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4822. Crafting a US Response to the Emerging East Asia Free Trade Area
- Author:
- Christopher Martin
- Publication Date:
- 09-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- Few would dispute Asia’s growing economic importance in the 21st century. While China and India have held the spotlight recently, their rise may not constitute the region’s most important economic shift. Japan is still by far the richest economy; while South Korea’s formidable industries are the envy of many. Furthermore, the ten-country coalition that makes up the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) boasts such economic dynamos as Singapore and Malaysia. Together, China, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN (commonly referred to as ASEAN+3) account for 20 percent of global output, nearly 20 percent of global trade, and hold well over 50 percent of the world’s international monetary reserves. Moreover, the region is ripe for growth. It accounted for 31.4 percent of the world’s population in 2005 (more than Europe and the Americas combined) and the IMF’s 2008–2011 outlook figure clocked growth at 7.9 percent for Asia, dwarfing the 2.5 percent for major developed countries. How would the world’s economic landscape shift if these thirteen countries were to join together in some form of economic union? More importantly, how should the United States respond to such an event? It is a question the US needs to answer today.
- Topic:
- Economy, Free Trade, Industry, and Regional Economy
- Political Geography:
- East Asia and United States of America
4823. A Concert in Energy Security: Building Trans-Atlantic Cooperation to Confront a Growing Threat
- Author:
- Richard G. Lugar
- Publication Date:
- 09-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- It is a pleasure to be here today at the American Council on Germany. As a member of the Council’s Congressional Advisory Committee, I applaud the effort that brought this group of leaders together to discuss the challenges that we face and the need for a unified response. In today’s geo-strategic environment, few threats are more perilous than the potential cutoff of energy supplies. The use of energy as a weapon is not a theoretical threat of the future; it is a current reality. Those who possess energy are using it as leverage against their neighbors. In the years ahead, the most likely source of armed conflict in the European theater and the surrounding regions will be energy scarcity and manipulation. We all hope that the economics of supply and pricing in the energy market will be rational and transparent. We hope that nations with abundant oil and natural gas will reliably supply these resources in normal market transactions to those who need them. We hope that pipelines, sea lanes, and other means of transmission will be safe. We hope that energy cartels will not be formed to limit available supplies and manipulate markets. We hope that energy-rich nations will not exclude or confiscate productive foreign energy investments in the name of nationalism. And we hope that vast energy wealth will not be a source of corruption within nations whose people desperately ask their governments to develop and deliver the benefits of this wealth broadly to society. Unfortunately, our experiences provide little reason to be confident that market rationality will be the governing force behind energy policy and transactions. The majority of oil and natural gas supplies and reserves in the world are not controlled by efficient, privately owned companies. Geology and politics have created oil and natural gas superpowers. According to PFC Energy, foreign governments control up to 79 percent of the world’s oil reserves through their national oil companies. These governments set prices through their investment and production decisions, and they have wide latitude to shut off the taps for reasons of politics and power.
- Topic:
- International Cooperation, Transatlantic Relations, and Energy Security
- Political Geography:
- Europe and United States of America
4824. A Period of Turbulent Change: Spanish-US Relations Since 2002
- Author:
- Manuel Iglesias-Cavicchioli
- Publication Date:
- 09-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- The purpose of this essay is to show the dramatic shifts that the Spanish-US relationship has undergone from 2002 to date, by trying to explain their causes, implications, and consequences. The following text offers a critical vision of Spanish foreign policy in the last four years and suggests some possibilities to redefine the current relationship with the US Government in a more constructive way.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Spain, North America, and United States of America
4825. Democratization in the 21st Century: What Can the United States Do?
- Author:
- Arthur A. Goldsmith
- Publication Date:
- 09-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- The Winter/Spring 2005 issue of this journal was devoted to “Democratization in the 21st Century” in which the general consensus was that the United States should assist the unfolding worldwide trend toward democracy. The president of the National Endowment for Democracy, Carl Gershman argued, “that it is appropriate and desirable for the United States to provide moral, political, technical, and financial support to people who are striving to achieve democracy.”1 Furthermore, Alan W. Dowd of the Sagamore Institute for Policy Research wrote of “America’s unique role” in the world and its “natural inclination to promote free government.”2 Although the United States seems encouraged to promote democracy worldwide, left largely unsaid by many are the specific means available to the United States for promoting democracy. Transitions from authoritarian rule are driven by internal forces, and the United States should not take for granted that an external actor may not be capable of significantly influencing internal forces within another state. How large an influence the United States can have is an empirical question. The democratization forum in the Whitehead Journal mostly cited small-N case studies, but these studies have contrary implications depending on the cases one selects.3 LargeN quantitative studies paint a generally more pessimistic picture of externally generated democracy. Had the large-N literature been consulted, the democratization forum might have paid greater attention to the practical difficulty of changing repressive states from the outside-in. This essay synthesizes the latest cross-national academic research to highlight how problematic it is for one country to promote open government in another country. It needs to be understood, however, that although the evidence challenges naïve, favorable assumptions, this article is not implying the international community should reject all efforts to promote democracy as futile or counterproductive. Certain external activities may prove effective where conditions are ripe, but the data suggest we keep our expectations modest and be prepared to learn from setbacks.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Democratization, and Strategic Engagement
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4826. Playing the Field: Alleviating US Energy Dependency on the Persian Gulf with Alternative Partners
- Author:
- Michael Coffey
- Publication Date:
- 09-2007
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- Energy security is poised to become as contentious an issue in the 21st century as ideology was in the 20th. Russian President Vladimir Putin has called for post-Soviet Russia to reclaim its great power status as an energy hegemon that doles out subsidized energy to friendly states and allies, implying that unfriendly states will find themselves short of such supplies in times of crisis. Chinese state-owned oil companies are on a procurement spree worldwide, as Beijing acquires oil and gas from rogue states otherwise ostracized by the world community, buying up stakes in future developments to ensure a long-term flow of energy. President George Bush committed the United States to energy independence (and even self-sufficiency) in his 2006 State of the Union address to Congress when he expressed a desire to make US reliance on Middle Eastern oil “a thing of the past.”1 Despite the president’s optimism, the goal of eliminating America’s dependency on Persian Gulf oil remains far-fetched. Energy independence for the United States will require as-yet undeveloped technologies and resources and, until these goals are realized, the United States must counterbalance current energy consumption trends by boosting supplies from non–Middle East producers. What follows is an assessment of countries outside of the Middle East that will have a direct impact on Washington’s energy security as the United States works to alleviate its Persian Gulf dependency. Some potential secondary producers of oil and gas that are expected to alleviate US dependency are illustrated in case studies on Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Venezuela, and Trinidad & Tobago. Many of these energy partners share key aspects of insecurity common to developing states; they are often engaged in two of Charles Tilly’s four characteristic state activities.2 Extraction, primarily conducted through energy rents, allows these regimes to acquire the resources necessary to battle internal rivals. Eliminating internal threats, or state making, is a common preoccupation of developing states. The current international system usually obviates (or precludes) war making against external rivals. Thus, US security assistance to these countries can play a crucial role in supporting the state making process. Support for states that have a limited capacity to deal with internal threats, precisely because they are rentier states in a formative phase, will help the United States and its energy partners achieve their ultimate security goals.3 Development aid and military training in the Caucasus will likely prove beneficial to US interests; security/intelligence cooperation with Trinidad and Tobago will help safeguard energy in the Caribbean against terrorist threats; US policymakers will face tougher challenges in Venezuela and Nigeria, where President Hugo Chavez seems willing to cut off US oil and the resource-rich Niger River Delta region threatens secession.
