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3302. The Lampedusa Border. Setting the plot around security and humanitarianism | La frontière Lampedusa. Mises en intrigue du sécuritaire et de l’humanitaire
- Author:
- Paolo Cuttitta
- Publication Date:
- 09-2015
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Cultures & Conflits
- Institution:
- Cultures & Conflits
- Abstract:
- This paper presents the island of Lampedusa as the theatre stage on which the “border play” of immigration control is performed. The paper first introduces the performers and spectators of the play, outlining their roles and places with respect to the architecture of the theatre space as well as the dramaturgy of the play. Next, the paper analyses the five acts of the play, notably examining the time period in which each of them transpires and the most marking or spectacular events. Each act is analysed with regard to its dominant narratives. The war against irregular migration is waged and justified in resorting to two different narratives: one being security, and the other humanitarian. On the Lampedusa stage, while both narratives take turns commanding the scene, they both are in fact always present. The two rhetorics are intertwined with one another, and together they contribute to constituting and strengthening the policies and practices of migration and border control.
- Topic:
- Security, Humanitarian Aid, Immigration, Border Control, and Borders
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Italy, and Lampedusa
3303. Communications Surveilance in Colombia: The Chasm between Technological Capacity and the Legal Framework
- Author:
- Carlos Cortés Castillo and Celeste Kauffman
- Publication Date:
- 02-2015
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Dejusticia
- Abstract:
- This book aims to examinate the colombian legal and jurisprudential framework related to the communication surveillance of today’s technologies. Phrased in the form of hypothesis, the purpose is to demonstrate how intelligence-related laws and jurisprudence fail to ensure that potentially affected rights remain intact.
- Topic:
- Security, Science and Technology, Communications, and Cybersecurity
- Political Geography:
- Colombia and Latin America
3304. “Divine Violence” After the Kharotabad Killings
- Author:
- Syed Sami Raza
- Publication Date:
- 12-2015
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Review of Human Rights
- Institution:
- Society of Social Science Academics (SSSA)
- Abstract:
- In 2011 the law enforcement agencies of Pakistan killed a group of foreigners traveling across Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The agencies then tried to cover up the incident by calling it a potential suicide-bombing attack. However, they could not succeed in the cover-up plan primarily due to a photograph of one of the killed aliens—a woman—that appeared on local media. In this photograph the alien woman is shown lying on the ground near a sandbag-covered check-post waving for mercy/justice. The photograph becomes viral on both electronic news and social media and impels the government to order an inquiry. In this article, I engage the concept of “divine violence” and explore the photograph’s politics of aesthetics, which I argue contextualizes the photograph’s meaning during a creative moment for human rights.
- Topic:
- Security, Politics, Terrorism, Violence, and Aesthetics
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan, Afghanistan, and South Asia
3305. Global Report: Civil Society Organization (CSO) Survey for the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security CSO Perspectives on UNSCR 1325 Implementation 15 Years after Adoption
- Author:
- Danielle B. Goldberg
- Publication Date:
- 12-2015
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
- Abstract:
- When the idea of the Global Study on UNSCR 1325 was proposed, some members of civil society did not welcome the concept. There were already countless studies and recommendations on the implementation of UNSCR 1325, so what would be the value of another study? Moreover, we knew where most of the gaps existed—both internationally and in national contexts. The Global Study was, called by UN Security Council Resolution 2122 “to highlight examples of good practice, implementation gaps and challenges, and priorities for action.” Yet, we also understood that the Global Study could be an important platform for highlighting persistent problems, such as underrepresentation of women in official peace negotiations, lack of local level action and the perennial lack of funding, particularly for women’s peacebuilding work at the community level. To participate in the Global Study process, we set two conditions: that it be totally independent and that it accurately reflect the voices of civil society, given that activists—working at grassroots, national and international levels—have been the driving forces in making sure the resolution and its agenda remain active and relevant. It was in this spirit that the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), Cordaid, the International Civil society Action Network (ICAN) and the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (NGOWG) embarked on a civil society survey to inform the Global Study. We also believed it was extremely important that there be a mechanism built into the Global Study to formally capture the experiences, challenges and recommendations of civil society around the world working on WPS.
- Topic:
- Security, Gender Issues, United Nations, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
- Political Geography:
- Global Focus
3306. Focus Group Discussion Report for the Civil Society Organization (CSO) Survey: Civil Society Input
- Author:
- Agnieszka Fal
- Publication Date:
- 05-2015
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
- Abstract:
- The Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Report is based on findings from 17 FGDs and one international 1325 expert conference, held in 16 countries with over 200 participants.1 The report informs the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security, called by UNSCR 2122 to "highlight examples of good practice, implementation gaps and challenges, and priorities for action," to ensure that civil society voices are adequately reflected in the study. The promise of UNSCR 1325 cannot be realized without the full participation of civil society activists—a view shared at the global and local level alike. Just as the Global Study team coordinated by UN Women has explicitly sought input from women’s groups around the world through this initiative and others, so have participants of the FGDs echoed their fervent desire to have their views, concerns and recommendations feed into the Global Study. Civil society lobbied for the adoption of UNSCR 1325, contributed to its drafting and has stood at the forefront of its implementation, so its voice is a powerful contribution to the Global Study. This report consolidates and presents the results of the FGDs. The FGDs also raised awareness among CSOs around the world of the High-Level Review on the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, the Global Study and the CSO Survey. Furthermore, they provided a safe and collaborative experience for CSOs to exchange views on issues related to their work on Women, Peace and Security. Finally, the focus group discussions served as a tool to recognize and galvanize women’s groups doing important work on women, peace and security on the ground, despite the many challenges they face.
- Topic:
- Security, Gender Issues, United Nations, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
- Political Geography:
- Global Focus
3307. Canada and Asia: Prosperity and Security
- Author:
- Marius Grinius
- Publication Date:
- 06-2015
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
- Abstract:
- Arguably the mid-1990s were Canada’s “Golden Age of Asia”, highlighted by the Team Canada trade visits by Prime Minister Jean Chretien and the provincial Premiers to China, India, Pakistan and Japan, as well as to Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand. At the same time Canada played a prominent role in Asian security matters. This included Canadian expert participation in multilateral discussions on the South China Sea and in the North Pacific Cooperative Security Dialogue, a Canadian initiative. That particular Golden Age culminated with the Government proclaiming 1997 as “Canada’s Year of Asia Pacific”. Trade statistics indicate that Canada has once again rediscovered Asia, at least in terms of commercial prospects. What is less clear, however, is Canada’s commitment to the security and stability challenges that Asia continues to face. Notwithstanding all of the positive indicators of economic success in the Asia-Pacific region and all of the incentives for even greater prosperity within a predictable and peaceful environment, there are still many instances of potential military conflict that could jeopardize Asia’s economic successes. While Canada has considerable economic interests in Asia Pacific, its security record there is modest. Now, when China is our number two trading partner and Japan is number three, when we have our first Asian Free Trade Agreement, when we are looking to closer economic ties with the Asia-Pacific region, it would make sense for Canada to contribute more substantially to Asia Pacific’s long-term stability and security architecture. It has in the past. Canada has expressed its desire to join the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus Forum. It appears, however, that ASEAN is still not quite convinced of Canada’s commitment to Southeast Asia, or to Asia, and continues politely to stall until such time as Canada can show a serious, long-term track record of participation in ASEAN strategic and security priorities. The Asian way requires frequent and consistent face-time. Relationships matter. The regular message from polite ASEAN interlocutors remains the same: where is Canada? From the late 1980s and to about 2006, Canadian academic experts were closely involved in all relevant Asian fora, including the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council, the Council for Security Cooperation in Asia Pacific and the North Pacific Cooperative Security Dialogue. The Canadian Consortium on Asia Pacific Security, a group of some one hundred researchers