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101. Humanities Matter: Symposium Proceedings

Author:
Sukrita Paul Kumar, Swati Pal, and Asani Bhaduri
Publication Date:
02-2026
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:
In contemporary times, the obsession with technology and commerce has eventually led to a total dismissal of sensitivity to environmental issues, humanistic values and social justice. While each discipline of knowledge may have taken leaps in thought and theory, the sum and total of knowledge and learning have not resulted in an overall development of the human mind. Though ‘inclusivity’, divergent/innovative thought and ‘value education’ have become buzzwords in academic seminars and conferences, it is ‘skill development’ and ‘employability’ that have acquired a formidable importance in education. Some of the key attributes crucial in all professions are indeed compassion, empathy, fair-mindedness, emotional maturity, commitment and perseverance that evolve with a knowledge of psychology and even economics. All of these fall into the domain of Humanities and Social Sciences. Some fundamental questions that arise are: y What does it mean for a student of sciences, commerce or engineering and even medicine, to not have humanities in their curriculum? What does it mean to have this gap in knowledge? How can this issue be addressed? y Should we redefine our notion of ‘progress’? y Why is there so much misery and unhappiness amongst learners as well as teachers? y Do we equip ourselves adequately to deal with conflict resolutions rather than resorting to violence and aggression? y How do we work out a balance between theoretical and practical learning? y How do we make room for pauses for reflection amidst the stress of gathering degrees and certificates? As we navigate an increasingly complex world, it is essential to revisit the value of humanities and social sciences in fostering empathy, critical thinking and wellrounded individuals.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Academia, Curriculum, and Humanities
Political Geography:
South Asia and India

102. Quantum Technologies and the Geostrategic Landscape: Implications for Finance and Central Banks

Author:
Tracey Forrest, Paul Samson, S. Yash Kalash, and Michael P. A. Murphy
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI)
Abstract:
Quantum technologies, and quantum computing in particular, could completely reshape the integrity of today’s financial markets. Both through risk and opportunity channels, quantum computing is changing the game and raising the stakes. Cracking today’s cryptographic standards would undermine global payment systems and digital assets, causing the potential collapse of all current encryption systems, while quantum-enabled advances in optimization and modelling may dramatically enhance economic forecasting, monetary policy and planning. “Quantum readiness” is the next necessary step for any nation wanting to both stay safe from these projected dangers and also to make the most of the potential benefits. This special report aims to provide a situational analysis of quantum technologies useful for senior G7 (and beyond) decision makers in finance and central banking. By examining the current landscape, as well as several scenarios, the authors outline key implications for strategic planning and action for consideration by policy leaders around the world. They structure their suggested priority interventions across three tiers: national, international and public-private collaboration, with actionable recommendations across each level.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Banking, Financial Governance, and Quantum Computing
Political Geography:
Global Focus

103. Intellectual Property Amid Trade Tensions

Author:
Jeremy de Beer
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI)
Abstract:
Intellectual property (IP) is a key asset in the modern economy, and just like any asset, it’s influencing trade flows, investment, and economic value, especially as digital and intangible transactions grow. It’s often said that Canada is facing an IP trade deficit, but that claim is seldom documented statistically. CIGI Senior Fellow Jeremy de Beer changes that in this special report, building a stronger evidence base for IP-related trade policy. Through examining three possible scenarios for the future of IP as a trade asset (rebalancing, renegotiation and restructuring), the report identifies four strategic priorities for Canada to consider: strengthening Canada’s statistical evidence base for IP policy making; using domestic and international legal flexibilities responsibly and in coordination with allies; reclaiming policy space in trade negotiations; and recalibrating innovation and industrial policy at home.
Topic:
Intellectual Property/Copyright, Economy, Trade, and Transactions
Political Geography:
Global Focus

104. Parliamentary Diplomacy and Normative Contestation after Coups d’État in West Africa

Author:
Nádia Teresa dos Santos Loureiro
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
This article examines how international parliamentary organisations (IPOs) engage with situations of constitutional rupture following coups d’état in West Africa, focusing on political transitions in Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea (Conakry) between 2020 and 2023. It addresses how parliamentary actors, lacking coercive authority, engage in contexts marked by military takeovers, suspended constitutional frameworks and contested political legitimacy. Drawing on a constructivist and post-Westphalian perspective, the article conceptualises parliamentary diplomacy operating through discursive practices and symbolic positioning. Empirically, the analysis examines the responses of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) and the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) based on qualitative documentary analysis of resolutions, statements and institutional reports. The findings show that, despite significant political and structural constraints, IPOs contribute to articulating expectations of legitimate governance by problematising the marginalisation of parliaments and reaffirming representative institutions as expressions of popular sovereignty
Topic:
Diplomacy, Sovereignty, Legitimacy, Coup, and Parliamentary Diplomacy
Political Geography:
Africa, West Africa, Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso

105. The Humanitarian Emergency Dilemma: Exploring the Consequences of Financial Cuts on Relief Efforts and At-Risk Communities