- Topic:
- Security, Development, Oil, Energy, Dependency, and Energy Security
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, United States of America, and Gulf Nations
4827. Brand USA: Democratic Propaganda in the Third Social Space
- Author:
- Belinda H. Y. Chiu
- Publication Date:
- 09-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- Traditional approaches to foreign relations are being replaced by marketing strategies to brand nations by enhancing their image and reputation. No longer is this responsibility limited to government tourism boards. Rather, because “every nation is already a brand,”1 the responsibility to create positive perceptions of the nationstate has fallen on the shoulders of departments of foreign affairs and diplomacy. As an increasingly important tool to promote foreign interests and to attract allies—or in marketing terms, loyal customers—branding allows nation-states to craft and influence how others perceive its political, economic, and social systems & values. Branding is everywhere. But what is it? Brand equity of a product or service is the set of value-added assets that is communicated and strengthened by building name recognition, customer loyalty, and perceived quality. Although it had its beginnings in the consumer product industry, it is no longer restricted to the CocaColas and Proctor & Gambles of the world. Branding has become a tool of public diplomacy. Citizens and leaders of foreign nations have existing ideas about other countries, be they positive or negative. In a technologically-advanced and globalized world, the branded nation has added pressure to be strongly aware of its own brand.2 A nation’s brand can be strengthened by favorable policies, such as debt relief and foreign aid, or conversely, compromised by economic embargoes and declarations of war. Like consumer goods, smart brand management is essential to maintaining a positive impression and build loyal followers. However, as with consumer goods, smart brand management can only sell the product. While branding can change perceptions about the product, it cannot change the product itself. This paper will first briefly discuss the “third social space” in a democracy, the public space for media and marketing. According to Habermas, this third social space sits between the first (the state), and the second (the market, or private sector). Second, it will explore the characteristics of nation branding and its importance to foreign relations, examining the case of Brand USA, with a particular focus on the Shared Values Initiative targeted toward the Arab and Muslim worlds. Finally, it will discuss whether branding has democratic appeal or propagandistic flavor. While there exists skepticism that this process has too much of a Machiavellian feel to it, branding nations is a useful public diplomacy and relations tool, as long as it does not misrepresent facts.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Foreign Policy, Soft Power, Propaganda, and Marketing
- Political Geography:
- North America, Global Focus, and United States of America
4828. A Case Study in Declining American Hegemony: Flawed Policy Concerning the ICC
- Author:
- Eric K. Leonard
- Publication Date:
- 01-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- The primary question that this article engages is whether the Bush administration’s opposition to the Rome Statute is in the national interest of the United States. More broadly speaking, does the Bush administration’s opposition to the ICC serve as an example of how a hegemon, founded upon a particular ideology, may undermine its own hegemonic status? The international community established the ICC to prosecute individuals accused of committing the most heinous international crimes—genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.6 Given the fact that traditional American allies and every member state of the European Union, with the exception of the Czech Republic, support this Court, is active opposition to the ICC’s existence a prudent position, or will such a position simply ostracize the United States from the rest of the international community and undermine its ability to maintain America’s hegemonic position? In order to address these questions, this article begins with an examination of the concept of hegemony, along with its contested definition. It then proceeds to an analysis of American hegemony, including the basis for its continued preeminence. This article then returns to the ICC and examines this institution within the framework of the hegemonic discourse. Finally, it provides policy recommendations concerning the United States’ position towards the ICC and draws upon this case as a starting point for policy recommendations concerning other liberal international institutions.
- Topic:
- International Law, Hegemony, International Criminal Court (ICC), Rome Statute, and International Institutions
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4829. Fixing Failing States: The New Security Agenda
- Author:
- Pauline H. Baker
- Publication Date:
- 01-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- Weak and failing states rank among the world’s greatest threats to international peace and security today. While major threats to world peace used to come mainly from ideological, military, or economic competition among competing states, in modern times lethal threats are growing within states from communal tensions among rival factions, extremists groups with radical political agendas, and faltering regimes clinging to power and asserting militaristic ambitions. These are the driving forces of a growing world disorder.1 Recent events highlight this paradigm shift in the strategic environment. North Korea is a failing state with an inward-looking regime and a negative view of the world. Its own insecurities, including its fear of a US invasion, are motivating it to pursue nuclear capabilities that have increased its isolation further and exacerbated tensions.2 Lebanon is a weak state that successfully cast off fifteen years of Syrian military occupation, but was unable to assert its sovereignty and fill the vacuum left behind. Hezbollah used that opportunity to assert itself as a “state within a state,” with dual power bases in the government and in the south, where its autonomous security forces launched a devastating war with Israel in July 2006. Then there is Sudan, a country with the highest risk of internal violence that has stonewalled effective international action to stop the continuing humanitarian crisis in Darfur, described by the US State Department as genocide. 3 Internal weaknesses within these states have increased the threat of nuclear proliferation, precipitated an interstate war, and worsened an ongoing humanitarian crisis, respectively. Though the origins of state weakness go back decades, the curtain was raised on the era of failing states—if one can call it that—by the tragedy of September 11, 2001. One year after the biggest terrorist attack on the US in history, the 2002 US National Security Strategy stated that America is threatened more by failing states than it is by conquering states, overturning decades of US national security thinking. Overnight, we went from looking at security through a “big power” lens to seeing it from a “small power” lens. Much of the rest of the world has come to see security challenges from that perspective as well.
- Topic:
- Security, Terrorism, Fragile/Failed State, and Geopolitics
- Political Geography:
- Global Focus and United States of America
4830. Nation-Building: The Dangers of Weak, Failing, and Failed States
- Author:
- Richard S. Williamson
- Publication Date:
- 01-2007
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
- Institution:
- School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
- Abstract:
- Iraq continues to be in the throes of violent turmoil. The cost in treasury and blood is higher than anyone anticipated. Despite numerous “turning points,” milestones, and benchmarks, there is no neat solution in sight. The American people are thus understandably disheartened, discouraged and dismayed. After over a decade as the world’s sole superpower, the brief and circumscribed US military actions in the first Persian Gulf War, Bosnia and Kosovo, and the quick defeat of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the American people were ill-prepared for a lengthened, bloody post-conflict engagement in Iraq. “Black Hawk Down” in Somalia was the rare exception, not the rule.1 America’s high-tech military power was capable of vanquishing foes quickly and at acceptable cost. It was also thought that once Saddam Hussein and his brutal regime were brought down, Americans would be hailed as liberators and, like Eastern Europe after the fall of Communism, Iraqi democracy would emerge like a phoenix from the ashes. However, it is clear that the history of the 1990s and the history being written in blood in Sadre City, Baghdad, and elsewhere in Iraq, are tragically different. A democratic broader Middle East would be a safer and more stable region. People desire the dignity, human rights, and opportunity granted them by their creator and promised by a freedom agenda. It also is undeniable that Saddam Hussein was a vicious dictator who victimized his own people, sought weapons of mass destruction, and threatened his neighbors. Testament to this indictment is found in Saddam’s mass graves and torture chambers, in his nuclear program in the 80s and early 90s and use of chemical weapons against Iran and Iraqi Kurds, in the long, bloody war initiated against neighboring Iran, the blitzing invasion and occupation of Kuwait, and his on-going military spectacles and bellicose rhetoric.2 The world is better off without Saddam Hussein in power. Even given all of that, should Iraq have been invaded? That matter is for the historians to debate. My purpose is not to relitigate that issue, but to recognize that any discussion of nationbuilding going forward must be informed by the chaos and conflict in post-Saddam Iraq. It is abundantly clear that we were not adequately prepared to deal with the challenges of Iraq after the fall of Saddam. We have memoirs from some of the principles that, sometimes unwittingly, describe an overly optimistic view of Iraq after Saddam, based upon meager planning and unrealistic resource allocation.3 We have a growing library of books and other reports by journalists that seem to reinforce that conclusion.4 Moreover, our most powerful indication comes from the events on the ground. These events have brought into question the wisdom of nation-building. Is it ever possible? If so, is the right sort of societal history, habits, and harmony a prerequisite for success? Is it worth the cost? If so, when and why?
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Fragile/Failed State, Iraq War, and Nation-building
- Political Geography:
- Middle East and United States of America
4831. Independent Central Banks: New and Old
- Author:
- John H. Wood
- Publication Date:
- 10-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Cato Journal
- Institution:
- The Cato Institute
- Abstract:
- In the 1990s, several governments gave their central banks operational independence to pursue low inflation, and steps were taken to make the new monetary policy more credible by making it more transparent (Bernanke et al. 1999). The governor of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand is subject to dismissal if inflation is outside the assigned range. In the United Kingdom, if inflation misses the target by more than 1 percentage point, the governor must explain publicly why the divergence occurred and what steps the Bank of England is taking to deal with it. The new transparency “facilitates public understanding of monetary policy and increases the incentives for the central bank to pursue the announced goals of monetary policy” (Svensson 1999: 631–32). Accountability is increased, indeed made possible, by the choice of a unique objective, which implies “a stronger commitment to a systematic and rational optimizing monetary policy than other monetary policy regimes” (p. 608).