across Canada, was highly active in Track II diplomacy (informal, non-governmental and unofficial) on Asian security issues. This included Canadian Law of the Sea experts who addressed South China Sea issues, a ten-year effort co-hosted and funded by Indonesia and CIDA. Government of Canada funding for this type of work, however, has dried up. All current Canadian Track II efforts are funded by private institutions. Just when China is taking an aggressive stance in the South China Sea, Canada is absent. Canada must demonstrate a stronger and more consistent commitment to Asia that goes well beyond the economic-commercial dimension. It must include a robust defence and security dimension. Canada has, for now, chosen to emphasize a mercantile foreign policy. Such an approach, however, must not ignore the need for a strong defence policy anchored within a vigorous foreign policy that is able to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. This applies to Canada’s approach to the Asia-Pacific region as much as to the rest of the world. Neither a “Global Markets Action Plan” nor a separate “Canada First Defence Strategy”, both formulated in a policy vacuum, is sufficient. There is a serious need for a Foreign Policy and complementary Defence Policy review, one where the Asia-Pacific region will be prominent.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Security, Economics, Military Affairs, and Trade
- Political Geography:
- Canada, Asia, and North America
3308. Reflections on the Chinese Emergence
- Author:
- Cesar Augusto Lambert de Azevedo
- Publication Date:
- 06-2015
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
- Institution:
- Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
- Abstract:
- This article analyzes the fundamental challenges perceived by the People’s Republic of China: food security and energy security. They become evident through the higher demand over the domestic production. This relation compels the Chinese Communist Party to establish agreements with other countries to balance the supply and demand. The People’s Republic of China’s tools put in use to secure the agreements are institutional and military. Military tools are necessary to exercise the Chinese sovereignty over the South China Sea, and to keep safe the sea-lanes of communication. Consequently, the PRC-Brazil relations are examined, especially the latest.
- Topic:
- Security, Energy Policy, International Cooperation, Food Security, and Maritime
- Political Geography:
- China, Asia, Brazil, South America, and South China Sea
3309. Domestic Order and Argentina's Foreign Policy
- Author:
- Cristian Lorenzo
- Publication Date:
- 06-2015
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
- Institution:
- Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
- Abstract:
- The domestic political support was one of the main grounds of Argentina´s foreign policy to Latin America in biofuels, during Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Fernández´s (2007-2011) governments.
- Topic:
- Security, Foreign Policy, and Energy Policy
- Political Geography:
- Argentina and South America
3310. Stability and Security Danish Somali Remittance Corridor Case Study
- Author:
- Danielle Cotter and Tracey Durner
- Publication Date:
- 01-2015
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Bildhaan: An International Journal of Somali Studies
- Institution:
- Macalester College
- Abstract:
- The vast majority of Somalis who have remained in their country con- tinue to rely on remittance money sent from abroad. Although smaller waves of immigration have occurred for many years, prolonged political and economic turmoil coupled with periods of violence and humanitarian crisis have caused the number of Somali immigrants to spike in the last twenty years. This population outflow has resulted in an extensive diaspora network across the globe, with communities established across the Greater Horn of Africa, the Gulf States, North America, and Europe. Estimates on the size of the Somali diaspora range from 1–1.5 million people globally,2 or approximately 14 percent of Somalia’s total population. These diaspora communities have traditionally remained actively engaged on Somali political and economic developments from their adopted countries. One of the diaspora’s primary ties to the homeland comes in the form of remittances—money that is sent on a regular basis to family and friends in Somalia. These funds have often been called a lifeline for the Somali people, covering the costs of needs such as food, education, and health care. Although the exact scale of remittance flows is difficult to pinpoint, estimates have ranged from $750 million to $1.6 billion annually and these funds account for nearly 60 percent of the Somali recipients’ average annual incomes.
- Topic:
- Security, Diaspora, Political stability, and Immigrants
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Somalia