Author:
Calistus Abang
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
Funding freezes are one of the challenges prominent in the humanitarian world today, with grave consequences for programs aiding people in urgent need and beyond. Using critical discourse analysis, this study looks at the paradox of the humanitarian crisis and funding freeze, drawing on secondary data. Qualitative analysis of aid funding data, including funding in need, shows how the freeze affects the disbursement of funds and their intended recipients. It becomes visibly apparent that the freeze has multifaceted effects: stripping power from the already powerless, belittling the capacities of the neglected, pausing a system that is undermined, and hastening an erosion of trust in the institution of humanitarianism. Disproportionately, the system greatly impacts the most vulnerable, which suggests it is anything but neutral. This study confronts the glaring paradox and discusses its far-reaching implications. These implications concerning research, policy, programming, and humanitarianism paradox will, in the end, save lives.
Topic:
Humanitarian Aid, Foreign Aid, Vulnerability, and Funding Freeze
Political Geography:
Global Focus

106. Pakistan’s Brain Drain or Brain Gain?

Author:
Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS)
Publication Date:
05-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS)
Abstract:
Pakistan’s migration story cannot be accurately understood through the simple binary of “brain drain” and “brain gain”. The evidence instead points to a more complex reality in which Pakistan continues to send large numbers of workers abroad, particularly to the labour markets of the Gulf, while also experiencing increasing outward mobility among students and highly skilled professionals. This produces a mixed set of outcomes for the country. On the one hand, migration generates substantial economic benefits through remittances and through the wider connections of the diaspora. On the other hand, it can impose serious costs in sectors where skilled workers are already in short supply and cannot be easily replaced. The central policy question, therefore, is not merely how many Pakistanis are leaving, but rather who is leaving, from which sectors, and whether Pakistan possesses the capacity to retain, replace, or later re-engage that talent. Current data indicate that highly skilled migrants still constitute a minority of total registered outflows; for this reason, claims of a universal elite exodus are often overstated. However, the increasing departure of skilled workers in critical sectors such as healthcare, together with the rise in student migration, points to genuine longterm risks to state capacity, service delivery, and the domestic return on educational investment. The causes of outward migration are largely structural in nature. Rapid labour force growth, high youth unemployment, widespread informality, inflation, poor job quality, insecurity, and terrorism all intensify the pressure to leave. Migration networks, study pathways, and household strategies supported by remittances then make emigration easier, more accessible, and more socially normalised. In this context, migration is functioning less as the product of a strong domestic opportunity structure and more as part of Pakistan’s wider model of economic survival. Remittances constitute the strongest argument in favour of “brain gain”, yet they should be treated as a conditional benefit rather than a full offset to the loss of human capital. They provide vital support to households and to the country’s foreign exchange position, but they do not automatically produce productive investment, export growth, innovation, or return migration. If dependence on remittances is poorly managed, it may deepen structural reliance and delay necessary reform. Policy should therefore avoid coercive attempts to prevent migration and should instead seek to reduce the pressures that make departure necessary in the first place. The priority ought to be to move from one-way emigration towards circular migration and genuine brain gain through the creation of better jobs at home, the upgrading of skills, the support of return and reintegration, the channelling of diaspora investment into productive sectors, and the strengthening of security and the rule of law. Success should be measured not only in terms of remittance volumes, but also by whether Pakistan improves domestic opportunity, retains key professionals, attracts returning expertise, and transforms migration from a mechanism of survival into a driver of long-term development.
Topic:
Migration, Brain Drain, and Labor Market
Political Geography:
Pakistan and South Asia

107. Navigating Duality: The Struggle for Self-Determination of Palestine and in Postcolonial Post-Westphalian Global Order

Author:
Janees Rafiq
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
The Charter of the United Nations has postulated its faith in the international community to ensure prompt and effective action; however, the UN has failed to discharge its duties towards maintaining or restoring global peace and harmony through its specific powers, including the use of humanitarian intervention. The ongoing crises in Ukraine and Palestine have highlighted the sheer apathy and ineffectiveness of international law, particularly its capacity to enforce special powers for gross human rights violations in Ukraine and Palestine. Although both Ukraine and Palestine are entitled to self-determination, the West’s response has been starkly different for each. Ukraine has received extensive support from Western states, while in the case of Palestine, the occupying state appears to benefit from Western protection, despite the International Court’s characterisation of the situation as a potential genocide against Palestinians. This disparity raises critical questions about the impartiality of international law, which theoretically holds no bias among nation-states. The research paper is based on a doctrinal study of how, in a globalised world, powerful nations' divergent responses to conflicts in Ukraine and Palestine further illustrate duplicity and inconsistency. While it remains a vital tool, it is also susceptible to political biases rooted in colonial-era legacies, particularly visible in Western states’ selective responses. Addressing this issue requires confronting the remnants of a colonial mentality that persists within the Western application of international law. The author will focus on a fundamental question: how to decolonise the application of international law to ensure equitable treatment in situations like Palestine, where the application appears markedly different from Ukraine.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, United Nations, and Self-Determination
Political Geography:
Europe, Ukraine, Middle East, and Palestine