- Topic:
- Monetary Policy, Inflation, and Central Bank
- Political Geography:
- England and United States of America
4832. Tobacco Control Programs and Tobacco Consumption
- Author:
- Michael L. Marlow
- Publication Date:
- 10-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Cato Journal
- Institution:
- The Cato Institute
- Abstract:
- The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) believe that adequate funding of tobacco control programs by all 50 states would reduce the number of adults who smoke by promoting quitting, preventing young people from ever starting, reducing exposure to secondhand smoke, and eliminating disparities in tobacco use among population groups. CDC has established guidelines for comprehensive tobacco control programs, including recommended funding levels, in Best Practices for Comprehensive Tobacco Control Programs (CDC 1999; hereafter called Best Practices). Recommendations are based on best practices in nine program elements: community programs to reduce tobacco use, chronic disease programs to reduce the burden of tobacco-related diseases, school programs, enforcement, statewide programs, countermarketing, cessation programs, surveillance and evaluation, and administration and management. CDC recommends annual funding per capita to range from $7 to $20 in smaller states (population less than 3 million), $6–$17 in medium-sized states (population 3–7 million), and $5–$16 in larger states (population more than 7 million).
- Topic:
- Tobacco, Public Health, and Public Spending
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4833. Does “Starve the Beast” Work?
- Author:
- Jerry H. Tempelman
- Publication Date:
- 10-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Cato Journal
- Institution:
- The Cato Institute
- Abstract:
- Starve-the-beast proponents believe that in order to tame the beast, one needs to starve it, with the beast being an obvious reference to Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan depiction of an out-of-control state apparatus. The idea of tax reductions as a way to enforce discipline in government spending holds regardless of whether the nation is in the midst of an economic expansion or a recession. Following the recurrence of federal budget deficits that coincided with the enactment of federal tax cuts during 2001–2003, the starvethe-beast approach to fiscal policy that once was one of the underpinnings of the Reagan Revolution has become increasingly controversial. It is no longer mainly the political left that criticizes the starve-the-beast approach. Even some Republicans who once participated in the move to a smaller government during the Reagan presidency now criticize starve-the-beast thinking. Recently, William Niskanen (2005) has used statistical evidence to demonstrate that a decrease in taxes in a given year is followed by an increase in spending the next. Bruce Bartlett (2005) has proposed raising taxes, namely by introducing a value-added tax, presumably to prevent having to increase less efficient income taxes later.
- Topic:
- Budget, Economy, Tax Systems, and Fiscal Policy
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4834. Limiting Government: The Failure of “Starve the Beast”
- Author:
- William A. Niskanen
- Publication Date:
- 10-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Cato Journal
- Institution:
- The Cato Institute
- Abstract:
- For nearly 30 years, many Republicans have argued that the most effective way to control federal government spending is to “starve the beast” by reducing federal tax revenues. Moreover, two Nobel laureate economists, Milton Friedman and Gary Becker, have endorsed this argument. Friedman (2003) summarized this perspective as follows: How can we ever cut government down to size? I believe there is one and only one way: the way parents control spendthrift children, cutting their allowance. For governments, this means cutting taxes. Resulting deficits will be an effective—I would go so far as to say, the only effective—restraint on the spending propensities of the executive branch and the legislature. The public reaction will make that restraint effective. Becker and his colleagues Ed Lazear and Kevin Murphy (2003) described this effect as “the double benefit of tax cuts.” (Lazear is the recently appointed chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers.) This argument has been effective in unifying the Republican Party in favor of reducing federal taxes, but at the cost of undermining the more traditional Republican concern about fiscal responsibility.
- Topic:
- Government, Economy, Tax Systems, Fiscal Policy, and Public Spending
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4835. U.S.-China Relations: The Case for Economic Liberalism
- Author:
- James A. Dorn
- Publication Date:
- 10-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Cato Journal
- Institution:
- The Cato Institute
- Abstract:
- In its 2005 Report to Congress, the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission—also known as the U.S.-China Commission (USCC)—recommended that China appreciate its currency, the renminbi (RMB), “by at least 25 percent against the U.S. dollar” or face “an immediate, across-the-board tariff on Chinese imports.” The commission argued that such an action could be justified under Article XXI of the World Trade Organization (WTO), “which allows members to take necessary actions to protect their national security.” The key idea behind the commission’s protectionist policy stance is that “China’s undervalued currency has contributed to a loss of U.S. manufacturing, which is a national security concern” (USCC 2005: 14).
- Topic:
- Bilateral Relations, Economy, Trade, and Liberalism
- Political Geography:
- China, Asia, North America, and United States of America
4836. Treaty Compliance: Lessons from the Softwood Lumber Case
- Author:
- Jeff Colgan
- Publication Date:
- 05-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
- Institution:
- School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
- Abstract:
- The Canada-U.S. dispute over softwood lumber imports provides an important case in understanding issues of international bargaining and treaty compliance. Recent events in the dispute suggest that one of the leading theoretical accounts of treaty compliance does not offer an adequate explanation of state behavior. Policy makers should recognize the importance of cross-border ownership and industry interdependence for the implementation of, and compliance with, international trade agreements. The softwood lumber dispute adds credence to the perspective, often advocated by realists, that treaty compliance will only occur when it is in a nation’s material interests to do so.
