” nor a separate “Canada First Defence Strategy”, both formulated in a policy vacuum, is sufficient. There is a serious need for a Foreign Policy and complementary Defence Policy review, one where the Asia-Pacific region will be prominent.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, Economics, Military Affairs, and Trade
Political Geography:: Canada, Asia, and North America

30095. An Energy Strategy for Canada

Author:: Michal C. Moore
Publication Date:: 10-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: Canada is struggling to fully develop, sell and move its energy resources. This is a dramatic change from the recent past where the U.S. has provided stable growth in demand for energy supplied by the provinces, from hydrocarbons to electricity. Current circumstances now challenge this relationship, adding environmental, policy and economic hurdles that exacerbate the impact of fluctuations in world demand and pricing. In addition, competitive interaction between provinces, aboriginal land owners and special interest groups complicate and compound the issues of royalty returns, regulatory authority and direction, land-use management and long-term market opportunities for Canadian companies. There is no strategic document guiding the country’s energy future. As the steward of one of the largest, most diverse and valuable energy "banks" in the world, Canada has a unique opportunity to exploit a critical and valuable economic niche in the world economy. Given the lack of federal leadership and the tendency for each province to undercut each other in the same marketplace, there is also the distinct possibility the nation will squander the opportunity. This document offers the rationale for a comprehensive energy strategy, literally a vision where Canada can lead and not follow opportunities in energy markets. This strategic approach to energy systems by definition will include transportation, housing, employment and financial markets. It is not a plan, not a foil for tax or policy guidance in one or more sectors. This strategy is a fundamental rail on which plans, tactics and policies can be built. This vision identifies how the provinces can work together using all the tools available to them, maximizing long-term resource development while minimizing environmental damage. This document assumes there can be a broad commitment and effort by the federal government to help build those tools, providing guidance and assistance where needed without obstructing or denying the fundaments of the Canadian Constitution, First Nations people, and the role of provinces in managing the resources within their borders. This recommended energy strategy highlights changes occurring in world markets that threaten successful, coherent energy policy development in the absence of a unifying strategy. This strategy highlights the need to look ahead, understand these changes, and create adaptive, unifying processes that will provide long-term economic and geopolitical stability using energy as the common denominator for Canada's future.
Topic:: Energy Policy, Government, Conflict, and Risk
Political Geography:: Canada and North America

30096. After America, Canada’s Moment?

Author:: Ian Brodie
Publication Date:: 02-2015
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: The last decade has seen serious setbacks to the global role of the United States. Iraq, Afghanistan and the 2008 economic crisis provoked deep partisan debates about American policy but little in the way of consensus on how to respond. Meanwhile, America’s rivals have gained strength and a new south-south economy of investment and trade has emerged. There is little disagreement that the U.S. has lost its relative power to influence developments around the world. Is this Canada’s moment to extend our global influence? Canada’s privileged geography gives us freedom to choose where and how to engage beyond North America. We have opportunities across the Atlantic and across the Pacific, as evidenced by our simultaneous negotiations at the CETA and TPP tables. But freedom of choice means we have trouble committing to relationships beyond North America. Unlike, say, Australia, which must engage in the Pacific, we face no natural imperative to be “all in” in Asia. Moreover, even though Canada does not have a history as a colonial power, we are often ambivalent about engaging with the new global south. We prefer to deal with emerging economic powers through clubs we already belong to - the G-20, the Commonwealth and the Francophonie. But as south-south institutions displace the influence of the “world America made”, the room for Canada to exercise global influence has declined. We were once welcome as a dependable joiner of international clubs, but we are having trouble joining newer, more dynamic clubs like the Pacific Alliance.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Military Affairs, Geopolitics, Economy, and Trade
Political Geography:: Canada, North America, and United States of America

30097. The Causes of World War 3: Class, Geopolitics and Hegemony un the 21st Century - A Re-Reading of Arrighi, Through McDermott, Schumpeter and Veblen

Author:: Steven Colatrella
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:: Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:: This article investigates some of the reasons behind the events that led to a recent shift in international relations towards the global geopolitical and a renewed competition between the great powers. The aim is to point out important ideas of authors and put them to dialogue between each other. It calls attention to the possibility of an alternative political and economic bloc being built around China against a decline of US power. These points are deepened when it is identified other key features of the current system that involves the discussion about classes. The current configuration of class alliances and states involves the complex dynamics of the working classes in the Global South, the use of debt as a means of domination by the economic and financial world, as well as the new professional middle class - that give values to knowledge, technology and democracy. It is these relationships and their interface with the existing political power that permeate the revival of the global geopolitics, influencing not only current events, but also any possibility of thinking an alternative for governance and international framework - or even the failure of this and a consequent and possible new conflict worldwide.
Topic:: Science and Technology, Democracy, Geopolitics, Class, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:: Global South

30098. Naval Relations Between the United Kingdom and Brazil During the Cold War: The Case of the Purchase of the Vosper Frigates

Author:: Joao Roberto Martins Filho
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:: Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:: This article aims to analyze the case of the acquisition of Vosper frigates by the Brazilian Navy, which took place in early 1970. Besides being an illustrative case of foreign policy disputes, it demonstrates how economic interests can define the foreign policy of nations. The business of frigates is considered strategic for the relationship between Brazil and the United Kingdom.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Navy, Maritime, and Economic Cooperation
Political Geography:: United Kingdom, Europe, Brazil, and South America

30099. A Comparative Analysis of Imperial Japan's Predicament in China and U.S. Quagmire in Post-Saddam Iraq: Similarities, Lessons and Implications

Author:: Matsahiro Matsumura
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:: Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:: This study will first present a series of striking similarities between the imperial Japanese predicament in China and the contemporary U.S. quagmire in post-Saddam Iraq. Second, the study will provide a theoretical perspective on why the two cases share such commonalities. Third, the study will explore the implications of the perspective to international politics, with a focus on the future of the U.S. hegemony. The study is based on the basic understanding that the developing world across regions today has continued to suffer the ongoing single macro-historical process consequent upon the breakdowns of empires as the once-predominant organizational mode of human societies. The analysis argues for the central importance of a stable national identity for modernization and development as well as freedom and democracy.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Imperialism, Nationalism, Military Intervention, and Modernization
Political Geography:: United States, Japan, China, Iraq, Middle East, and Asia

30100. Angola's Regional Foreign Policy: Changes Facing The Systemic Order (175-2010)

Author:: Igor Castellano De Silva
Publication Date:: 06-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:: Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:: The article addresses Angola’s foreign policy towards Southern Africa (1975–2010) and assesses its posture facing the changing order of the regional system and explanations for such behavior, linked to the process of construction of the State and the interests and security of the elites that define foreign policy.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, and Military Strategy
Political Geography:: Africa, South Africa, Angola, and Southern Africa

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS