Political Geography: Israel / Publication Year: within 10 Years and within 5 Years

501. The Middle East Accords: an American Perspective

Author:: Edward Marks
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: While the recent accords with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, and Sudan moves Israel further along the path of regional integration and diplomatic normalization, the deal does nothing for Israel’s other existential threat — the Palestinians living in Israel proper, the West Bank, and Gaza. Nevertheless, it is a big deal. It is all part of the evolving Middle East where Arab support for the Palestinians has been melting for years. For decades, many Arab states were united in their hostility toward Israel and support for the Palestinian cause, even though in some cases that backing was largely rhetorical. But change has been under way for decades, beginning with the Egyptian and Jordanian formal recognition of Israel and then in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative (API). That Saudi Arabian initiative called for normalizing relations between the Arab world and Israel, in exchange for a full withdrawal by Israel from the occupied territories (including the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan Heights, and Lebanon), a “just settlement” of the Palestinian refugee problem based on UN Resolution 242, and the establishment of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Regional Integration, Peace, and Normalization
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

502. WHAT DO THE BAHRAIN-ISRAEL-UAE AGREEMENTS MEAN?

Author:: Jeremy Pressman
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Political Violence @ A Glance
Abstract:: How do the Bahrain-Israel-UAE agreements signed on September 15 demonstrate a shift in the Arab-Israeli peacemaking paradigm? While the basic differences from past agreements such as the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty (1979) are very significant, the new agreements also suggest a major shift for potential pathways to Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolution. Directly trading Arab normalization with Israel for Israeli concessions to the Palestinians is out; alternative pathways include everything from Palestinian surrender to Emirati persuasion to Israeli societal transformation.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Treaties and Agreements, Peacekeeping, and Trade
Political Geography:: Israel, Bahrain, and United Arab Emirates

503. After the Trump “Peace Plan”: One-State Solution is the Only Way Forward

Author:: Diana Buttu
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:: Last month, a Palestinian think tank, the Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research, revealed its survey results following the release of the Trump/Netanyahu plan. In announcing the results, Dr Khalil Shikaki, the head of the polling centre, noted that 94 percent of Palestinian respondents opposed the plan: “I don't think we've ever seen such a level of consensus among the Palestinian public,” he said. These results are unsurprising, of course, as the Trump/Netanyahu plan effectively seeks Palestinian approval for Israeli land theft, ethnic cleansing and continued subjugation. But alongside the results of the question pertaining to the Trump/Netanyahu plan was a more important question: “Do you support the two-state solution?” A mere 39 percent of surveyed respondents answered affirmatively, while 37 percent indicated that they support a one-state solution. These results should be placed in their proper light: for more than two decades, as the Palestinian leadership and the international community have repeatedly called for the implementation of the two-state solution, increasing numbers of Palestinians have moved away from this view and increasingly supported one state, even though there is not a single Palestinian party – whether inside ‘48 borders or in the occupied territories – advocating for it. In fact, Palestinian leaders and the international community both espouse the common view of decrying the concept of one state and adamantly holding that “There is no Plan B.” The reason for this steadily increasing Palestinian support for one state has both everything and nothing to do with the Trump/Netanyahu plan. This plan makes clear that it aims to ensure that Palestinians will never have a state and instead remain forever under Israel’s boot. But it isn’t just the Trump plan. Over time, Palestinians increasingly have seen that the version of “two states” that the international community will support – and indeed press for – is not the version of two states that Palestinians demand. To the contrary, while the world spoke of a two-state settlement, Palestinians witnessed a tripling of the number of Israeli settlers living on their land. The international community appears content with allowing Israel to build and expand settlements, while at the same time allowing it to demolish Palestinian homes and schools and imprison Palestinians into cantons. This approach condones Israel holding our economy hostage and mercilessly besieging the Gaza Strip, with only the mildest, mealy-mouthed international condemnations. The world community has blocked attempts to press for a condemnation of Israeli settlements in the International Criminal Court and has, in some cases, criminalized support for boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS). Even the European Union has been loath to uphold its trade agreement with Israel, under which Israeli settlement products should be labelled separately and should not benefit from free trade status. It has become clear that while the international community speaks of wanting a two-state settlement, it has shown itself wholly unwilling to do anything to make that happen. As someone who participated in the peace negotiations, I observed that a state for Palestinians was the furthest thing from the Israeli public and political leadership’s thinking. Instead, they were concerned with how to forever contain and control Palestinians, and how to maintain longstanding international community support in this endeavour. In short, the concept of two states has become devoid of all meaning, with the focus instead on form – whether labelled as a “state” and however dysfunctional and lacking any of the powers that actually define a state. This increasing realization has led many Palestinians to abandon the statehood project. This may sound like a defeatist position or the expression of frustration. Indeed, over the years, we have heard PLO leaders threaten to abandon the two-state project and, separately, threaten to dissolve the Palestinian Authority. Some support for one state is undoubtedly borne of that feeling. But not all. To be clear, my support for one state grew not from the futility of negotiations – even though they were indeed futile – but from a sense that the approach was incorrect. The attempt to divide land simply modelled the power structures I was attempting to fight – economic and political structures that aim to maintain Israeli power and control over Palestinians lives. Therefore, rather than focus on land – where Israel always has an advantage –, the focus should be on people and how we, as people, should live. The time has come to look to a model that focuses on equal rights for all, irrespective of religion; a model which seeks reconciliation and not separation and where people are protected and not viewed as subjects of control or, in the case of refugees, of wholesale and heartless exclusion. Today Israel and the occupied territories function as one territory, with rights and privileges granted to some and not to others. There are no separate border crossings for “Palestine” and no separate Palestinian currency. Yet Palestinians, including Palestinian citizens of Israel, are denied the same rights and privileges as Israeli Jews. I am under no illusion that achieving this equality will be easy. Power is never voluntarily given up by those who wield it but taken through pressing for rights. Palestinians will be better able to break down the system of ethnic-religious privilege that plagues Palestinians (a similar system ruled apartheid South Africa) by getting to the root cause – that of Zionism, a nationalist project that favours one group over another –, by pushing for BDS and for accountability internationally and by challenging racist Israeli laws. In short, we can and must create a just system for all, irrespective of whether we demand one or two states. History demonstrates that ethnic privilege ultimately fails in a multi-ethnic world. And given that Palestinians and Israelis are fated to live together, the real question is whether we will continue to allow this system of ethno-religious privilege to prevail or whether we will press for equality, irrespective of religion. Borders, flags, and currencies can wait.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Territorial Disputes, Borders, Peace, and Settlements
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

504. After the Trump “Peace Plan”: Two Perspectives on Palestinian Options

Author:: Diana Buttu and Mouin Rabbani
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:: The “Peace Plan” presented by Trump and his administration as the ultimate solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been overwhelmingly rejected by Palestinians and their leadership. But what comes next? What strategy should Palestinians adopt? These two papers, written by two leading Palestinian analysts, lay out two distinct approaches for attaining Palestinian rights and aspirations. Diana Buttu argues that it is time for Palestinians to push for a one-state solution focusing on equal rights for all, while Mouin Rabbani contends that a one-state approach will not succeed given the current power dynamics and, therefore, favours a renewed Palestinian strategy to preserve the pre-Trump international consensus focused on the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 and a just resolution of the refugee question.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Territorial Disputes, Borders, Peace, and Settlements
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

505. After the Trump “Peace Plan”: Ending the Occupation is the Priority

Author:: Mouin Rabbani
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:: It is incontestable that a unitary state encompassing all of historic Palestine in which Palestinians and Israelis live in full equality represents the preferred resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Assuming this entity guarantees both individual and communal parity, and satisfactorily resolves the refugee question, it would achieve the fundamental Palestinian right to national self-determination and be consistent with the broader Palestinian aspiration of greater Arab integration. It is also irrefutable that a democratic one-state outcome in Palestine cannot be achieved without the disestablishment of Zionism, and specifically Israel’s renunciation of the core principles of Jewish political supremacy, demographic superiority, and territorial hegemony that have guided state policy since 1948. The cost-benefit calculation required for a one-state solution is thus one where Israel’s rulers determine that the price of maintaining a Zionist state has become unacceptably high and choose to relinquish it. In practice, there is no political pathway to such a resolution. Israel’s elites, and the overwhelming majority of its Jewish citizens from across the political spectrum, will contemplate a future without Zionism only as a consequence of decisive military defeat. Even then, the temptation of Israel’s leaders to rely on their nuclear arsenal to avert defeat – the so-called Samson option – cannot be dismissed. In view of the geopolitical realities which reinforce, rather than challenge, the prevailing balance of power between Israel and the Palestinians, the only one-state solutions currently on offer are those proposed by the United States in its January 2020 diplomatic initiative, and by the radical Israeli right whose agenda has been embraced by Washington. In other words, proponents of a unitary secular democratic state in Palestine who are unable to offer a credible military strategy for achieving it are dealing in unattainable illusions rather than feasible solutions. The dynamics that have produced these realities may well change, but the current state of the Palestinian national movement and the broader region suggests this will consume decades, not years. It should also be noted that economic pressure – far exceeding that exerted by the BDS movement – has had a particularly poor impact on regime change during the past century, and can play a secondary role at best. How, then, can and should the Palestinians respond to Washington’s latest proposal to formalize permanent Israeli control over the Palestinian people? Should they just abandon the two-state framework in hopes of an eventual democratic unified state? Widely condemned as the institutionalization of apartheid, the Trump-Netanyahu Plan, in fact, goes far beyond the model of structural racism devised by the white minority regime in South Africa. Israel seeks not to exploit a captive population, but rather to achieve its eventual permanent removal. Indeed, this Plan goes so far as to recommend changing the legal status of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian citizens of Israel to residents of a Palestinian entity that will be occupied territory in all but name. The Trump-Netanyahu Plan offers nothing to the Palestinians, neither presently nor in the future, and does not even pretend to do so. It was transparently devised to accomplish each and every Israeli strategic objective at the expense of all Palestinian rights, rather than lay the basis for meaningful negotiations between the two parties in which the core interests of each are met within the framework of international legality. The measures Washington has already undertaken concerning Jerusalem, Palestinian refugees, the PLO, settlements, the legal status of the occupied territories and other issues reveal this agenda and require no further comment or analysis. It is thus imperative that the various Palestinian leaderships categorically refuse any interaction – whether direct or indirect – with this initiative, as such dealings will only serve to legitimize it and provide cover for regional and international parties to seriously engage with it. The strategic purpose and primary threat of the Trump-Netanyahu plan is to transform the international consensus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For better or worse, this consensus comprises the inadmissibility of territorial conquest, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, living at peace with Israel within its 1949 boundaries, and a just resolution of the refugee question. Against this, Washington and Tel Aviv propose a resolution of the conflict on the basis that might makes right, that rights are irrelevant, and that international law is of no consequence. Rather than mobilize alongside the United States and Israel to denounce the international consensus of a two-state framework and demand its replacement, even if for radically different reasons and objectives, and to promote goals which - as noted above - are simply unattainable, Palestinians should do everything within their power to preserve, mobilize, and activate this consensus and present it as the litmus test for the preservation of the international order Washington is seeking to systematically dismantle. Indeed, under current circumstances, the only alternative is a one-state solution, which would permanently remove Palestinian national rights from the international agenda. One may not be enthusiastic about the two-state paradigm, but it would be dishonest to deny that the purpose of the Trump-Netanyahu plan is to replace it with something much worse. The above notwithstanding, to frame the Palestinian debate as a choice between a one-state solution and two-state settlement misses the point, and is today somewhat akin to a condemned prisoner spending the night before his execution agonizing over whether to spend next summer on the French or Italian Riviera. The core issue in 2020 is not about the form of eventual statehood, but rather about upholding the principle that Israel has no right to incorporate territories that international law and the international community consider to be occupied, and that its continued rule in these territories is both illegal and illegitimate. In contrast to a democratic one-state outcome, there are political avenues to ending the occupation that do not require the military resources that neither the Palestinians nor their regional allies currently possess. The cost-benefit calculation for ending the blockade of the Gaza Strip, reversing settlement expansion in the West Bank, and terminating the occupation does not require the wholesale transformation of the Israeli state. Yet, compelling Israel to dismantle the settlement enterprise and to withdraw from the occupied territories rather than annex them may – in the process – transform the state and establish pathways that in time would produce better outcomes It is commonplace to characterize the Trump administration approach to the Question of Palestine as a radical departure from traditional US policy. While this is true in certain respects, it is perhaps more useful to understand the Trump-Netanyahu Plan as the logical culmination of seven decades of US Middle East policy, and of the Oslo agreements, which never envisioned an end to occupation nor the realization of Palestinian self-determination, in particular. The prevalence of this reality and this debate attest above all to the extraordinarily weakened position in which the Palestinian people find themselves. Surpassing it will be particularly difficult, but is by no means impossible. First and foremost, Palestinians must resolve their internal differences and establish a unified national movement led by a credible leadership, with a clear strategy to disentangle from the matrix of control established by the Oslo agreements, as well as to mobilize Palestinians and their regional and international allies and supporters. Palestine needs to become a cause that stands above and beyond regional rivalries once again, rather than a political pawn used by petty autocrats for trivial advantage. It needs to once again become a primary issue on the international agenda, and a global litmus test for justice and decency, rather than a secondary dispute in a region roiled by conflict. In doing so it will also be able to rely on greater levels of popular support than perhaps ever before. A mobilized Palestinian national movement, capable of activating and – where necessary – coercing the support of regional governments, and deploying their collective wherewithal in the international arena, can successfully implement a combination of popular, political, economic, legal, and even military strategies to effectively challenge Israel’s occupation, and in critical instances compel foreign states to do the right thing out of self-interest. The Palestinians today are experiencing an existential moment. This is not a time to pursue the impossible at the expense of survival.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Territorial Disputes, Occupation, Peace, and Settlements
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

506. The Gulf States and Israel after the Abraham Accords

Author:: Fatiha Dazi-Heni
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:: Following Israel’s signing of the Abraham Accords with the UAE and Bahrain, many questions arise as to the impact that the Accords will have on the different GCC countries. This paper seeks to outline the historical context surrounding the accords and provide an analysis of the way the different GCC countries have so far approached this new “normalization” of relations with Israel.
Topic:: Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Regional Cooperation, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, and Gulf Nations

507. R2P Monitor, Issue 52, 15 July 2020

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a bimonthly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 52 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and Burkina Faso, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Yemen, Burundi, Central African Republic, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Libya, Nigeria, South Sudan and Venezuela.
Topic:: International Law, Conflict, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocities
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Israel, Libya, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Syria, Venezuela, Nigeria, Burundi, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Global Focus, and Burkina Faso

508. R2P Monitor, Issue 51, 15 May 2020

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a bimonthly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 51 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, China, Mali and Burkina Faso, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Yemen, Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Libya, Nigeria, South Sudan and Venezuela.
Topic:: International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocities
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Israel, Libya, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Syria, Venezuela, Nigeria, Burundi, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Global Focus, and Burkina Faso

509. R2P Monitor, Issue 54, 15 November 2020

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a bimonthly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 54 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali and Burkina Faso, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Venezuela, Yemen, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Côte d’Ivoire, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh (Armenia/Azerbaijan), Nigeria and South Sudan.
Topic:: International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocities
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Israel, Libya, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Mozambique, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, Global Focus, Burkina Faso, and Nagorno-Karabakh

510. Secret Wars: Covert Conflict in International Politics, Austin Carson

Author:: Erik J. Dahl
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Political Science Quarterly
Institution:: Academy of Political Science
Abstract:: In this valuable new book, Austin Carson examines the phenomenon of covert military intervention, which he defines as occurring when an external major power secretly provides military assistance during war. Carson argues that such interventions are more common than might be expected and that they often lead to a puzzling dynamic, whereby an adversary detects the intervention but does not publicize it. Carson’s use of the term “covert” follows the conventional definition of government activities designed to conceal the actor’s role in that activity, but by focusing on covert military intervention, he is studying a phenomenon different from “covert action,” which in the American context usually refers to activities undertaken by the Central Intelligence Agency, rather than by military forces. This book is therefore a complement to other works on covert action, including Lindsey A. O’Rourke’s recent Covert Regime Change: America’s Secret Cold War.
Topic:: Military Intervention, Book Review, Conflict, and Political Science
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Russia, Ukraine, Israel, and United States of America

511. Established Practice: Palestinian Exclusion at the Dead Sea

Author:: Aseil Abu-Baker and Marya Farah
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The Dead Sea, the lowest point on Earth, is one of the natural wonders of the world. Rich in minerals and salt, the lake has attracted visitors for millennia, and the economic value of its mineral riches has been important to both the local Palestinian population and to every colonial power that has ruled the area. Today, Israel exercises total control over the Dead Sea, the northern basin of which lies in the occupied Palestinian territories. Israeli settlements and international businesses, aided by state-funded initiatives, have established a profitable tourism sector and extractive industries based on the Dead Sea’s natural resources, while Palestinians remain effectively excluded from pursuing such opportunities. Qumran National Park, private beach resorts, and the cosmetics company AHAVA, among others, reap enormous profits from settlements in the Dead Sea area, benefiting from Israel’s occupation and unlawful policies and helping to drive a self-serving narrative of the area’s history.
Topic:: Religion, Territorial Disputes, Settlements, and Exclusion
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Dead Sea

512. Palestine at the UN: The PLO and UNRWA in the 1970s

Author:: Anne Irfan
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This article examines the relationship of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) during the 1970s, the period when the PLO reached the zenith of its power in Palestinian refugee camps throughout the Levant. Based on archival United Nations (UN) and UNRWA documents, as well as the PLO’s own communications and publications, the article argues that the organization approached its relationship with UNRWA as part of a broader strategy to gain international legitimacy at the UN. That approach resulted in a complex set of tensions, specifically over which of the two institutions truly served and represented Palestinian refugees. In exploring these tensions, this article also demonstrates how the “question of Palestine” was in many ways an international issue.
Topic:: United Nations, Territorial Disputes, Refugees, and PLO
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

513. The Secret Testimony of the Peel Commission (Part II): Partition

Author:: Laila Parsons
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This is the second installment of a two-part article on the recently released secret testimony to the Peel Commission. Part I ( JPS 49, no. 1) showed how the secret testimony deepens our understanding of the structural exclusion of the Palestinians from the Mandate state. Part II now focuses on what the secret testimony reveals about the Peel Commission’s eventual decision to recommend partition. It turns out that Zionist leaders were less central to this decision than scholars have previously assumed, and that second-tier British colonial officials played a key role in the commissioners’ partition recommendation. British decision-making over the partition of Palestine was shaped not only by a broad ambition to put into practice global-imperial theories about representative government and the protection of minorities; it also stemmed from a cold-eyed self-interest in rehabilitating the British reputation for efficient colonial governance—by terminating, in as deliberate a manner as possible, a slack and compromised Mandatory administration.
Topic:: Territorial Disputes, Zionism, State, and Empire
Political Geography:: Britain, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

514. Delegitimizing Solidarity: Israel Smears Palestine Advocacy as Anti-Semitic

Author:: Ben White
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: In response to growing Palestine solidarity activism globally—and particularly in countries that have been traditional allies of Israel—the Israeli government has launched a well-resourced campaign to undermine such efforts. A key element of this campaign consists in equating Palestine advocacy; the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement; and anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. The concerted effort to delegitimize solidarity with the Palestinians is taking place even as genuine anti-Semitism is on the rise, thanks to the resurgent white nationalism of the Far Right in Europe and North America—political forces that Israel is harnessing to help shield from scrutiny and accountability its apartheid policies toward Palestinians, both citizens of the state as well as those under military rule. In its efforts to conflate anti-Zionism with anti- Semitism, the Israeli government is assisted by non-state organizations that nonetheless enjoy close ties with the state and its agencies.
Topic:: Sanctions, Solidarity, BDS, and Anti-Semitism
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

515. Introduction: Public Health and the Promise of Palestine

Author:: Danya M. Qato
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This introductory essay contextualizes the special collection of papers on the pandemic and seeks to map the terrain of extant public health research on Palestine and the Palestinians. In addition, it is a contribution in Palestine studies to a nascent yet propulsive conversation that has been accelerated by Covid-19 on the erasure of structures of violence, including those of settler colonialism and racial capitalism, within the discipline of epidemiology. Using public health as an analytic, this essay asks us to consider foundational questions that have long been sidelined in the public health discourse on Palestine, including the implications for health and health research of eliding ongoing settler colonialism. Rather than ignoring and reproducing their violence, this essay seeks to tackle these questions head-on in an attempt to imagine a future public health research agenda that centers health, and not simply survivability, for all Palestinians.
Topic:: Health Care Policy, Public Health, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

516. Responding to Precarity: Beddawi Camp in the Era of Covid-19

Author:: Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: How are refugees responding to protect themselves and others in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic? How do these responses relate to diverse local, national, and international structures of inequality and marginalization? Drawing on the case of Beddawi camp in North Lebanon, I argue that local responses—such as sharing information via print and social media, raising funds for and preparing iftar baskets during Ramadan, and distributing food and sanitation products to help people practice social distancing—demonstrate how camp residents have worked individually and collectively to find ways to care for Palestinian, Syrian, Iraqi, Kurdish, and Lebanese residents alike, thereby transcending a focus on nationality- based identity markers. However, state, municipal, international, and media reports pointing to Syrian refugees as having imported the virus into Beddawi camp place such local modes of solidarity and mutuality at risk. This article thus highlights the importance of considering how refugee-refugee assistance initiatives relate simultaneously to: the politics of the self and the other, politically produced precarity, and multi-scalar systems that undermine the potential for solidarity in times of overlapping precarities.
Topic:: Nationalism, Refugees, Solidarity, Public Health, Humanitarian Crisis, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Iraq, Iran, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Kurdistan

517. Covid-19 Fault Lines: Palestinian Physicians in Israel

Author:: Osama Tanous
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This essay explores representations of Palestinian physicians in the Israeli health-care system during the Covid-19 pandemic and the dynamics that have played out in that system during the public health emergency from the perspective of a Palestinian physician. It argues that the health-care system, an essential pillar and infrastructural foundation of the settler-colonial project, is naively imagined as an apolitical, neutral sphere. As the site of a metaphorical battlefield against Covid-19, it has been window-dressed as an arena for brotherhood between Israeli Palestinians and Jews, and fantasized about as a gateway to political gain or equality for the Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCIs). Throughout the process, settler militarism, settler symbols, and settler domination have continued to be normalized.
Topic:: Public Health, Pandemic, COVID-19, and Medicine
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

