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11. Fast, Fair, Funded and Feminist: A pathway to a just and transformative climate transition within and beyond the UK

Author:
Natalie Shortall, Chiara Ligouri, and Ruth Mayne
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
The world is in the grip of a climate emergency. Urgent and equitable action is essential to prevent yet further escalating climate impacts that are devastating communities worldwide and to safeguard a liveable planet for future generations. For governments everywhere, including the UK Government, this is a defining test of leadership. But it is also a moment of opportunity—an opportunity to build economies and societies that are not only decarbonised and climate resilient, but that actively reduce inequalities, are more inclusive, and prioritise the wellbeing of people and the planet over short-term profit. In this report, we outline key steps the UK Government can take to lead the way toward a just and transformative transition—one that not only stabilises the climate but also delivers fairness and justice for all.
Topic:
Climate Change, Government, Transition, Climate Justice, and Net Zero
Political Geography:
United Kingdom and Europe

12. UN Peace Operations and Unconstitutional Changes of Government

Author:
Albert Trithart and Bitania Tadesse
Publication Date:
03-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
International Peace Institute (IPI)
Abstract:
There has been a significant increase in the number of unconstitutional changes of government (UCGs) since 2020. This presents a challenge for the United Nations, which has a presence in all countries that have recently experienced UCGs. In places like Afghanistan, Mali, and Sudan, it has also presented particular challenges to UN peace operations, which face the task of continuing to carry out their work amid a political crisis and using their good offices to facilitate a peaceful return to constitutional order. The report examines lessons from the experiences of the UN missions in Afghanistan (UNAMA), Mali (MINUSMA), and Sudan (UNITAMS) following recent UCGs. It provides a brief overview of recent trends in UCGs and how the responses of member states and international and regional organizations have impacted the responses of UN peace operations. It then analyzes how these UN peace operations approached political engagement with the de facto authorities. It concludes with several lessons: A principled approach at the highest levels of the UN: While some UCGs may bring to power leaders with greater political will to engage with the UN, they are almost always an indicator of growing political instability. The UN secretary-general, along with the African Union (AU) and other regional organizations, should thus continue adopting a principled approach to condemning UCGs. A pragmatic approach for UN peace operations: While the UN should take a principled approach to UCGs at the headquarters level, UN peace operations are well-positioned to take a more pragmatic approach to engaging with de facto authorities. They should take advantage of any openness displayed by the authorities to engage despite fears that doing so might legitimize them. Planning for UCGs and reviewing political strategies: Even if the UN is unable to prevent UCGs, it can better prepare for managing relationships with transitional authorities. It is therefore important to consider such scenarios in mission planning for potential and current operations and to conduct strategic assessments as soon as possible following UCGs to consider how to adapt and potentially identify a new direction for engagement. The challenge of remaining impartial: Fears of “legitimizing” de facto authorities stem from the assumption that those authorities are inherently illegitimate. Yet not all elected authorities have popular legitimacy, and not all authorities who come to power unconstitutionally lack it. UN missions thus need to factor public opinion into how they respond on the ground. The need for a “One UN” response: While there is unlikely to be a “one-size-fits-all” approach to engagement with de facto authorities across the entire UN presence in a country, coordination is needed to ensure UN personnel have a common understanding of core principles of engagement and a coherent approach to communication. The limits of UN engagement: Ultimately, the ability of UN missions to shape political transitions following UCGs tends to be constrained by factors outside their control. Regional organizations like the AU and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) tend to adopt a more principled response, raising questions about the extent to which UN missions should seek to link their engagement to that of these organizations. Missions also face competing pressures from member states supporting different political factions.
Topic:
Government, United Nations, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Sudan, Mali, and Global Focus

13. Somali Federal and State Interior Ministries: How to Enable Popular Participation in Transitional Justice

Author:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Publication Date:
01-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
After years of conflict and instability, Somalia is entering a period where transitional justice is possible. Three decades of experience in Africa shows that transitional justice processes are more likely to be effective if they are rooted in popular participation, particularly of victims/survivors and communities affected by violence. While the Somali government has not yet launched a truth commission, prosecutions, reparations or other formal mechanisms usually associated with dealing with the past, different types of measures have emerged in the country that are precursors to – or even themselves forms of – transitional justice. Drawing lessons from formal, state-led measures like the National Reconciliation Framework and non-formal, civil society-led measures like the Peace and Development Forum, this policy brief provides actionable guidance for the Ministry of Interior, Federal Affairs and Reconciliation and the Interior Ministries of federal member states on how to enable popular participation for a locally relevant and sustainable national transitional justice process.
Topic:
Government, Transitional Justice, Reconciliation, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Africa and Somalia