108. Pakistan's National Commission for Minorities Rights Act 2025

Author:
Zain Zaigham Khan
Publication Date:
02-2026
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS)
Abstract:
Pakistan’s Constitution provides explicit safeguards for religious minorities; however, a persistent gap remains between formal guarantees and lived realities. This implementation deficit has left non-Muslim communities vulnerable to discrimination, violence, and unequal treatment. Over time, the disconnect became politically untenable, particularly following major incidents such as the September 2013 Peshawar church bombing and the Supreme Court’s landmark June 2014 judgment, which directed the state to establish durable institutional mechanisms for minority protection. Subsequent measures, including the May 2020 executive order–based commission under the Ministry of Religious Affairs, were widely criticised as inadequate due to limited authority, weak independence, and representational deficiencies, notably the exclusion of Ahmadi representatives. By 2024–25, sustained domestic civil society advocacy and increasing external scrutiny converged around the need for a statutory framework, generating the momentum that culminated in the enactment of the Minorities Protection Act. The Act’s principal institutional innovation is the creation of a permanent, statutory National Commission for Minorities’ Rights (NCMR), mandated to operate nationwide. The NCMR is tasked with monitoring constitutional safeguards, reviewing laws and policies for discriminatory effects, receiving complaints, and conducting inquiries supported by civil court–like powers to compel information and participation. It is further expected to convert findings into reform proposals and report on minority rights conditions through formal parliamentary oversight mechanisms. Nevertheless, the Act is subject to significant structural constraints. The NCMR lacks enforcement authority, cannot initiate prosecutions, and issues recommendations that are non-binding, rendering its effectiveness contingent on political will and institutional follow-through. Key implementation risks include politicization through appointments and resource allocation, inadequate or punitive budgeting, limited investigative capacity, and insufficient provincial reach. If these risks are not addressed, the commission risks functioning primarily as a documentation body rather than as an effective instrument for minority protection in practice.
Topic:
Religion, Minorities, Discrimination, Institutions, and Protection
Political Geography:
Pakistan and South Asia

109. Nature-based Solutions for a Sustainable Critical Minerals Value Chain

Author:
Lara Fornabaio, Sara Saloum, Perrine Toledano, and Kirsten Hund
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment
Abstract:
Critical minerals production is essential for a net-zero future yet mining land footprint overlaps with sensitive ecosystems: of the sector’s 101,583 square kilometers of mining concessions, 7% are in biodiversity hotspots, 8% are in protected areas, and 16% are in “wilderness” areas of high ecological integrity. The value chains of mining operations “both depend on and impact nature” (ICMM, 2024), creating a responsibility for mining actors to manage and mitigate the impacts of operations on the landscape. This responsibility includes addressing nature loss, supporting the well-being of communities, and contributing to the resilience of ecosystems. Nature-based solutions (NbS), which are based on the idea that healthy ecosystems deliver valuable services to society, offer one method of working towards these goals
Topic:
Mining, Sustainability, Value Chains, Net Zero, Critical Minerals, and Sustainable Development
Political Geography:
Global Focus

110. Law and Politics of Israel and the United States’ Attacks on Iran with Maryam Jamshidi (Episode 54)

Author:
Sahar Aziz and Maryam Jamshidi
Publication Date:
03-2026
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Security, Race and Rights (CSRR), Rutgers University School of Law
Abstract:
Join host Professor Sahar Aziz (https://www.law.rutgers.edu/bio/sa1356) in her conversation with Professor Maryam Jamshidi (https://www.colorado.edu/law/node/125...) about the political and legal implications of Israel and the United States' unprovoked military attacks against Iran on February 28, 2026. As Israeli Benjamin Netanyahu publicly admitted, the Israeli government has been preparing for a war to topple the Iranian regime for over 30 years. (https://www.lemonde.fr/en/internation...) Knowing they do not possess sufficient military capacity to do it alone, Israel unsuccessfully attempted to persuade the United States to start a war of aggression against Iran under the Bush, Obama and Biden administrations. The reasons for restraint by past US administration were often the same. Iran posed no direct threat or conducted an imminent attack toward the US that legally justified an offensive war of aggression. The risk of a global economic downfall and the exorbitant price tag of a major war far outweighed the benefits of removing a hostile government. And perhaps most importantly from a military perspective, the United States had no exit strategy. Indeed, these were the same reasons that led to the Democratic Party winning the White House in 2008 after expensive and endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan after 2001. Republican politicians campaigned on an America First platform in the 2021 elections by explicitly rejecting wars of choice in the Middle East that cost American lives and treasure. And yet, Republican President Donald Trump violated that promise to his constituents and granted Israel its 30-year dream to start an offensive war on Iran despite no credible evidence of an imminent threat by Iran. The result has been predictably catastrophic for the Middle East and the global economy. The war has engulfed the Gulf states, the Strait of Hormuz is closed to the 20% of global supply of oil and natural gas, energy prices are skyrocketing across the world, Tehran is being bombarded daily by Israel, over 1300 Iranians have been killed thus far, and the war is costing American taxpayers $1 billion per day.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Armed Conflict, Aggression, and Global Economy
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, Palestine, North America, and United States of America