518. Covid-19 and the Necroeconomy of Palestinian Labor in Israel

Author:: Sobhi Samour
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The situation of West Bank Palestinians working in Israel has highlighted a number of parallels with the conditions of global labor employed in essential sectors during the Covid-19 pandemic. Under capitalism, the compulsion to work, ostensibly to cultivate life, comes at the risk of being exposed to death, but is preferred over immiseration caused by unemployment. The pandemic has merely amplified existing structural features of such employment. For Palestinian workers, with the risk of infection in Israel being significantly higher, the perilous conditions experienced by Palestinian labor have turned the preservation of life enabled by such employment more firmly into the production of death. The Palestinian Authority (PA), too, faces a conundrum: to balance the economic benefits it derives from Palestinian disposability in the Israeli labor market with public health considerations limiting such employment. This essay argues that the Covid-19 pandemic lays fully bare the necroeconomy produced by the intersection of settler colonialism and capitalism, which also forms the bedrock of the necropolitical order in the West Bank.
Topic:: Labor Issues, Public Health, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

519. The Virus, the Settler, and the Siege: Gaza in the Age of Corona

Author:: Ghassan Abu-Sittah
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: This essay explores the challenges and opportunities that the Covid-19 pandemic has afforded Israel as it broadens its settler-colonial objectives internally, in Gaza, and elsewhere. In particular, it sheds light on the heightened militaristic and economic approaches taken by Israel to further entrench its siege of Palestinians in Gaza and to export increasingly advanced technologies of surveillance and state control long deployed against the Palestinian people. This investigation thus offers an opportunity to probe settler colonialism’s strategic opportunism in the face of the historic pandemic.
Topic:: Public Health, Settlements, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

520. Roundtable On Mental Health Amid COVID-19

Author:: Weeam Hammoudeh, Samah Jabr, Maria Helbich, and Cindy Sousa
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The Covid-19 pandemic has laid bare the devastating and disproportionate effects of structures of violence that produce vulnerability in communities of color globally, including with respect to mental health-care provision. While coping and resilience are dominant mainstream frameworks to understand mental health in crisis—both in Palestine and elsewhere—the three contributors to this roundtable were asked to offer a rejoinder to that approach. They reflect on the pandemic as an opportunity to revisit how we understand and advocate for critical approaches to mental health in Palestine in the midst of prolonged crisis.
Topic:: Mental Health, Public Health, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

521. A Palestinian Statelet in Gaza

Author:: José S. Vericat
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: Fatah leaders routinely accuse Hamas of plotting to establish an “emirate” in the Gaza Strip. Gaza is in fact turning into a statelet separate from the West Bank, but it is Israeli policies that are driving the “Gaza is Palestine” option with a series of measures that have been implemented since the early 1990s to sever Gaza from the West Bank. This development has intensified under the administration of U.S. president Donald Trump. In the White House’s vision for Middle East peace, which turns the West Bank into a series of isolated Bantustans enveloped by Israeli territory and shorn of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip becomes the centerpiece of any future Palestinian entity. The international community, laser focused on avoiding another war in Gaza, has prioritized the humanitarian over the political crisis, furthering the excision of the Palestinian territory. As aid flows directly into Gaza, bypassing Ramallah, and Israel and Hamas negotiate a long-term ceasefire, the Palestinian Authority (PA) finds itself increasingly marginalized.
Topic:: Territorial Disputes, State, Settlements, and Palestinian Authority
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

522. From Pariah to Partner: A View from Israel on a Realigned Middle East

Author:: Or Yissachar
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Institute for Development and International Relations (IRMO)
Abstract:: FLight number LY971 on Monday 31 August 2020, was in many respects anything but a mundane commercial flight traveling to another Middle East destination. Traditionally, the Arab world’s maximum pressure campaign against Israel was designed not only to call into question its existence militarily, but crumble its legitimacy diplomatically – prohibiting Israeli citizens from entering their territories, banning Israeli and other airlines traveling to and from Tel Aviv from using their airspace, much less land in their airports, even referring to it merely as “the Zionist entity”. Much more fundamentally than technical disagreement over policy items or territorial arrangements, the Arab world has made clear what was best enunciated in the infamous 1967 Khartoum “Three No’s”: “No peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, no negotiations with Israel.” Despite episodic under-the-radar contacts, the Arab world had operated under the assumption that any cracks in this well-fortified wall could have been constructed as de facto recognition of a country considered a red flag.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, Territorial Disputes, Zionism, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

523. The Securitisation of Hybrid Warfare through Practices within the Iran-Israel conflict – Israel’s practices for securitising Hezbollah’s Proxy War

Author:: Christian Kaunert and Ori Wertman
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: Iran has been waging a hybrid war against Israel since the Islamic revolution of 1979. In an era when conventional wars have given way to a different method, hybrid warfare, the main challenge facing states is how to deal with this new type of security threat. Thus, while states have previously faced security threats from regular enemy states’ armies, nowadays hybrid warfare in which non-state actors play a key role has become a widespread security threat that requires democratic states to use very different strategies and tactics to overcome it. Using securitisation theory, which explores how normal issues transform into security threats, this article analyses how the State of Israel has securitised Iranian hybrid warfare which has been mainly executed through its proxy terror organisations of Hezbollah. It does so by applying a revised version of the Copenhagen School’s securitisation framework, which focuses on security practices and is underpinned by an understanding of security as belonging to a continuum. The proxy terror organisations have moved towards the end point of the continuum, which is characterised by survival, existential threats, and militarisation, albeit without completely reaching the end point.
Topic:: Hezbollah, Hybrid Warfare, Securitization, and Proxy Groups
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, Israel, and Lebanon

524. Compulsory military service as a social integrator

Author:: Ronen Itsik
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: Compulsory military service has become very rare over the last 30 years, in the western world. In the past, most countries considered military service as a socialisation platform, given the fact that most of the population was recruited and military units were a "meeting point" for different cultures – because of that the service then was functional as a social integrator. The current research studied changes in social attitude during compulsory military service in Israel, where the society is considered to be essentially divided around ethnical and national issues. This study is based on an analysis of the attitudes of 3200 internet questionnaire participants via social networks in Israel, followed by a U-test of the collected data. Half of the participants were high-school students (average age 17) and half of them discharged soldiers (average age 23). Analysis of the results reveals significant evidence: discharged soldiers tend to be more tolerant then high-school students with regard to other cultures and ethnic origins. A discharged IDF soldier is less afraid of security threats and considers budget prioritisation towards social welfare to be more important than security challenges. These findings show that compulsory military service can still be effective as a social integrator, even in the post-modern world where countries are dealing with migration issues and ethno-national tensions.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Army, Conscription, and Social Integration
Political Geography:: Israel and Global Focus

525. Troubled vision: Understanding recent Israeli–Iranian offensive cyber exchanges

Author:: JD Work and Richard Harknett
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: Reported Iranian intrusions against Israeli critical infrastructure networks and alleged Israeli actions against Iranian proliferation-associated targets pose substantial new challenges to understanding ongoing competition and conflict in the Middle East. These cyber exchanges may be interpreted through two distinct lenses: as the struggle to achieve deterrence using the instrument of cyber operations, or as the contest for initiative in order to establish conditions for relative security advantage in a cyber-persistent environment. Either way, these ongoing incidents are best understood not as “bolt out of the blue” attacks, but rather fleeting glimpses of continuing cyber campaigns leveraging previously disclosed and newly developed capabilities as each side grapples to anticipate cyber vulnerability and shape the conditions of exploitation. The opaque nature of these interactions is further complicated by potential bureaucratic politics and interservice rivalries, as well as unknown dynamics of a counter-proliferation campaign to slow, disrupt and potentially destroy Iranian nuclear capacity. In the end, observed cyber actions may not represent reflections of accurate strategic calculation, and even if aligned to the operational environment they may not lead to intended outcomes. Continuous failure to deter, or inability to manage persistent interactions, may lead to greater dangers.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Cybersecurity, and Non-Traditional Threats
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, and Israel

526. Counting the cost: Avoiding another war between Israel and Hezbollah

Author:: Nicholas Blanford and Assaf Orion
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: Almost fourteen years since the 2006 war, Hezbollah and Israel seem to be drifting closer to war than at any time in the last decade. Even as Lebanon and Israel grapple with the COVID-19 pandemic, neither the Israeli military nor Lebanon’s Iran-backed Hezbollah are allowing the disease to distract from their long-running enmity. With the military buildup on both sides, the mutual destruction would be far reaching. Given the risks at hand, the Atlantic Council has released a new report, “Counting the Cost: Avoiding Another War between Israel and Hezbollah,” authored by Nicholas Blanford, a Beirut-based nonresident senior fellow in the Atlantic Council’s Middle East programs, and Brig. Gen. (Res.) Assaf Orion, senior research fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. The authors examine the current force posture of the Israel Defense Forces and Hezbollah, identify potential triggers that could lead to a war, analyze how the next war would be fought by both sides, and offer recommendations to at least maintain the current relative calm and avoid a conflict that could cost thousands of lives and bring unprecedented ruin to both Lebanon and Israel.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Conflict, Crisis Management, Hezbollah, and Israel Defense Forces (IDF)
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Lebanon

527. Terrorism is terrorism: The Christchurch terror attack from an Israeli CT perspective

Author:: Boaz Ganor
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:: Print this page SR155 Terrorism is terrorism - banner 19 MAY 2020 Terrorism is terrorism: The Christchurch terror attack from an Israeli CT perspective By Professor Boaz Ganor This report by Professor Boaz Ganor examines the different phases of the Christchurch terror attack, its similarities to and differences from Islamic jihadist terror attacks, and the lessons to be learnt for preventing, thwarting and managing such attacks, based on Israeli counter-terrorism experience. Lone-wolf attacks have become a widespread phenomenon in many countries, some have ended with a limited number of casualties. The 2019 Christchurch terror attack resulted in dozens of casualties. This report rigorously examines each phase of the attack to assess where points of intervention may have been overlooked and what can be learned from this experience to evolve counter-terrorism strategy and methods. Professor Ganor shares key lessons from the Christchurch attack that will help prevent or thwart future attacks through social media intelligence, artificial intelligence, machine learning and big data, security, gun regulation, damage mitigation and victim treatment, post attack activity, and international cooperation.
Topic:: National Security, Terrorism, and Counter-terrorism
Political Geography:: Israel, Palestine, Australia, Australia/Pacific, and New Zealand

528. Sudan’s Predicament and the Israeli Connection

Author:: Paul Rivlin
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In this issue of Iqtisadi, Paul Rivlin delves into the structural factors that led to protests and the overthrow of Sudan's longtime dictator, Omar al-Bashir, in 2019. This background along with more recent developments, explains why some of the leadership in Sudan today believe engagement with Israel makes good economic sense.
Topic:: International Relations, Economy, and Omar al-Bashir
Political Geography:: Africa, Sudan, Middle East, and Israel

529. Arab Citizens are Not the Problem: How the 2020 Election Might Redefine the Israeli Political Landscape

Author:: Ahmad Agabaria
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: The elections conveyed a message: The Arab public refuses to be a problem in Israeli society, and strives to return to normalcy. The 1990s were engraved in the memory of the Arab public as a promising period for their rights, but today the tables have been turned. The establishment doubts the ability of Arab Knesset members to represent their constituents and doubts their allegiance to the state. Many in the Arab public understand that the enshrining national-Zionist identity of the state is directed against them. The delegitimization of the Arab minority and its elected representatives reached its peak in the recent elections. The slogan "Bibi or Tibi" is an expression of incitement and racism that should be denounced. The "deal of the century" plan, and in particular its intention to annex the Triangle Region to a Palestinian state, actually contributed to raising the turnout rate on the Arab street. The 15 seats won by the Joint List restored the belief to Arab citizens that change is possible.
Topic:: Politics, Minorities, Elections, and Citizenship
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

530. The Joint List: The Achievement and the Price

Author:: Rana Zaher
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: The achievement of the Joint List in the elections was made possible by the maturity of its constituents, the presentation of clear vision and objectives, the management of prudent media campaigns, the cumulative experience of parliamentary activity, and the response of Arab citizens to racist statements against them by Jewish politicians. The election of four Arab women for the Knesset on behalf of the Joint List breaks the glass ceiling for the political representation of women in Arab society. Arab women have high electoral potential and can reduce the gender gap between them and men. In the current political configuration in Israel, the Joint List has a significant political power and can no longer be ignored. However, unity has its price as the unique space of each constituent party is shrinking.
Topic:: Politics, Elections, and Women
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

531. The Story of a Restaurant during the Corona Epidemic: A Period of Crisis for Businesses in the Arab Sector

Author:: Nidal Othman
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: 96% of the businesses in Arab society are small and miniature businesses, most of which are not defined as "essential enterprises". As a result, they were shut down during part of the Corona crisis. The model of distance working and working from home is not common in Arab society. Only a miniscule proportion of Arab businesses have the potential to operate in this mode and as a result the Corona crisis took a heavy toll on businesses in Arab society. The government made state-guaranteed loans available to small and medium-sized businesses; however, the conditions for eligibility were difficult to fulfil for Arab-owned businesses. Most of the loan applications were rejected, and businesses that managed to meet the conditions were awarded much smaller loans than they had requested. Their financial distress has led many business owners to take out gray market loans at exorbitant interest rates. It is recommended that an interministerial forum be created with representatives of the Ministry of Internal Security, the Ministry of Welfare and the Ministry of Economy in cooperation with the Committee of Arab Mayors, with the goal of keeping Arab business owners from entering a vicious circle of crime and violence as a result of the debt they have been forced to take on. Arab business owners need to become organized, whether at the national or local level.
Topic:: Economics, Business, Coronavirus, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

532. The “Gender Genie”: Bedouin Women between the Generations

Author:: Nuzha Allassad Alhuzail
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In recent years, social and cultural processes in Bedouin society in the Negev have had an effect on the social fabric and the status of women. The first generation of Bedouin women grew up in the nomadic period and were born before the establishment of the State. They are characterized by strong self-confidence based on their social, family and personal status. The second generation of women grew up during the urbanization period and they experienced the difficulties of transitioning from a nomadic way of life to life in a permanent settlement. They feel confused and angry about the transition process; nonetheless, they occupy key positions in Bedouin society and serve as the bridging generation between the past and the present. The third generation of women are divided between obeying their inner voices and obeying the collective social will. The women of this generation are in the midst of a transition process that is still ongoing. Bedouin society is flourishing and developing, as reflected in its integration within higher education and the labor market. In contrast, the advancement of women faces the barrier of traditional male domination. Although there is a small handful of men in Bedouin society who yearn for change and gender equality, they are torn between traditional masculinity – which calls for the man to be dominant – and modern masculinity.
Topic:: Gender Issues, Minorities, and Women
Political Geography:: Palestine and Israel

533. Yahya Sinwar and Hamas’ Strategic Crossroad

Author:: Michael Milshtein
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In the latest issue of Tel Aviv Notes, Michael Milshtein examines Yahya Sinwar's role in Hamas, as the organization searches for a way out of its current strategic impasse.
Topic:: Politics, History, Non State Actors, and Hamas
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

534. Memory of the Nakba in the Palestinian Public Sphere

Author:: Michael Milshtein
Publication Date:: 08-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In the latest issue of Tel Aviv Notes, Michael Milshtein examines how the collective memory of the Nakba has become anchored in the Palestinian public sphere.
Topic:: History, Minorities, Memory, Nakba, and Palestinian Authority
Political Geography:: Middle East, Palestine, and Israel

535. The Coronavirus in the Middle East: State and Society in a Time of Crisis

Author:: Brandon Friedman, Joshua Krasna, Uzi Rabi, Michael Milshtein, Arik Rudnitzky, Liora Hendelman-Baavur, Joel D. Parker, Cohen Yanarocak, Hay Eytan, Michael Barak, and Adam Hoffman
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: This collection of essays, published by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in collaboration with the Moshe Dayan Center (MDC), focuses on how states and societies absorbed the coronavirus shock as the first wave spread through the Middle East, from February through April 2020. It offers a critical examination of how several different Middle East countries have coped with the crisis. This publication is not intended to be comprehensive or definitive, but rather representative and preliminary. Each of these essays draw on some combination of official government data, traditional local and international media, as well as social media, to provide a provisional picture of the interplay between state and society in the initial response to the crisis.
Topic:: Civil Society, Health Care Policy, Economy, Crisis Management, Sunni, Jihad, Coronavirus, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Iran, Turkey, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Jordan, Gulf Cooperation Council, and Gulf Nations

536. The Art of Resistance in the Palestinian Struggle Against Israel

Author:: Eray Alim
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: This manuscript aims to assess Palestinian street art’s effectiveness as a resistance tool and political instrument in the struggle waged against Israel. It concludes by employing Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic power that Palestinian street art is an effective instrument on account of its ability to instill in Palestinian collective consciousness as a sense of resistance. By utilizing Mouffe’s definition of politics as being a constant struggle between hegemonic and counter hegemonic forces, this work also holds that street art serves Palestinians as a means to reaffirm their political existence and develop an alternative political imagination against the Israeli-imposed reality. This manuscript also broaches the oft-discussed issue of visual diversity in Palestinian street art scene and concludes that eclectic content may serve as a contributive force, if the counter hegemonic character of Palestinian street art is adhered to.
Topic:: Arts, Culture, Hegemony, and Resistance
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

537. The Israeli-Emirati peace agreement: ambiguous and fragile

Author:: Al Jazeera Center for Studies
Publication Date:: 08-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Al Jazeera Center for Studies
Abstract:: The most likely scenario is for the UAE to take advantage of the agreement in areas such as advanced technology, weapons acquisitions and intelligence cooperation, as well as agriculture and health while avoiding military bases and joint defence agreements.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, Treaties and Agreements, Peace, and Trade
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and United Arab Emirates

538. Israel and the European Union: Enemies, A Love Story

Author:: David Walzer
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Israel and the European Union (EU) have built a special, strategic relationship over decades, since the 1960s. Following centuries of war, two world wars, tens of millions dead and destruction across the continent, the EU can be declared as the most successful expression of Europeans’ aspiration for peace and prosperity. With a population of 450 million, the EU is not only Israel’s biggest trade partner, it is also the biggest and most generous aid donor to the Palestinian Authority (PA), without which Israel would be forced to allocate extensive budgetary resources for the PA’s preservation and its commitments. Moreover, a large part of the Jewish people in Israel and the Diaspora has its roots in Europe. Many Israelis aspire to the continent’s standards of moral and cultural values and to its political systems. At the same time, many in Europe see Israel and the Israelis as members of the European family. Agreements on economic, trade, science, and other matters of vital value to Israel have been signed over the years within the framework of the special relationship that has developed with the EU.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, European Union, Economy, and Trade
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

539. Recommendations for Israel’s New Foreign Minister: Initial Policy Messages

Author:: Nimrod Goren, Merav Kahana-Dagan, Roee Kibrik, Lior Lehrs, Maya Sion-Tzidkiyahu, and Ksenia Svetlova
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: srael’s new foreign minister should lead a process of fixing Israel’s foreign policy. This paper presents recommendations for messages he can convey and actions he can take to improve Israel’s regional relations with Arab states, the Palestinians and Europe. It is based on deliberations by a Mitvim Institute task team.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Geopolitics, Regional Integration, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Arab Countries, Egypt, and Jordan

540. Israel and the Environment in the Mediterranean Basin

Author:: Mitvim
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: This paper focuses on climate change in the Eastern Mediterranean Basin and the challenges and opportunities which it presents Israel. It is based on the main points raised at the fifth meeting of the research and policy group on “Israel in the Mediterranean” held at the IDC School of Sustainability in Herzliya on February 13, 2020 at the initiative of the Mitvim Institute, the Hebrew University’s Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations and Haifa University’s National Security Studies Center. The paper highlights the vulnerability of the Eastern Mediterranean Basin to the climate change crisis, the key challenges it poses to different aspects of life in the region, as well as the opportunities for Israel and for regional cooperation in tackling it. The paper sums up the discussions and presentations at the meeting and does not reflect agreement among all participants.
Topic:: International Relations, Climate Change, Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, and Economy
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Mediterranean

541. Europe's Initial Reactions to Israel’s Annexation Intentions

Author:: Maya Sion-Tzidkiyahu
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: US President Donald Trump's plan for resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, presented in January 2020, was perceived in Jerusalem as a green light to annexation of some 30 percent of the West Bank. It was in accordance with the intentions declared over the past year by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Accordingly, the April 2020 coalition agreement between the Likud and Blue and White political parties included a clause allowing Netanyahu to bring a USapproved annexation plan for government or Knesset approval as of July 1, 2020. 1 Soon after, reactions began pouring in from around the world, including Europe, expressing opposition to annexation and warning Israel against such a move. This paper presents the reactions of the EU, its member states and the UK. It examines them in light of the hurdles to formulating an EU consensus on the issue, and maps them according to the extent of the criticism and the attitudes of the various European states toward the Israeli government’s policy.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, International Law, Territorial Disputes, European Union, and Annexation
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

542. Israel and the Mediterranean Basin Amid the Coronavirus Crisis

Author:: Mitvim
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: This paper focuses on the impact of the coronavirus on Israel’s relations with the Mediterranean Basin. It is based on the main points raised at the sixth meeting of the research and policy group on “Israel in the Mediterranean” held on May 14, 2020 at the initiative of the Mitvim Institute, the Hebrew University’s Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations and Haifa University’s National Security Studies Center. The paper highlights the key insights emerging from the Eastern Mediterranean’s handling of the coronavirus epidemic, including the importance of regional cooperation for Israel’s national resilience, the strengthening of Israel’s alliance with Greece and Cyprus, the economic importance of the Mediterranean for Israel, the energy crisis and its impact, and Israel’s ties with Arab states. The paper does not reflect agreement among all the meeting participants.
Topic:: Regional Cooperation, Economy, Coronavirus, Pandemic, and Resilience
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Mediterranean

