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50112. Energy in the Mediterranean and the Gulf. Opportunities for Synergies
- Author:
- Naji Abi-Aad
- Publication Date:
- 09-2009
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Istituto Affari Internazionali
- Abstract:
- Mediterranean is expected to play an increasingly important role in global energy flows which might result in a greater European dependence on North African supplies and less on the Gulf. At the same time, potential synergies are said to exist in such fields as the development of renewable energy sources, and investment required to meet domestic electricity demand. As far as oil and refined products are concerned, the volume and direction of oil flows to and through the Mediterranean will be important, especially as an expected rise in transport in the near future contains serious security implications. As a result, an increased focus on the development of a pipeline network between the Mediterranean and Europe might open possibilities for Gulf involvement. The same could apply for the supply of natural gas to Europe. In the field of power generation, the improved ability to transmit electricity over longer distances opens the door for establishing a continuum of interconnection from the Gulf to Europe through the Mediterranean and the ability to serve markets along those connections. Finally, the rapidly rising awareness of the need for renewable energy sources suggests an additional field of cooperation.
- Topic:
- Energy Policy, Globalization, International Trade and Finance, and Oil
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Middle East, Arabia, and North Africa
50113. EU and GCC Strategic Interests in the Mediterranean: Convergence and Divergence
- Author:
- Roberto Aliboni
- Publication Date:
- 12-2009
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Istituto Affari Internazionali
- Abstract:
- While sharing a number of interests in the Mediterranean and Middle East region, the EU and the Gulf Cooperation Council have pursued different patterns of strategic concerns and relations. Nevertheless, a potential for developing common EUGCC perspectives exists, as the Mediterranean and Middle East region are both part of the EU and the GCC neighbourhood and are a common location for investment. Diplomatic convergence on a number of issues could contribute to improving security and political cooperation as well, despite the fact that this is stymied by divergent views on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
- Topic:
- Security, International Cooperation, and Politics
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arabia
50114. The Stockholm programme: Europe's next step to be an "area of freedom, security and justice"
- Author:
- Toby Archer
- Publication Date:
- 12-2009
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Finnish Institute of International Affairs
- Abstract:
- The Stockholm Programme sets the agenda for the European Union's actions for the next five years in the area of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). It is the next step towards the goal of making the EU into an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Justice and Home Affairs became the third pillar of the EU after the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993. Originally, it was firmly intergovernmental area of policy-making but some parts were transferred to the supranational first pillar when the treaty of Amsterdam came in to force 1999. In the same year the EU decided it need a focused plan for cooperation in this field for the next five years; and the Tampere Programme was produced. This was followed in 2004 by the Hague Programme that ends this year, and the Stockholm Programme will lay out the next five years of JHA cooperation. Producing the programme has been complicated due to both the sensitive nature of many of the issues covered and by doubt until recently over whether the Lisbon Treaty would be ratified. The ratification of Lisbon changes the power balance between the European Commission, Council and Parliament and this has ramifications for the JHA area. With the success of the EU single market and the end of border controls within the EU, to stop crime within the EU, to guarantee the rights of citizens who are moving between EU member states, and to manage people from third countries who are seeking to come into the EU, requires cooperation across the Union. The Stockholm Programme seeks to lay out what path this should take. Migration policy is an important and difficult part of the programme. How Europeanised dealing with irregular migrants and asylum seeker should be has been one of the politically difficult areas within the programme.
- Topic:
- Security, Civil Society, and Law
- Political Geography:
- Europe
50115. Bargaining in the Saudi bazaar: Common ground for a post-2012 climate agreement?
- Author:
- Mari Luomi
- Publication Date:
- 12-2009
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Finnish Institute of International Affairs
- Abstract:
- Saudi Arabia's interests vis-à-vis international climate policy are fundamentally tied to its ownership of the world's largest proven oil reserves and its political economy, which depends on oil revenues for stability and survival. The 'discrimination' against carbon dioxide and fossil fuels is a recurring theme that reflects the country's disapproval of any constraints on global oil consumption. The Saudi position has evolved around four pillars: preserving oil revenues, receiving compensation for the adverse impacts of climate change mitigation, avoiding commitments, and acquiring technology and capacity for adaptation. Saudi Arabia's influence in the negotiations stems from a long-term strategy of obstructionism, the ultimate aim of which is to prevent an agreement from emerging. The country's status as a developing country is increasingly contested due to its high GDP per capita, while its calls for compensation for losses in oil revenue are strongly criticised, but Saudi Arabia still faces major development challenges, economic diversification being the most pressing. Although Saudi Arabia's position towards adaptation requires adjusting, there are clear points of dialogue with the West, including technology transfer and capacity building.