14. How to Replace 'First Past the Post'

Author:
Jess Garland, Rainbow Murray, Stephen Gethins, and Stijn van Kessel
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Video
Institution:
Mile End Institute, Queen Mary University of London
Abstract:
In 1918, Parliament came within hours of abolishing First Past the Post. The system only survived because the two Houses disagreed on the system that should replace it. With the Bill on the brink of collapse, the question was postponed – a reprieve that has lasted for 107 years. In a recent YouGov poll, only 23% of respondents backed First Past the Post. But what might replace it? Different countries use a dizzying array of different systems, which are designed to do different things. Some are ‘proportional’, others ‘preferential’. Some would expand the range of parties, while others might shrink them. Do we want our electoral system to give us strong governments or strong parliaments? Do we want more or fewer regional parties, independent candidates, extremist parties or coalitions? In this event, co-hosted with Unlock Democracy, the Electoral Reform Society and Make Votes Matter, the Mile End Institute presented different electoral systems as used in France, New Zealand, Scotland, Ireland and the Netherlands. Dr Jess Garland (ERS), Professor Rainbow Murray (QMUL), Stephen Gethins MP and Professor Stijn van Kessel (QMUL) debated their strengths and weaknesses; what they can and can’t achieve; and how they work in practice.
Topic:
Government, Elections, and Political Parties
Political Geography:
United Kingdom

15. Australians Vote for the Steady Center

Author:
Anthony Bubalo
Publication Date:
05-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Asia Society
Abstract:
On May 3, the Australian Labor Party, led by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, returned to power. It was a remarkable result. First-term governments in Australia usually get a second term, but typically with a reduced majority. Not only did Labor increase its majority, but the size of its victory has probably consigned their main political rivals — a Coalition of the Liberal Party and the rural-based National Party — to Opposition for at least the next two terms of government. The result has been so politically traumatic that the two Opposition parties have torn up their Coalition agreement for the first time since 1987. Foreign and defense policy did not really feature in the election campaign. The result suggests there will not be too much change in Australia’s approach to the world. But the election also hints at the challenge the government will face balancing domestic and international priorities. By highlighting U.S. President Donald Trump’s unpopularity in Australia, it also points to how managing the alliance may become a little trickier in Albanese’s new term.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Government, Elections, Domestic Politics, and Political Parties
Political Geography:
Australia and Australia/Pacific

16. Will the New Government Safely Navigate Belgium through Turbulent International Waters?

Author:
Wannes Verstraete
Publication Date:
04-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:
“Yes, our country is vulnerable”, said Belgian Major-General Phaleg Bernard during a hearing in the Defence Commission from the Chamber of Representatives in October 2024. The remarks by him and other senior officers stressed the urgent necessity of accelerating the modernisation of Belgium’s military forces at a moment when the government negotiations were ongoing. By the end of January 2025, these negotiations proved to be successful. The new De Wever Government released its coalition agreement and was sworn in on 3 February 2025. As is often the case in Belgium, the coalition is made up of different ideological parties, namely the N-VA (conservative Flemish nationalist); MR (Francophone liberals); cd&v (Flemish Christian democrats); Les Engagés (Francophone centrists); and Vooruit (Flemish social democrats). The national security sections of the new coalition agreement are spread throughout the document and can be found in the parts on foreign affairs, defence, and elsewhere. In comparison with former governments, the new coalition agreement showcases an increased ambition and formulates some of the minimum necessary adjustments. The previous 2020 coalition agreement was 97 pages long in total and contained 2 pages on defence, 5 pages on foreign affairs, and 2 on development. The new 2025 agreement is 199 pages long and contains 8 pages on defence and 11 pages on foreign affairs and development.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Government, and European Union
Political Geography:
Europe and Belgium

17. Finding a Way Out of Festering Conflict in India’s Manipur

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
02-2025
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
What’s new? After close to two years of violence, the Indian government has imposed President’s Rule in Manipur, putting it directly in charge of the troubled north-eastern state’s affairs. New Delhi should seize the opportunity to quell an ethnic conflict that has killed more than 260 people and displaced some 60,000. Why does it matter? Insurgent groups have resurfaced in Manipur over the past year. Failure to resolve the conflict could not just lead to more bloodshed and displacement, but also derail dialogue with the militants. It also risks destabilising other parts of north-eastern India, upsetting the hard-earned peace in neighbouring states. What should be done? Now that it has imposed President’s Rule, the central government should disarm the two sides and re-establish law and order. Finding a sustainable way out of the crisis will be difficult, but New Delhi should initiate negotiations by urgently creating a peace committee acceptable to both communities.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict, Government, Insurgency, and Civil Violence
Political Geography:
South Asia and India