543. Egyptian Plague or Spring of Youth? The Israeli Discourse regarding the Arab Spring

Author:: Lior Lehrs
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: From the outset of the protest events in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya and other countries, many people in the world began using the term “Arab spring” to describe the sequence of events in the various locations. The term was based on the term “theSpring of Nations,” that refers to a wave of national revolutions in Europe in the mid-19th century. It seemed to take a little longer for the term to penetrate the Israeli discourse on the subject and even when it did many hesitated to accept it and had reservations about its positive and optimistic connotations. For instance, Minister of Strategic Affairs Moshe (Bogie) Yaalon stated that “the event is dramatic and historic and will be given a name, but not the Arab spring.” Former Mossad chief Meir Dagan also opined it was a mistake to use the term “Arab spring” and explained that “whoever coined the phrase drew it from events that occurred in Europe in 1848, when liberal ideas proliferated in the world. The truth is there is no liberal message.” Former head of military intelligence Amos Yadlin said “we understand today that the pair of words ‘Arab spring’ did not describe correctly the phenomenon that rocked the Middle East in 2011.” The Israel Defense Forces’ intelligence branch discussed the issue and decided that the term “Arab spring” was unsuitable and decided to use the term “upheaval” as the official term describing the events.4 Many other people in Israel, as shall be described below, began using the terms “Arab winter” or “Islamic winter” as terms to challenge the original term and express a negative reading of the events. This article wishes to present an analysis of the Israeli discourse following the Arab Spring events as articulated by different parties in diverse forums of conversation. The article analyzes the public and media conversation in Israel and includes an analysis of statements, articles and public opinion surveys and refers to different players (politicians, public figures, journalists and military commanders) and different issues and questions that have arisen as part of the conversation on the subject.
Topic:: Security, Intelligence, Arab Spring, History, and Protests
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

544. Israel, Annexation, and the EU’s Research and Development Program “Horizon”

Author:: Mitvim
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The EU is examining how to respond to a possible Israeli annexation in the West Bank. One of the measures reportedly under consideration is to limit Israel’s participation in the EU’s “Horizon” research and development (R&D) program scheduled for renewal in 2021. This might be a significant blow to Israeli R&D, which has enjoyed substantial EU grants in recent years through the previous phase of the “Horizon” program. This paper provides background about the “Horizon” program and its importance for Israel.
Topic:: Development, European Union, Research, and Annexation
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

545. The Differences between the EU’s Differentiation Policy and the BDS Movement

Author:: Maya Sion-Tzidkiyahu and Shira Hirsch
Publication Date:: 07-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The differentiation policy led by the European Union (EU) distinguishes between the sovereign State of Israel within the 1967 borders and the occupied territories. The BDS Movement calls for what its initials stand for – boycott, sanctions and divestment – to be inflicted upon the whole State of Israel. Although they differ in essence, public discourse in Israel often confuses the two – whether unintentionally, stemming from ignorance, or intentionally because of certain political views. This paper aims to draw a clear distinction between the two policies in order to enable a more nuanced, less impassioned and more conducive dialogue in Israel and with the EU, along with an uncompromising fight against the BDS movement. The EU’s differentiation policy seeks to maintain trade and cooperation with the State of Israel within its 1967 borders, in adherence to international law and Europe’s consumer protection laws – unlike the BDS movement that seeks to boycott and sanction the entire State of Israel. Recognizing the value of EU-Israel relationship, the EU's differentiation policy aims to incentivize Israel to resume negotiations with the Palestinians. The BDS movement, on the other hand, sets goals (such as revoking the right of return and abrogating the Law of Return) that if fully achieved would mean Israel’s end as a Jewish state. The differentiation policy includes an element of normative condemnation but not delegitimization of the State of Israel as a whole, as espoused by the BDS movement. Whereas the differentiation policy implements existing international law, the BDS movement aspires to change the international perception of Israel even within its 1967 borders. Currently, the economic implications of both the differentiation policy and the BDS movement are negligible. However, in the long term, the threat posed by the BDS activities is greater than that of the differentiation policy, since the BDS is not limited to the settlements. The UN recently issued a list of companies operating in the settlements, which could serve in the future to boycott the settlements and damage major companies that play a significant role in Israel’s economy. The EU does not see any connection between its differentiation policy and the BDS movement, to which some European states oppose.
Topic:: European Union, Economy, Occupation, Borders, and BDS
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

546. Senior Jordanian Officials: Annexation Endangers Israel-Jordan Relations

Author:: Ksenia Svetlova
Publication Date:: 08-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The second wave of the coronavirus sweeping Israel has overtaken the annexation issue in the headlines and relegated it to the margins of the public agenda. However, although Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers have rarely mentioned the annexation since July 1, and have abandoned public activity related to the issue, the world keeps discussing the inherent dangers of such a move. Warnings against the hasty move that could have crucial repercussions for regional processes continue to be heard, especially in Europe and the Hashemite Kingdom. King Abdullah recently declared that his country would reject any kind of territorial annexation, big or small, warning that “annexation would undermine prospects of achieving peace”. His restrained diplomatic language reflects a real fear that prompted by political considerations of one kind or another, the annexation issue will soon be restored to the table and the headlines. In July 2020, Mitvim Institute experts conducted a policy dialogue with several leading Jordanian figures from the diplomatic, political, academic and military fields, in order to understand the thinking in Amman about annexation and what Jordan fears in that sense. This document sums up key insights from the dialogue.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Annexation, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Jordan

547. Israel's Relations with Key Arab States in 2019

Author:: Yitzhak Gal, Haim Koren, Moran Zaga, Einat Levi, and Ronen Zeidel
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Israel-Jordan: Continued Deterioration / Yitzhak Gall Israel-Egypt: Strategic Warming, Civilian Coolness? / Dr. Haim Koren; Israel-UAE: Warming Relations, Also in Civilian Affairs/ Dr. Moran Zaga; Israel-Morocco: Warming from the Bottom Up / Einat Levi; Israel-Iraq: Security Challenges and Civilian Warming / Dr. Ronen Zeidel
Topic:: International Relations, Security, Foreign Policy, Public Opinion, and Civilians
Political Geography:: Iraq, Israel, Palestine, Arab Countries, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and UAE

548. The Role of Economy in US Efforts to Promote Israeli-Arab Peacemaking

Author:: Galia Press-Barnathan
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The Trump Peace Plan follows a familiar American pattern of using economic tools to promote regional peace in the Middle East. This paper puts the recent plan in its appropriate context. More specifically, earlier American strategies of economic peacemaking built on three intellectual approaches: The notion of “commercial peace”, which promises peace by way of economic interdependence; the notion of “capitalist peace”, which focuses on the central and primary role of building market economies within individual states in the region; and the notion of “economic statecraft”, which focuses on the direct use of economic carrots and sticks to push regional actors to make certain policy concessions. The paper explores how these policies have played out over time in US policy in the Middle East, and points to the limits of using economic statecraft to coerce actors into peace.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Economy, Regional Integration, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

549. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum: Cooperation in the Shadow of Competition

Author:: Gabriel Mitchell
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Established in January 2019, the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) is the most significant multinational organization in a geopolitical space often associated with conflict and competition. Currently comprised of Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, Israel, Italy, Jordan, Greece, Italy and the Palestinian Authority, the forum’s purpose to advance opportunities for energy development and cooperation between Eastern Mediterranean states in order to maximize the commercial potential of the region’s hydrocarbon reserves. This paper analyzes the diplomatic processes that resulted in the EMGF’s formation, the current challenges the forum faces, and Israel’s capacity to shape this nascent body’s future. If the forum hopes to grow in the postcoronavirus era, then it must commit to seeking pathways towards economic cooperation, enhancing its scope to include renewable energy, while also prioritizing conflict resolution and the establishment of a new maritime order.
Topic:: Development, Diplomacy, Energy Policy, Geopolitics, Gas, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Greece, Palestine, Italy, Egypt, Jordan, Cyprus, and Mediterranean

550. The Middle East Rediscovers the Jews

Author:: Ksenia Svetlova
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: This article reviews the changed attitudes of Arab states (especially the “core” states of the Middle East) toward the Jews from the turn of the millennium to the present. It places these changes in a broad diplomatic context, which also relates to improved ties between Israel and Middle Eastern states and these states’ strengthening alliance with the US. The article presents the difficulties of Arab regimes and societies in differentiating between Jews and Israel, briefly describes widespread manifestations of anti-Semitism in the second half of the 20th century in Arab culture and media, and reviews the changing geopolitics and awareness in Arab states that have affected the development of interfaith discourse between Jews and Muslims. The article argues that a significant turnaround has occurred over the past two decades in the attitude of Arab regimes toward the Jews by virtue of the geopolitical changes in the Middle East and a desire to project enlightenment and modernity to the West. The resulting increased Jewish-Muslim dialogue could imbue future Israeli-Palestinian negotiations with an added dimension and contribute to their success.
Topic:: Demographics, Religion, Ethnicity, Judaism, and History
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Arab Countries, and Egypt

551. The Palestinian Issue as Ground and Ceiling for Arab-Israeli Cooperation

Author:: Thair Abu Ras
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: This paper provides an historic overview of Israel's relationship with the Arab world followed by an in-depth review of cooperation between Arab states and Israel on solving and managing the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. The Palestinian issue served to enable and limit relations between Israel and Arab states along the years. Reviving Palestinian-Israeli negotiations and improving the status of the Palestinians have been the central tenants of cooperation between Israel and Arab states. The Palestinian issue serves as a legitimizing factor for Israeli-Arab cooperation, and the occupation remains an obstacle to accomplishing regional stability. The Abraham Accords may intensify Israeli-Arab cooperation on the Palestinian issue, thus making the quest for a peaceful resolution to the Palestinian issue more central to Israel's regional foreign policies.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Conflict, Regional Integration, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

552. The Israeli Governmental Conduct in Advancing Cooperation with Arab States

Author:: Ksenia Svetlova and Mor Yahalom
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Cooperation can yield stability, continued development and strengthened ties between states. Broad, fruitful Israeli cooperation with Arab states will open many economic, security, intelligence, energy, tourism, and medical opportunities, with the potential for more to come. Therefore, this goal must be identified and pursued. This paper is intended to enrich the theoretical and practical knowledge of Israel’s regional cooperation and provide background for understanding and assessing the variety of existing practices that Israel employs, on the governmental level, to advance regional cooperation and implement it. The paper details the various Israeli ministries and agencies tasked with managing and developing cooperation with Arab states, the division of responsibility among them and the practices they employ. It also identifies current opportunities and characterizes the challenges hampering and delaying potential cooperation.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Government, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

553. Civilian Cooperation between Israel and Arab States: How Does it Work?

Author:: Roee Kibrik and Einat Levi
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Civilian cooperation between Israel and Arab states takes place on various levels and in different fields despite the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict that often prevents and always challenges the establishment of full, normal relations between the citizens of Israel and the region. This paper is intended to serve anyone seeking to promote Israel-Arab normalization, peace and cooperation, by spotlighting the wide array of existing civilian relations and trying to learn from experience for the sake of expanding future cooperation. Learning from experience is important both in order to efficiently and effectively advance regional cooperation toward peace, and also to advance existing cooperation, especially given its potential for offering better conditions for a political-diplomatic process. The potential for regional cooperation does not rely only on formal diplomatic, security and economic agreements between states, but also on ties between civilians. That is especially true for the desire to advance normalization as reflected in relations on the civil society level and the public legitimization of relations in a wide variety of fields. This paper analyzes civilian cooperation practices between Israelis and residents of states in the Middle East and North Africa, in the environment, sports, tourism, science, religion and heritage, culture and humanitarian aid.
Topic:: Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