- Topic:
- Treaties and Agreements, Trade, Imports, and Disputes
- Political Geography:
- Canada, North America, and United States of America
4837. Do Mentoring and Induction Programs Have Greater Benefits for Teachers Who Lack Preservice Training?
- Author:
- Laura Duke, Adam Karson, and Justin Wheeler
- Publication Date:
- 05-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
- Institution:
- School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
- Abstract:
- The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of mentoring and induction programs on teacher retention, as measured by teachers’ commitment to their profession. Using data from the 1999-2000 Schools and Staffi ng Survey, we perform logistic regression analyses to model the effect of induction and its different components on teacher commitment, and compare the marginal impact of induction programs on teachers with and without degrees in education. Our results show that teachers who have had mentors or gone through induction programs in their fi rst year of teaching are more likely to be committed to the teaching profession. Moreover, mentoring and induction programs have a greater marginal benefi t for teachers without education degrees than for those with education degrees. Based on our results, we recommend that districts (1) provide mentoring and induction programs for all teachers, and (2) allow school-level fl exibility in tailoring induction and mentoring programs.
- Topic:
- Education, Training, Teachers, and Mentorship
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4838. Uniting a City: Facilitating Interracial Interactions and Cultural Exchange in Urban Public Spaces, with Applications to Washington D.C.
- Author:
- Ginger M. Moored
- Publication Date:
- 05-2006
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
- Institution:
- School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
- Abstract:
- Racial segregation in American cities exacerbates racial tensions and spatially concentrates poverty. While government entities and other organizations use a number of techniques to mollify these problems such as mixed-income housing and school busing programs, these techniques often do not overcome everyday geographic separation, and, in turn, fail to promote physical interracial interactions or cultural exchange. One way to foster interracial interactions that lead to cultural exchange is to hold organized events in public spaces that are natural meeting-areas for cities’ residents. Studies about interracial interactions, though, suggest that to be successful these events should: (1) produce high levels of interaction, (2) provide opportunities for cultural exchange, (3) use engaging programming with broad appeal, (4) maximize accessibility of events, (5) minimize cultural intimidation, and (6) equally value all cultures. This paper devises strategies for creating events that have these six characteristics and illustrates these strategies using examples from U.S. cities. The latter part of this paper describes how these strategies can be specifi cally applied to Washington, D.C., a city sharply divided by race.
- Topic:
- Race, Culture, Urban, Cities, and Public Space
- Political Geography:
- North America and United States of America
4839. Dismantling the DPRK’s Nuclear Weapons Program: A Practicable, Verifiable Plan of Action
- Author:
- David Albright and Corey Hinderstein
- Publication Date:
- 01-2006
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Institute for Science and International Security
- Abstract:
- Verified dismantlement of the nuclear weapons program of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) can be accomplished successfully. Although difficulties abound in reaching an agreement with the DPRK to achieve this goal, the methods and steps involved in the dismantlement process are well understood. Because this goal remains vital to U.S. and international security, the United States has joined with China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea in working toward verified denuclearization of the Korean peninsula with the cooperation of the DPRK. These six nations have launched a series of negotiations, called the Six-Party Talks, aimed at resolving the crisis over the DPRK’s nuclear program. These nations are also attempting to create a plan to dismantle the DPRK’s program in a manner with which all the nations can feel secure.
- Topic:
- Nuclear Weapons, International Security, and Disarmament
- Political Geography:
- Russia, Japan, China, Asia, South Korea, North Korea, and United States of America
4840. Public-Private Partnerships for Development: A Handbook for Business
- Author:
- Suezan C. Lee
- Publication Date:
- 07-2006
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Conference Board
- Abstract:
- CED partnered with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) on this handbook, published in 2006, which is designed to help businesses operating in developing countries understand how to build public-private partnerships that will benefit their host country populations and the participating firms.
- Topic:
- International Trade and Finance, Partnerships, Business, Public Sector, Economic Development, and Private Sector
- Political Geography:
- Global Focus and United States of America