18. The dangerous watchdog: How corruption shapes support for media scrutiny in Africa

Author:
Nnaemeka Ohamadike
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
“Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants,” U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis famously said, referring to the belief that vigorous reporting on corruption helps citizens hold their leaders accountable and punish wrongdoers. Yet the politics of exposure is rarely so simple, especially where corruption is entrenched, and rulers have incentives and/or power to manage what the public sees. South Africa offers a textbook example supporting the view that the press should act as a watchdog: Years of media investigations and independent ombud reporting helped publicise state-capture abuses and contributed to President Jacob Zuma’s eventual resignation in 2018 (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, n.d.). However, when sunlight burns, exposure can feel perilous rather than purifying. Across the continent, many citizens view the negative reporting of government wrongdoing as harmful rather than beneficial to their country. One possible explanation for this is that when corruption is high, governments may take more stringent measures to suppress reporting that might be embarrassing to them, such as framing critical journalism as divisive, unpatriotic, and a threat to the public good (Teplyashina & Golubev, 2019). Citizens may internalise these cues, expressing concern about the harm of reporting on corruption or political failure. This possibility motivates this paper’s central hypothesis that where corruption is high, citizens are more likely to view reporting on government mistakes and corruption as harmful to the country. Put differently, corruption may shape not only the supply of news (through censorship or self-censorship) but also the demand for scrutiny – public support for watchdog journalism itself. Accordingly, the paper addresses two core questions: (1) What do Africans think about media involvement in investigating and reporting government wrongdoing? (2) How is corruption related to citizens’ views on media reporting of government wrongdoing? I test the hypothesis and address the questions by conducting a multilevel logistic regression analysis based on Afrobarometer Round 9 (2021/2023) data from 39 African countries. The aim is to bring citizens’ attitudes into a discussion that often focuses on institutions, newsroom practices, and content framing (Stapenhurst, 2000; Solis & Antenangeli, 2017; Fadairo, Fadairo, & Aminu, 2014; Quayle & West, 2025). The results show that most Africans want the press to investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption. However, the relationship between corruption and support for media scrutiny is nuanced. At the country level, citizens in countries with weaker corruption control are more likely to say that reporting on government wrongdoing harms the country. If corruption can erode support for investigative reporting, it weakens an important accountability mechanism precisely where it is most needed. However, a very different outcome emerges when we examine perceptions of corruption at the individual level: Those who perceive corruption as widespread are more likely to support media reporting on the issue, indicating that they are less likely to share concerns about potential detrimental effects of media exposure of corruption on the country’s image.
Topic:
Corruption, Government, Democracy, and Media
Political Geography:
Africa

19. Digitalization and the politics of tax in low-income states

Author:
Alex Yeandle
Publication Date:
11-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
United Nations University
Abstract:
The digitalization of low-income economies has made it easier for governments to collect tax, yet many still fail to raise adequate revenues. Why would policy makers in urgent need of resources not fully leverage these new tools? I argue that governments remain constrained by public opinion: digital taxes are perceived as unfair, unaccountable, and lacking tangible benefit among the large groups of voters they affect. As a result, public support for digital taxes depends heavily on how they are designed. I test this argument with a conjoint experiment in Malawi focused on mobile transaction levies, a common form of digital tax introduced across Africa that has provoked strong backlash. Specific design choices, like earmarking revenues for local services or exempting small-scale users, can significantly affect support. This underscores broader political constraints on building fiscal capacity, even as technical limits on the state recede.
Topic:
Government, Public Opinion, Tax Systems, Digitalization, and Fiscal Capacity
Political Geography:
Global Focus

20. Strengthening Open Government Data for Digital Cooperation in ASEAN

Author:
Hilmy Prilliadi and Mahirah Mahusin
Publication Date:
08-2025
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA)
Abstract:
Open Government Data (OGD) can play a pivotal role in advancing data-driven policymaking and fostering innovation, particularly in addressing complex challenges such as climate change, inequality, and urbanisation. Despite progress in several ASEAN Member States, however, OGD development across the region remains fragmented and constrained by regulatory, cultural, technical, and institutional gaps. The absence of regional standardisation and a clear sectoral lead continues to limit cross-border co-operation and the realisation of shared economic and social benefits. Integrating OGD frameworks and provisions into trade and digital economy agreements – most notably the forthcoming ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA) – offers a strategic opportunity to establish a common foundation for data accessibility, usability, and protection. Drawing on lessons from international agreements and global open data initiatives, this policy brief provides practical recommendations to strengthen OGD ecosystems in ASEAN, including targeted capacity building, sector-specific applications, and collaborative mechanisms to align national initiatives with regional priorities.
Topic:
Government, Science and Technology, ASEAN, Data, and Data Governance
Political Geography:
Asia