554. Briefing on the Israel-UAE normalization agreement

Author:: Elie Podeh, Moran Zaga, Ksenia Svetlova, and Nimrod Goren
Publication Date:: 08-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Mitvim Institute experts, Prof. Elie Podeh, Dr. Moran Zaga, Former MK Ksenia Svetlova, and Dr. Nimrod Goren, share analysis on why the diplomatic breakthrough between Israel and the UAE happened, and what are its implications for Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking and for Israel's relations in the Middle East.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Peace, and Normalization
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and UAE

555. Israeli Foreign Policy Index briefing

Author:: Gabriel Mitchell and Nimrod Goren
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: Presentation by Gabriel Mitchell and Dr. Nimrod Goren of the Mitvim Institute's 8th annual public opinion poll on Israeli foreign policy, carried out in cooperation with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Conflict, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

556. The 4th Annual Conference of the Mitvim Institute, Opening Remarks

Author:: Merav Kahana-Dagan and Paul Pasch
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The 4th Annual Conference of the Mitvim Institute on Israel's regional foreign policies, Held in cooperation with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 28 October 2020 Opening Remarks Merav Kahana-Dagan, Deputy Head of the Mitvim Institute Dr. Paul Pasch, Director of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Israel
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Conflict, and Conference
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

557. Israel’s Relations with the Middle East, Europe and the Mediterranean

Author:: Roee Kibrik, Elie Podeh, Moran Zaga, Maya Sion-Tzidkiyahu, and Gabriel Mitchell
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The 4th Annual Conference of the Mitvim Institute on Israel's regional foreign policies, Held in cooperation with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 28 October 2020. Israel’s Relations with the Middle East, Europe and the Mediterranean: Dr. Roee Kibrik, Director of Research at the Mitvim Institute; Prof. Elie Podeh, Board Member at the Mitvim Institute; Dr. Moran Zaga, Policy Fellow at the Mitvim Institute; Dr. Maya Sion Tzidkiyahu, Director of the Program on Israel-Europe Relations at the Mitvim Institute; Gabriel Mitchell, Director of External Relations at the Mitvim Institute.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Mediterranean

558. Israeli Diplomacy in Muslim and Arab States

Author:: Nimrod Goren, Haim Regev, Haim Regev, Ksenia Svetlova, Ehud Eiran, and Yael Ravia Zadok
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Mitvim: The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies
Abstract:: The 4th Annual Conference of the Mitvim Institute on Israel's regional foreign policies, Held in cooperation with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 28 October 2020. Israeli Diplomacy in Muslim and Arab States Dr. Nimrod Goren, Head of the Mitvim Institute; Haim Regev, Deputy Director General for Middle East, Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Former MK Ksenia Svetlova, Director of the Program on Israel-Middle East Relations at the Mitvim Institute; Dr. Ehud Eiran, Board Member at the Mitvim Institute; Yael Ravia Zadok, Deputy Director General and Head of the Economic Diplomacy Division, Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Arab Countries

559. The Political Significance of the Trump Israeli-Palestinian Peace Plan

Author:: Michał Wojnarowicz
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: The plan announced by U.S. President Donald Trump will not break the deadlock in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. For all involved parties, the plan will remain a point of reference for political and diplomatic actions in the coming months. The key factors of future developments would be Israel’s decision on the possible annexation of parts of the West Bank and, in the long-run, the outcome of this fall’s U.S. presidential elections.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Politics, Peace, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

560. Palestine in Turkey’s Foreign Policy

Author:: Michał Wojnarowicz
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: Turkey is strengthening its role in the Middle East as the main political patron of the Palestinians. Turkish policy towards Palestine is reinforced by the tensions in relations with Israel, the country’s desire to be a world leader of Islam, and the growing rift between the Palestinians and their Arab allies. Turkey will use its involvement in Palestinian affairs in its regional rivalries. Opposition to Israeli-Arab normalisation and close ties with Hamas will diminish Turkey’s relations with the U.S.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Islam, Regional Integration, and Hamas
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

561. Looking West. The Rise of Asia in the Middle East

Author:: Valeria Talbot, Ugo Tramballi, Paola Magri, Zhao Jianming, Kabir Taneja, Adel Abdel Ghafar, Jeongmin Seo, Naser Al-Tamimi, Nael Shama, Sara Bazoobandi, and Anshel Pfeffer
Publication Date:: 08-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:: As the world’s economic and political centre of gravity moves increasingly towards East and South Asia, we can expect a number of countries in these regions to devote more attention to the Middle East. The relations between East and South Asia and the Middle East have significantly expanded as a result of the global rise of Asian economic powers, particularly China, India, Japan and South Korea. Not only oil but also trade, investment, infrastructure, and tourism is the name of the business with the MENA region. Beyond energy and economic interests, questions arise about the potential geopolitical dimension of these evolving ties. What are the strategic implications of the projection of Asian countries in an unstable, fragmented and volatile region? How do they interact with each other and with other international players? Last but not least, will the Covid-19 pandemic be a game changer in (re)shaping relations in the future?
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Oil, Regional Cooperation, European Union, Geopolitics, Business, and Soft Power
Political Geography:: Japan, China, Europe, Iran, Middle East, India, Israel, Asia, South Korea, Egypt, Gulf Cooperation Council, and Gulf Nations

562. After the Storm: Post-Pandemic Trends in the Southern Mediterranean

Author:: Andrei Kortunov, Paola Magri, Ines Abdel Razek, Andrey Chuprygin, Chiara Lovotti, Matteo Villa, Elena Corradi, Ivan Bocharov, and Ruslan Mamedov
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:: The Mediterranean region has faced a significant number of challenges that have stemmed from turbulent events taking place on its Southern shores: conflicts and instability, the migration crisis, disruptions of regional value chains, souring regional relations, and foreign power interferences that have severely affected the region. The Covid-19 pandemic wreaked havoc on the Southern Mediterranean, but the health crisis had ambiguous effects on the underlying economic, social, and political trends of the region. It has exposed and exacerbated much of the previous sources of tension and, obscured many of them as public attention moved towards facing the public health emergency. Will the Covid-19 pandemic spur governments and civil societies to action? Or will it just serve as another smokescreen behind which to hide the region's longstanding problems?
Topic:: Security, Energy Policy, Migration, Terrorism, Conflict, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Libya, Palestine, North Africa, Lebanon, Syria, and Mediterranean

563. The Demise of the Two-State Solution: The Realities Trump's Peace Plan Will Create

Author:: Ryoji Tateyama
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Japan Institute Of International Affairs (JIIA)
Abstract:: At the end of January, US President Trump announced a Middle East peace proposal that he himself lauded as "the deal of the century". The introduction to this peace proposal called "A Vision for Peace" stresses that it would "create a realistic two-state solution" because it addresses "today's realities" surrounding the Palestinian issue. However, the nature of this proposal differs greatly from two-state solutions previously pursued by the US and the international community as a whole. Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed the Oslo Accord in September 1993. The concept underlying that accord was a two-state solution in which an independent Palestinian state with its capital in East Jerusalem would be established in the West Bank of the Jordan River (hereinafter, "the West Bank") and the Gaza Stripboth of which have been occupied by Israel since the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and would co-exist with Israel. Circumstances in the West Bank and Gaza have changed greatly over the past 27 years, however, and the prospects for a two-state solution have mostly perished. In that sense, the Trump peace plan can be said to have struck the final fatal blow that killed the two-state solution.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Negotiation, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

564. Abraham Accords and Camp David Accords: Rethinking the Trajectories of the 'Arab Cause'

Author:: Yuko Ido
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Japan Institute Of International Affairs (JIIA)
Abstract:: On September 15, 2020, a joint statement was issued in Washington concerning Israeli peace agreements with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain (The Abraham Accords Declaration). These agreements brought to four the number of Arab nations that have official diplomatic relations with Israel, the first two being Egypt (since 1979) and Jordan (since 1994)1. US President Trump himself praised these as "historic agreements"; however, there was no Palestinian representative at this celebration. These agreements mainly focus on strengthening economic and security relations among the participating countries, and they have encountered both supporting and opposing views within the international community. In particular, Iran and Turkey, which are at odds with Saudi Arabia and the UAE in the region, have strongly criticized the agreements, saying they run counter to resolving the Palestinian Question. Many readers might recall the Camp David Accords of about 40 years ago that led to the first peace treaty between Israel and Egypt. Let us now compare the two peace efforts and consider what the meaning of the 'Arab Cause' has been.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, and United States of America

565. Palestinian Non-Violence Examples in Facing Internal Disputes

Author:: Talal Abu-Rokba and Islam Musa
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Pal-Think For Strategic Studies
Abstract:: Throughout history, Palestinian non-violence culture was based on a large historical stock of tolerance and coexistence within the Palestinian community. Over time, the Palestinian people have been shaping one nation; they share the same culture, civilization, and political environment as well as equal shared prospects and future. For fifteen centuries, Muslim, Christian, Jewish Palestinians lived together. Usually, their different beliefs were not a reason for dispute or schism. Coexistence and a culture of respect were demonstrated in the Palestinian community. Thereby, it appears in numerous aspects of their lifestyle. For instance, they lived in the same neighborhoods, villages, and cities. Historically, population distributions showed non-religions-based demographics; they were even integrated into social, educational, and political institutions Contemporarily, Palestinians are one body. They are all related to one land where they share and cooperate on social, cultural, political, and economic levels.
Topic:: Religion, Territorial Disputes, Violence, and Community
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

566. The Rwandan Experience: How Palestine Can Benefit from It

Author:: Adv. Belal Al-Najjar
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Pal-Think For Strategic Studies
Abstract:: The Rwandan experience accomplished a success in dealing with conflicts, making an example for countries that are suffering from civil wars, internal divisions, or armed conflicts now. It demonstrates the ability to rebuild a modern state if an actual willingness is available in spite of the existence of tremendous historical epic violence, oppression or armed conflict. Since the beginning of the nineties, Rwanda has been the scene of the most horrific genocidal wars which caused nearly a million lives of people to be gone. These crimes prompted the resignation of President Bisi Mongo, who was unable to control the country after it plunged into chaos. As a result, a civil war broke out in Rwanda between the government and the Rwandan Patriotic Front. The Hutu majority confronted the Tutsi minority. Their conflict continued until the outbreak of a three-month genocidal war. The massacres, which occurred during the conflict period, are considered the fourth largest genocide in the modern history.
Topic:: Civil War, Genocide, Minorities, Discrimination, and Conflict
Political Geography:: Africa, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Rwanda