- Topic:
- Climate Change and Treaties and Agreements
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, Arabia, and Saudi Arabia
50116. Medvedev's amendments to the law on defence: The consequences for Europe
- Author:
- Yury E. Fedorov
- Publication Date:
- 11-2009
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Finnish Institute of International Affairs
- Abstract:
- In November 2009, the 'Law on Amendments to the “Law on Defence”' proposed by President Medvedev entered into force. It allows the Kremlin to dispatch troops outside Russia for four purposes: to counter armed attacks against Russian armed forces, other troops and bodies deployed beyond its borders; to counter or prevent an armed attack against another country if this country has requested Russia to do so; to protect Russian citizens abroad from an armed attack; and to combat piracy and guarantee the safety of shipping. The law is an attempt to close the gap between Moscow's strategic goals, primarily the establishment of its geopolitical dominance over the former Soviet republics, and Russia's legislation, which restricted its ability to deploy armed forces beyond national borders. In effect, the amended legislation enables the Kremlin to deploy its armed forces abroad in a wide range of situations, precisely because of a lack of clear criteria. The wording of 'Medvedev's amendments' sheds light on some plans and scenarios that may be taking shape in Moscow. It is not beyond the realms of possibility that Russia may plan to ignite large-scale disturbances and ethnic clashes in Sevastopol or in Latvia and Estonia, which may be used as a pretext for Russian military intervention. A Russo-Ukrainian conflict in Crimea would pose not so much a military as a political challenge for Europe and the West. Even though Ukraine does not belong to these organizations, if NATO and the EU failed to respond to Russian intervention in Crimea with strong political and economic measures, their strategic relevance would be seriously undermined. If NATO did not defend its member states in the Baltic, the strategic role of the Alliance would be reduced to zero. The aforementioned scenarios fall into the worst-case category, yet there are numerous precedents in Russia's history which demonstrate that worst-case scenarios can become reality. European dependence on Russian energy supplies and interest in Russia's support in resolving the Iranian nuclear problem and the conflict in Afghanistan, as well as the Obama administration's interest in Russia's partnership in nuclear issues, constrain Western ability to respond. However, the West could and should make it quite clear that new Russia's military interventions will result in the country's political ostracization. Furthermore, the West could propose and develop an internationally recognised mechanism regulating the most important aspects of humanitarian intervention. In particular, it should minimise the ability of individual states to make unilateral decisions to intervene militarily if the UN Security Council were unable to make firm decisions. Such mechanisms could be discussed and developed in the frameworks of the UN, the OSCE, the so-called Corfu process and similar international forums.
- Topic:
- Security, Defense Policy, and Law
- Political Geography:
- Russia, Europe, and Asia
50117. Editorial: Book Reviewing and Academic Freedom
- Publication Date:
- 11-2009
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Abstract:
- Readers of EJIL will be aware of the two book review websites which have been associated for some time with this Journal and of which I am, too, Editor-in-Chief: www.globallawbooks.org and www.Europeanlawbooks.org. You will find links to them on the very Homepage of www.ejil.org and www.ejiltalk.org. On 25 June 2010 I will stand trial before a Paris Criminal Tribunal for refusing to remove a book review written by a distinguished academic to which, however, the author of the book in question took exception. The matter is of serious concern to EJIL, but more generally to academic book reviewing in general. At this point, it would be best to allow the written record to speak for itself.
50118. Preface
- Publication Date:
- 11-2009
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Abstract:
- In the closing issue of our 20th Anniversary year we publish a selection of reactions to the three Anniversary Symposia published earlier this year. Some of the reactions were commissioned and others were selected from the many responses to our invitation on our website and blog EJIL Talk! We dedicate our Special Anniversary Section in this fourth issue to the virtues of academic debate. We regret that we are unable to publish more of the reaction papers we received. We extend our thanks to all who responded.
50119. The Politics of International Law – Twenty Years Later: A Reply to Martti Koskenniemi
- Author:
- Rebecca LaForgia
- Publication Date:
- 11-2009
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Abstract:
- Koskenniemi's anniversary article is wide-ranging, drawing on both historical changes in international law and his own thinking over a 20-year period. If there is one dominant theme, however, in this article it is his hostility towards the managerialist. Koskenniemi considers managerialists to be a pervasive force with a preference for 'informal regimes'. He applies to them the methodology he used to great effect 20 years ago (and has done since), revealing that managerialism, by using and monopolizing terms such as governance, legitimacy, and regulation, conceals its own preferences. The culture created is one 'of apolitical expert rule', while at the same time suppressing 'the role of will and randomness, passion and ideology in the way the world is governed, and their own implication in it'.
50120. The Concept of 'Law' in Global Administrative Law: A Reply to Benedict Kingsbury
- Author:
- Alexander Somek
- Publication Date:
- 11-2009
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Abstract:
- The Global Administrative Law (GAL) project is based on the recognition that the most important recent developments in international law have enhanced its administrative dimension. What can be observed today, from the preparation of side agreements to the GATT all the way down to the regulation of foodstuffs in the European Union, is an increase in transnational regulatory cooperation and in joint efforts at implementation. The new world of international law is the world of loosely coupled, but often highly interactive and effective, mutual engagements between and among national and international bureaucracies. GAL concerns itself with identifying, where possible, their legal form and with establishing control. Owing to its broad sweep, global administrative law appears to offer a re-description of particularly important parts of international law. It actually draws a picture of international law which has come under the dominating sway of administrative rationality.