567. An Israeli-Sudanese Rapprochement? Context, Interests, and Implications

Author:: Asher Lubotzky
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In this issue of Ifriqiya, Asher Lubotzky discusses the context, opportunities, and risks involved in the pursuit of a normalization deal between Israel and Sudan. Following the 2019 revolution, the different parties in Sudan agreed to a road map for their transition to democracy, which requires that an elected government be formed by the end of 2022. It is clear, however, that the possibility of establishing official relations between Israel and Sudan is on the table and a serious consideration for both parties. This article purposes to make sense of these dramatic developments in Israel-Sudanese relations, place them in a broader context, and analyze the multifaceted interests of both parties.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Treaties and Agreements, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:: Africa, Sudan, Middle East, and Israel

568. “Gulf citizens against normalization”: Reactions to Israel’s normalization agreements with the UAE and Bahrain

Author:: Adam Hoffman
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In September issue of Beehive, Adam Hoffman examines the discourse in the social networks of several Gulf States regarding Israel's normalization agreements with the UAE and Bahrain.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Public Opinion, Donald Trump, Normalization, and Abraham Accords
Political Geography:: Israel, Bahrain, Gulf Nations, and UAE

569. Marketing Daʿwa in America Through Social Media

Author:: Elad Ben David
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In September issue of Beehive, Elad Ben David shows the use of social media as a powerful tool for marketing Da'wa in America.
Topic:: Science and Technology, Culture, Social Media, and Islamism
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and United States of America

570. How the Abraham Accords affected the Turkish Foreign Policy?

Author:: Zoltán Egeresi
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In this issue of Turkeyscope, Zoltán Egeresi, research fellow at the Hungarian Institute for Strategic and Defence Studies, analyzes the negative Turkish reaction to the normalization deals made between Israel and the UAE and Bahrain.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, and Abraham Accords
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, Israel, Bahrain, United States of America, and UAE

571. Chevron’s Purchase of Noble Energy: Accelerating the Eastern Mediterranean’s Gas Revolution?

Author:: Joshua Krasna
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Abstract:: In the latest edition of Tel Aviv Notes, Joshua Krasna examines the regional implications of Chevron's purchase of Noble Energy for Israel, Egypt, and Jordan.
Topic:: Energy Policy, Oil, Gas, Economy, and Business
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Egypt, and Jordan

572. The US and the Israeli –Palestinian Conflict: One-state solution, two-state solution or no solution at all?

Author:: Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Rashid Khalidi, Gideon Levy, and Cengiz Günay
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Austrian Institute for International Affairs (OIIP)
Abstract:: The online discussion explored the situation on the ground, elaborated on whether and how the Trump administration’s policies have impacted the conflict in the long-run, its repercussions on the broader Middle East region, and assess the role a Biden administration might play in the next future?
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Territorial Disputes, Conflict, Negotiation, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

573. IPCRI In Between Conference: Divided Societies, Shared Spaces - Mr. Tareq Nassar

Author:: Tareq Nassar
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents the remarks delivered by Mr. Tareq Nassar on placemaking projects in East Jerusalem.
Topic:: Education, Conflict, Cities, and Urban Planning
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and East Jerusalem

574. IPCRI In Between Conference: Representation & Authority in a Contested City - Dr. Lior Lehrs

Author:: Lior Lehrs
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents remarks delivered by Dr. Lior Lehrs on the policy recommendations considering local representation in Jerusalem.
Topic:: Conflict, Representation, Public Policy, Cities, and Urban Planning
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

575. IPCRI In Between Conference: Representation & Authority in a Contested City - Prof. Oren Barak

Author:: Oren Barak
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents the remarks delivered by Prof. Oren Barak on local representation in multi ethnic societies.
Topic:: Demographics, Ethnicity, Conflict, Representation, Cities, Authority, and Society
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

576. IPCRI In Between Conference: Representation & Authority in a Contested City - Dr. Adis Maksic

Author:: Adis Maksic
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents the remarks delivered by Dr. Adis Maksic on the lessons learned from other divided cities in Bosnia and Serbia.
Topic:: Civil Society, Conflict, Representation, Cities, and Authority
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Serbia

577. IPCRI In Between Conference: What Can We Learn from the Status Quo? - Rev. Dr. Gary Mason

Author:: Gary Mason
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents the remarks delivered by Rev. Dr. Gary Mason on the lessons that can be learned from the status quo in Jerusalem and Belfast.
Topic:: History, Conflict, Cities, and Society
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Northern Ireland

578. IPCRI In Between Conference: Divided Societies, Shared Spaces - Rev. Dr. Gary Mason

Author:: Gary Mason
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents the remarks delivered by Rev. Dr. Gary Mason on the role of shared spaces in divided cities with a focus on Jerusalem and Belfast.
Topic:: Conflict, Cities, Society, and Urban Planning
Political Geography:: Israel, Palestine, Jerusalem, Northern Ireland, and Belfast

579. IPCRI In Between Conference: Safety & Protection in Contested Spaces - Ms. Karolina v. Ede Tzenvirt

Author:: Karolina v. Ede Tzenvirt, Nimati Tahhan, Badi Hasisi, and Sammy Douglas
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This presentation was a part of a panel focusing on "Building a Safe Space: Safety & Protection in Contested Spaces" with the participation of Ms. Karolina v. Ede Tzenvirt Building Visions for the Future of Jerusalem Ms. Nimati Tahhan The Glocal Program, The Hebrew University Prof. Badi Hasisi The Faculty of Law, The Hebrew University Mr. Sammy Douglas Former Member of the Legislative Assembly, N. Ireland
Topic:: Law, Conflict, Cities, and Society
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

580. IPCRI In Between Conference - Educating the Next Generations - Dr. Samira Alayan

Author:: Samira Alayan, Sarah Perle Benazera, Ahmad Asmar, and Tony Gallagher
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video was taken from a panel titled: "Thinking Ahead, Educating the Next Generations" with the participation of: Ms. Sarah Perle Benazera a Dialogue Facilitator Mr. Ahmad Asmar The Dept. of ME Studies, The Hebrew University Dr. Samira Alayan The Dept. of Education, The Hebrew University Prof. Tony Gallagher The School of Education, Queen’s University
Topic:: Education, Youth, Conflict, and Cities
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

581. IPCRI In Between Conference - Infrastructure & Planning in a Divided Space - Dr. Nufar Avni

Author:: Nufar Avni
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video was taken from a panel titled: "Infrastructure & Planning in a Divided Space" with the participation of: Mr. Tareq Nassar a Local Urban Planner, Jerusalem Dr. Nufar Avni The Dept. of Geography, The Hebrew University Prof. Gillad Rosen The Dept. of Geography, The Hebrew University Dr. Gizem Caner The Dept. of Geography, Cyprus Int. University
Topic:: Infrastructure, Conflict, Cities, and Urban Planning
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

582. IPCRI In Between Conference - Infrastructure & Planning in a Divided Space - Dr. Gizem Caner

Author:: Gizem Caner, Tareq Nassar, Nufar Avni, and Gillad Rosen
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video was taken from a panel titled: "Infrastructure & Planning in a Divided Space" with the participation of: Mr. Tareq Nassar a Local Urban Planner, Jerusalem Dr. Nufar Avni The Dept. of Geography, The Hebrew University Prof. Gillad Rosen The Dept. of Geography, The Hebrew University Dr. Gizem Caner The Dept. of Geography, Cyprus Int. University
Topic:: Infrastructure, Conflict, Cities, and Urban Planning
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

583. IPCRI In Between Conference - Infrastructure & Planning in a Divided Space - Dr. Gilad Rosen

Author:: Gilad Rosen
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video was taken from a panel titled: "Infrastructure & Planning in a Divided Space" with the participation of: Mr. Tareq Nassar a Local Urban Planner, Jerusalem Dr. Nufar Avni The Dept. of Geography, The Hebrew University Prof. Gillad Rosen The Dept. of Geography, The Hebrew University Dr. Gizem Caner The Dept. of Geography, Cyprus Int. University
Topic:: Infrastructure, Conflict, Cities, and Urban Planning
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

584. IPCRI In Between Conference - Thinking Ahead, Educating the Next Generations - Ahmad Asmar

Author:: Ahmad Asmar
Publication Date:: 03-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video was taken from a panel titled: "Thinking Ahead, Educating the Next Generations" with the participation of: Ms. Sarah Perle Benazera a Dialogue Facilitator Mr. Ahmad Asmar The Dept. of ME Studies, The Hebrew University Dr. Samira Alayan The Dept. of Education, The Hebrew University Prof. Tony Gallagher The School of Education, Queen’s University
Topic:: Education, Conflict, and Cities
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

585. Wrestling with Annexation: The Elusive Search for a Policy Rationale

Author:: Robert Satloff
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: As soon as next month, Israel’s new government could approve plans to annex a substantial portion of the West Bank. The trigger for this comes from Washington—a shift by the Trump administration to recognize Israel’s new self-declared borders. But that still doesn’t explain why. What might Israel gain by discarding a reasonably tolerable, surprisingly sustainable status quo for a step that virtually the entire world considers a violation of law and reason? And what costs might Israel incur—strategically, diplomatically, politically, and otherwise—for carrying out annexation? In this Policy Note, Washington Institute executive director Robert Satloff looks at annexation through the prism of its advocates and finds their arguments sadly defeatist and surprisingly indifferent to the dangers the move could produce. The impact, he notes, will reach America too, given that this example of U.S.-Israel cooperation risks undermining the edifice of the bilateral relationship. But the worst outcome is by no means certain, and numerous actors are capable of dissuading Israel from taking this fateful step. All the same, the idea of annexation has now been legitimized in Israel and will surely reemerge. Ultimately, the threat annexation poses to shared U.S. and Israeli interests will only dissipate when U.S. policy no longer incentivizes it.
Topic:: International Cooperation, Territorial Disputes, and Annexation
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

586. A Nation Divided: Palestinian Views on War and Peace with Israel

Author:: David Pollock
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: Recently, much attention has focused on Israel’s drift away from a two-state solution and toward annexation of the West Bank. But hard data shows that the Palestinian public has also clearly moved away from the classic compromise peace deal with its neighbors. When the Trump peace plan was announced in January, it met with wide Palestinian condemnation. More troubling, majorities of Palestinians now oppose a two-state resolution to the conflict, a reversal from previous years. They also say that even if an agreement is reached, unlikely though that may be, it should not end the conflict. Still, surveys show Palestinian pragmatism on a range of short-term issues, from economic cooperation with Israel to compromising on the “right of return” for refugees. In this Policy Focus, filled with informative charts, polling expert David Pollock explores a decade’s worth of Palestinian views on everything from Jerusalem archaeological digs to West Bank annexation. The opinions illuminate dynamics far beyond the stalled peace process, while also hinting at openings where that process could begin anew.
Topic:: Territorial Disputes, Conflict, Peace, and Annexation
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

587. How Does Indonesia View the Prospect of Normalization with Israel?

Author:: Michael Singh and Ehud Yaari
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: Jakarta’s domestic politics make normalization unlikely despite years of positive signals, but the United States should nevertheless urge it to consider incremental, mutually beneficial steps toward rapprochement with Jerusalem. On October 29, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo will briefly visit Jakarta for discussions with Indonesian president Joko Widodo—popularly known as Jokowi—and Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi. Topping Pompeo’s agenda will undoubtedly be the U.S. effort to organize Asian allies around resisting China’s increasing assertiveness in and beyond the region. But Jakarta is also relevant to another Trump administration foreign policy priority, one that has taken on an increasingly high profile in the run-up to the U.S. election—normalization with Israel. Indonesia is one of thirty countries worldwide that do not recognize the state of Israel, and one of three in Southeast Asia. But unlike Malaysia, whose leaders have espoused virulent anti-Semitism, and tiny Brunei, Indonesia has a history of positive (albeit inconsistent) signals toward Israel, raising hopes that movement toward normalization may be possible even if it is not imminent.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Politics, and Normalization
Political Geography:: Indonesia, Israel, Palestine, Southeast Asia, and United States of America

588. Israel and the UAE on Iran: Shared Foe, Different Perspectives

Author:: Danny Citrinowicz
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:: Given past developments, the UAE’s and Israel’s recent announcement of normalization in exchange for shelving annexation plans should come as no great surprise, even if the timing was unexpected. There remains, however, frequently understated differences between one aspect of this relationship often assumed to be a common denominator: Jerusalem’s and Abu Dhabi’s perspectives on Iran. Understanding and accommodating these differences will be critical issue for a lasting relationship between the two countries, with the Israeli government in particular needing to acknowledge the differences as well as similarities between the two sides. It is no secret that Israel and the UAE see Iran as a common enemy; both countries have worked together covertly for years to prevent Iranian hegemony in the Gulf and Middle East at large. Since the beginning of their unofficial relationship several decades ago, the two countries have improved their intelligence-sharing and military relations, strengthened their diplomatic ties behind the scenes, and worked to improve their readiness for Iranian threats across the board. President Trump’s recent decisions to withdraw troops from parts of the Middle East region and the world at large have further catalyzed development of Israel-UAE relations in anticipation of weakened direct support from the United States.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Gulf Nations
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, Israel, and United Arab Emirates

589. COVID-19 in Palestine: A Pandemic in the Face of “Settler Colonial Erasure”

Author:: Yara Hawari
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: As of early September 2020 more than 27 million cases of COVID-19 have been recorded worldwide, along with approximately 890,000 deaths. After many months of lockdown, countries are having to re-open despite growing infection rates and fears of a second wave while people adapt to a “new normal” which includes restrictions, social distancing and limited travel. At the start of the lockdowns, many Palestinians commented that the world now finally understood what life was like for them. Particularly in the West Bank and Gaza, the curfews, the closure of public spaces, the inability or difficulty to travel, lingering anxiety and perpetual uncertainty are features common to Palestinian life. However, this new global reality reflects only a fraction of the Palestinian experience of suffering from nearly a century of ongoing settler colonialism.
Topic:: Health, Settler Colonialism, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

590. Russia's Foreign and Security Policy in the Middle East: Entering the 2020s

Author:: Ekaterina Stepanova
Publication Date:: 06-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: As Russia has become a major external player in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region due to its military engagement in Syria since 2015, it has acted as a balancer and mediator in several regional controversies and has continued to serve as a security guarantor for the Syrian state. This course has brought Moscow some practical dividends, such as growing economic and military-technical cooperation with select MENA countries, and has spurred its broader international profile. However, entering the 2020s, the risks of more active engagement in the Middle East have also mounted, making Russia’s balancing act more difficult. In three cases where Russia’s involvement has been visible (Syria, Libya and the Israeli-Palestinian problem), evolving developments challenge Moscow’s acquired influence and multi-vector approach, but also create new opportunities for its engagement and mediation. Above all, the 2020 US–Iran crisis catalysed the urgent need for structured regional dialogue, especially across the Persian Gulf. While this requires direct interaction between the region’s main antagonists, the initial impulse to unlock the trans-Gulf impasse might need to come from the outside. A process-oriented blueprint for inclusive multilateral security in the Gulf proposed by Russia in 2019 is a step in the right direction, but to be activated it may need to come as part of some broader international initiative.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, and Geopolitics
Political Geography:: Russia, Eurasia, Middle East, Israel, Libya, Palestine, North Africa, and Syria

591. Searching for COVID-19 Ceasefires: Conflict Zone Impacts, Needs, and Opportunities

Author:: Tyler Jess Thompson
Publication Date:: 09-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: On March 23, 2020, as COVID-19 was first appearing in many conflict-affected areas, U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres issued a call for warring parties to cease hostilities and instead wage battle against the pandemic. Drawing on an examination of conflicts in Afghanistan, Colombia, Cameroon, Israel and Palestine, Libya, the Philippines, Syria, Ukraine, and elsewhere—this report looks at how COVID-19 has affected conflict parties’ interests, positions, and capacities, and provides recommendation for how the international community leverage the pandemic to promote peace.
Topic:: United Nations, Conflict, Peace, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Ukraine, Israel, Libya, Philippines, Colombia, Palestine, Syria, Cameroon, and Global Focus

592. The Palestinians and U.S. Elections: What’s at Stake?

Author:: Khaled Elgindy, Martin Indyk, Nour Odeh, and Shibley Telhami
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Middle East Institute (MEI)
Abstract:: As Americans head to the polls in November the results will have far reaching implications for Americans and the global community alike—perhaps none more so than Israelis and especially Palestinians. Insofar as Israelis and Palestinians are concerned, the differences between President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden could not be more stark. While Trump has upended one sacred pillar of the peace process after another Biden has pledged to reverse the most destructive of these policies in the hope of salvaging what remains of a two-state solution and to restore U.S.-Palestinian relations, now at an all-time low. Even as the Trump administration has worked to preempt virtually all issues of concern to the Palestinians—from Jerusalem and refugees to the prospect of self-determination—Palestinians are themselves beset by a host of internal and external challenges. Internal political division, institutional paralysis, and a chronic economic crisis, have brought the Palestinian Authority (PA) to the verge of collapse and sapped its legitimacy. Meanwhile, the recent normalization deals between Israel and the UAE and Bahrain, and the possibility further normalizations, have underscored the marginalization of the Palestinian cause, both in the region and in the global policy discussion. What is—or should be—the Palestinian national strategy in light of these unprecedented challenges? Can the PA survive another Trump term? Would an ostensible return to the status quo ante by a Biden administration be enough to save the two-state solution?
Topic:: Diplomacy, Territorial Disputes, Elections, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

593. MEI Webinar Series Pt 1: The Future of Palestinian Politics under a Biden Administration

Author:: Khaled Elgindy, Sam Bahour, Tareq Baconi, Mustafa Barghouti, and Noura Erakat
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Middle East Institute (MEI)
Abstract:: Part 1 – Reviving Palestinian Political Life Former Vice President Joe Biden’s election victory over President Donald Trump is likely to produce a major reset in American-Palestinian relations as well as in Washington’s role in Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking. No U.S. president had done more to isolate Palestinians and delegitimize Palestinian national aspirations than Trump. Meanwhile, Biden has pledged to reverse the most destructive aspects of Trump’s policies and restore U.S.-Palestinian relations in the hope of salvaging what remains of a two-state solution. Yet even as the Palestinians breathe a collective sigh of relief at Trump’s departure, the Palestinians’ internal house remains in a state of disarray and decline. The Palestinian national movement, now at one of the lowest points in its history, continues to be racked by political division, institutional stagnation, and a lack of strategic clarity.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Politics, Negotiation, Peace, and Joe Biden
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and United States of America

594. MEI Webinar Series Pt 2: The Future of Palestinian Politics under a Biden Administration

Author:: Khaled Elgindy, Dana ElKurd, Yousef Munayyer, and Mustafa Barghouti
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Middle East Institute (MEI)
Abstract:: Part 2 – Toward a Palestinian National Strategy Former Vice President Joe Biden’s election victory over President Donald Trump is likely to produce a major reset in American-Palestinian relations as well as in Washington’s role in Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking. No U.S. president had done more to isolate Palestinians and delegitimize Palestinian national aspirations than Trump. Meanwhile, Biden has pledged to reverse the most destructive aspects of Trump’s policies and restore U.S.-Palestinian relations in the hope of salvaging what remains of a two-state solution. Yet even as the Palestinians breathe a collective sigh of relief at Trump’s departure, the Palestinians’ internal house remains in a state of disarray and decline. The Palestinian national movement, now at one of the lowest points in its history, continues to be racked by political division, institutional stagnation, and a lack of strategic clarity.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Politics, Negotiation, and Peace
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

595. Understanding Israel’s War in the ‘Grey Zone’

Author:: Jonathan Spyer
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:: Israel seeks to disrupt Iran’s efforts to develop nuclear weapons, and to reverse the Iranian project to entrench its forces in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Nuclear Weapons, Military Strategy, Conflict, and Regionalism
Political Geography:: Iraq, Iran, Middle East, Israel, Lebanon, and Syria

596. From the Ocean to the Gulf: Normalization takes Hold

Author:: Efraim Inbar and Eran Lerman
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:: Morocco has maintained open channels with Israel for many years, and it values the unique Jewish contribution to its heritage. A new pattern of normalization with Israel now extends from the Atlantic to the Gulf. Morocco’s coordination with the US also is a vital part of the emerging alignment of forces of stability in the region. Israel now should give this breakthrough a firm grounding in policies beneficial to both peoples.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Conflict, Peace, and Normalization
Political Geography:: Africa, Middle East, Israel, and Morocco

597. The Collapse of Palestinian Grand Strategy

Author:: Eran Lerman
Publication Date:: 12-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:: The Palestinian quest for an internationally imposed “solution,” which would not require them to negotiate a compromise deal with Israel, has failed. Palestinian leaders may attempt this again after Joe Biden becomes US president, but this will fail yet again, since the collapse of their past strategy is due to much more than the policies of the Trump Administration. Indeed, evolving regional and global realities allow for a new Israeli peace initiative, which can preserve the underlying principles of the Trump outline for peace.
Topic:: Territorial Disputes, Conflict, Strategic Stability, and Strategic Interests
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, North America, and United States of America

598. Israel’s Role in Helping the Biden Administration Set Policy Towards Iran

Author:: Yaakov Amidror, Efraim Inbar, and Eran Lerman
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:: Israel should seek to persuade the Biden transition team not to offer Iran any premature concessions; it should outline what would constitute an acceptable, “stronger and longer” deal; find other international actors to support the policy suggested by Israel (possibly France and even Russia); and prepare a viable military option, both to strengthen America’s negotiating hand and as an option in the case of failure to reverse Iran’s present course.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Military Strategy, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, Israel, North America, and United States of America

599. Time for an Israeli Peace Initiative

Author:: Efraim Inbar and Eran Lerman
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:: To acquire greater freedom of action in dealing with Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons, Israel needs to minimize tensions with the US on the Palestinian front.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Diplomacy, Nuclear Weapons, Military Strategy, Conflict, Peace, and Denuclearization
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, North America, and United States of America

600. US Must Protect Israel’s QME After F-35 Sale to UAE

Author:: Yaakov Amidror
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
Abstract:: As the largest arms supplier to the Middle East, America plays a critical role in ensuring that its sales uphold and do not adversely affect Israel’s security
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, Military Strategy, and Arms Trade
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, North America, United States of America, and UAE

Search

Search Constraints

Search Results

Refine your search

Topic

Political Geography

Content Type

Journal

Publishing Institution

Author

Publication Year

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS