Political Geography: India - CIAO Search Results

1. Recycling Regime, Environment, and Exclusion of Electronic Scrap Workers in Delhi

Author:: Gayatri Jai Singh Rathore
Publication Date:: 11-2026
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales (CERI)
Abstract:: In recent years, the Indian e-waste sector has undergone a process of formalisation through the implementation of E-waste Management Rules (2016), leading to the creation of what I call recycling regime. The upper and middle classes, along with NGOs and industry actors, are frontrunners in thinking about e-waste policies. They were prompted by a twofold motive: the desire for a “world-class”, clean, and pollution-free city; and seizing business opportunities by extracting value from e-waste. Rather than replacing the State, they co-opted the State so that it would legislate to safeguard the environment, and address toxicity and health problems associated with e-waste. Recycling regime relies on formalisation processes embedded in multiple technologies – technicity, capital-intensive facilities, certifications, authorisations, and licences – that work together to exclude the “informal” sector from the e-waste governance system. Recycling technologies act as “technologies of domination” that further contribute to sidelining the “informal” labour of scrap workers or e-kabadis, who as Muslims already find themselves on the margins of society. However, the recycling regime fails to safeguard the environment in the end as e-waste trickles down back to the informal sector via authorised actors.
Topic:: Civil Society, Economics, Environment, Globalization, Health, Markets, Poverty, Governance, Law, Urbanization, Emerging States, and Norms
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

2. The New Development Bank’s Contribution to the Energy Transition Process in the BRICS Countries (2016-2023)

Author:: Maria Elena Rodriguez, Rafaela Mello Rodrigues de Sá, Octávio Henrique Alves Costa de Oliveira, and Renan Guimarães Canellas de Oliveira
Publication Date:: 12-2026
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: BRICS Policy Center
Abstract:: Considering the growing relevance of the Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) in the task of financing the global energy transition process, it is important to understand the efforts of these institutions to establish projects aimed at reducing carbon emissions in the most diverse sectors of the economy, and especially in the energy sector. This document looks specifically at the role that the New Development Bank (NDB) plays in this process, presenting an overview of its loan portfolio and targets in terms of contributions to the energy transition process. The NDB, also known as the BRICS Bank, stands out in its institutional strategies in the area of Clean Energy, one of its operational objectives, setting a target for the year 2026 of directing 40% of all its financing to projects aimed at climate change, including operations that contribute to the energy transition (NDB, 2022a, p. 28).
Topic:: Development, Banks, BRICS, Energy Transition, and Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs)
Political Geography:: Russia, China, Iran, Indonesia, India, South Africa, Brazil, Ethiopia, Egypt, and United Arab Emirates

3. Asymmetric Trade Dependence: How India Gains from Pakistan Through Re-Export Channels

Author:: Saifullah
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: The asymmetric trade interdependence between India and Pakistan is examined using the Theory of Complex Interdependence. Despite the political hostility and official trade prohibition, India has continued to beeconomically blessed by Pakistan via third-party re-exporter methods, which are the UAE, Qatar, and Singapore. Despite top-down bilateral trade falling to US$1.2 billion by 2024, compared to US$3 billion in 2018, trade experts believe the value of Indian-origin goods entering Pakistan through a backdoor channel is over US$10 billion annually. Since 2015, the trade balance has consistently been in India's favor, with Pakistan relying heavily on imports from India and having minimal potential for exports. Although this trade agreement brings some benefits to Pakistani consumers, i.e., the chance to have more inexpensive or a variety of goods, it also reveals a significant vulnerability in the Pakistani government's trade policy, which is sluggish and unnecessarily restrictive. The policy implications of the findings concern trade reform, regional interaction, and fostering economic sovereignty in Pakistan.
Topic:: Political Economy, Bilateral Relations, Exports, Trade, Trade Deficit, and Interdependence
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, and United Arab Emirates

4. Power of Bonding and Non-Western Emerging Great Powers Engagement: Comparing China and India’s Soft Power Strategy in Pakistan

Author:: Abdur Rahman Fuad
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: Power of Bonding and Non-Western Emerging Great Powers Engagement: Comparing China and India’s Soft Power Strategy in Pakistan by Md. Nazmul Islam is a scholarly exploration that pioneers new perspectives in International Relations. It offers a unique and fresh insight into how non-Western emerging great powers, specifically China and India, utilize soft power strategies to engage with Pakistan. The significance of this four-chapter book lies in its departure from traditional Western-centric viewpoints, providing a distinct lens to comprehend the geopolitical and cultural strategies of these major Asian powers. This unique perspective on non-Western soft power will intrigue scholars, policymakers, and individuals interested in international relations.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Book Review, Soft Power, and Emerging Powers
Political Geography:: Pakistan, China, India, and Asia

5. The Asian 21st Century

Author:: Azhar Waqar
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: “The Asian 21st Century” is a compilation of essays and articles by Kishore Mahbubani that covers various topics related to the transition of power especially in the context of the geopolitical and economic rise of Asia. In this book, instead of giving an overarching definition of Asia, the author focuses on certain countries, particularly China, Japan, South Korea, India and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member countries. The book has been divided into four sections; the first section is titled “The End of Era of Western Domination”, the second “The Asian Renaissance”, the third is comprised of articles related to “The Peaceful Rise of China”, and the last one is titled “The Globalization, Multilateralism and Cooperation.”
Topic:: Economics, Geopolitics, Book Review, and ASEAN
Political Geography:: Japan, China, India, Asia, and South Korea

6. Beyond projects: the role of development partners in institutionalizing renewable energy innovations: lessons from the Global South

Author:: Lea Elsässer, Harald Fuhr, Anna Fünfgeld, Markus Lederer, Aparajita Banerjee, and HyunAh Yi
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Abstract:: Renewable energy has seen rapid uptake, particularly in the Global South. Solar energy projects have boomed in recent years, but uptake by countries is uneven. Beyond geophysical conditions, technological innovation, market dynamics and donor-driven “lighthouse projects”, political institutionalization has played a critical role in decarbonization. In this policy brief, which is based on extensive research from Global South case studies, we argue that political institutionalization is key to determining whether and how innovative solar initiatives become stabilized, scaled up, and mainstreamed. Drawing on the research project Institutionalizing Low Carbon Development in the Global South (INLOCADE) and expert contributions from a follow-up IDOS workshop, this policy brief synthesizes comparative policy-relevant findings on how institutionalization unfolds in various emerging economies of the Global South, including Brazil, Bangladesh, Cambodia, India, Indonesia and South Africa. Key messages: • Political institutionalization – understood here as an enduring change of formal and informal rules and practices towards low-carbon development – is essential for making renewable energy projects sustainable by embedding them in conducive, stable governance frameworks. Isolated, donor-driven initiatives are at risk of provoking resistance and backlash, and of fading away once external support ends. • Multiple pathways for institutionalization exist. State leadership, subnational action, alliances between development partners and communities, and crisis-driven coalitions can enable institutionalization under different conditions. Policies should be tailored to the institutional realities of each context rather than using one-size-fits-all models. Similarly, development partners should assess local realities and adapt their strategies accordingly. • Distributive justice and participation must be actively supported. Political institutionalization can lead to inequitable outcomes and reinforce exclusionary practices. Development partners should take a proactive role by aligning their interventions with inclusive and equitable approaches to ensure support for marginalized groups leads to socially just transitions, not just box-ticking. • Crises can be opportunities. Energy shortages and climate shocks can disrupt fossil-fuel lock-ins and open the door to innovation. Development partners need flexible instruments and strategies to help translate crisis-driven experiments into durable institutional change. • Development partners are catalytic, not deci-sive. They can accelerate change by providing finance, technical expertise, and legitimacy, especially when working with domestic actors beyond national governments. German and EU development cooperation should place greater emphasis on strengthening domestic institutional environments, including regulatory stability, administrative capacity, and actor coalitions that embed projects in lasting policy and organizational change. This helps ensure donor interventions contribute to sustained low-carbon transitions beyond initial project cycles.
Topic:: Development, Global South, Innovation, and Renewable Energy
Political Geography:: Bangladesh, Indonesia, India, South Africa, Brazil, and Cambodia

7. A Long Time Coming: Europe and India have discovered a strategic partnership

Author:: Garima Mohan
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMFUS)
Abstract:: The relationship between Europe and India is on the cusp of change. Later this month, in a historic first, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen will serve as guest of honor, a position reserved for India’s top partners, at the country’s Republic Day ceremony. At the subsequent EU-India summit, the two sides are likely to sign a long-elusive free trade agreement (FTA) and an expansive security and defense partnership. They are also expected to announce initiatives designed to boost skilled migration, and to foster cooperation between European and Indian industry to enhance economic security. There are several other positive developments. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz just undertook his first official visit to India, also his first to a non-NATO ally. Accompanied by a substantial business delegation, he secured many agreements on defense industrial cooperation, semiconductors, and critical minerals. Recent German governments have made a point of sending top leadership to India before official visits to China, and Merz’s visit continues that convention. French President Emmanuel Macron is due to follow in February to cement his own country’s ties with New Delhi on emerging technologies, thereby broadening an already substantial and critical strategic partnership. India’s foreign minister, in a breakthrough for India’s small-group diplomacy in Europe, just joined a Weimar Format meeting for the first time. Lastly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to visit the continent in spring for the next India-Nordic summit. For some observers this momentum is the result of the rocky relationships that Europe and India have with the United States. In a world of fractured alliances and partnerships, Europe and India need each other like never before. But the groundwork for their current ties was laid over the last decade. Structural factors such as competition with China, and India’s policy of diversification that led it to focus on ties with the West, have brought them closer and raised bilateral ambitions. The relationship is, however, not without divergences, particularly on approaches to Russia. Based on interviews with policymakers in New Delhi, Paris, Berlin, The Hague, and Brussels, this piece will trace the evolution of the “India agenda” in European foreign policy and lay out Europe’s position among New Delhi’s foreign policy priorities.
Topic:: Security, European Union, Geopolitics, Trade, Transatlantic Relations, and Strategic Partnerships
Political Geography:: Europe, South Asia, and India

8. How can India Create More Jobs? Unleashing the 1.4 billion: A Blueprint for India s Job Led Resurrection

Author:: Ejaz Ghani
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for Policy Research, India
Abstract:: This paper discusses that while mature firms are becoming “net job destroyers” as they automate, it is the young, agile “Ojazelles” — firms less than five years old — that are currently breathing life into the economy, creating 45% of all new jobs. Yet, these young job creators are being strangled by “Structural Brakes”: a Collateral Trap that prizes ancestral land over fresh ideas, and a Regulatory Tax that punishes firms for growing. The paper proposes a New Social Compact to release these brakes. By leveraging India’s world leading Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), we can bypass the old “Land Finance Nexus” and move to Information Based Lending, where a young person’s talent and data become their new collateral.
Topic:: Economy, Tax Systems, Labor Market, Lending, and Jobs
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

9. India's Neighbourhood PolicyA Collaborative Approach or a Bid for Dominance

Author:: Rabbani Attar and Anusha Attar
Publication Date:: 01-2026
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Political Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: The turmoil in India's neighbouring countries can largely be attributed to the framework of India's neighbourhood policy: its underlying principles, strategy, and implementation. The principles refer to the norms and practices guiding the policy; the strategy involves how priorities are structured; and the implementation pertains to the methods of execution. These norms shape the actions taken to achieve set objectives, while priorities dictate the order and significance assigned to those objectives. The modes represent the pathways through which the policy is carried out. This paper critically examines the principles, priorities, and methods of India's policy towards its neighbors, suggesting that India seeks to establish dominance and often presents its national interests as those of the entire region.
Topic:: Hegemony, Strategic Interests, Regional Politics, and Regional Stability
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

10. Conclusion of Negotiations on the EU-India Trade Agreement

Author:: Patryk Kugiel and Damian Wnukowski
Publication Date:: 02-2026
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)
Abstract:: The most important outcome of the 16th EU–India summit, which took place on January 27 in New Delhi, was the announcement of an agreement on a trade deal. When it comes into force, it will create one of the largest free trade areas in the world and open up a huge Indian market for goods and services from the EU. At a time of growing protectionism in international trade and power-based politics, strengthening economic ties between the EU and India takes on a strategic dimension.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Bilateral Relations, Negotiation, Free Trade, and Trade
Political Geography:: Europe, South Asia, and India

11. EU-India Renewed Strategic Partnership and Its Significance in the Shifting Global Landscape

Author:: Karine de Vergeron
Publication Date:: 04-2026
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:: The current mandate of President Trump is radically altering the close and longstanding ties that had been forged between India and the United States over the past years as America is now moving towards a more isolationist policy. It is striking to note that the US National Defence Strategy, released last January, puts the protection of the U.S. homeland and its Western Hemisphere before confronting adversaries such as Beijing or Moscow. India is not even mentioned. This new American geostrategic priority represents a major change from former US Democrat and Republican administrations, including President Donald Trump’s first term, which had made the deterrence of China and thus, close cooperation with India, a core component of U.S. efforts. In this context of geopolitical volatility and fragmentation, the new rapprochement between India and the EU is crucially deemed to strengthen stability within the international system.
Topic:: Bilateral Relations, European Union, Geopolitics, Donald Trump, and Strategic Partnerships
Political Geography:: Europe and India

12. Humanities Matter: Symposium Proceedings

Author:: Sukrita Paul Kumar, Swati Pal, and Asani Bhaduri
Publication Date:: 02-2026
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:: In contemporary times, the obsession with technology and commerce has eventually led to a total dismissal of sensitivity to environmental issues, humanistic values and social justice. While each discipline of knowledge may have taken leaps in thought and theory, the sum and total of knowledge and learning have not resulted in an overall development of the human mind. Though ‘inclusivity’, divergent/innovative thought and ‘value education’ have become buzzwords in academic seminars and conferences, it is ‘skill development’ and ‘employability’ that have acquired a formidable importance in education. Some of the key attributes crucial in all professions are indeed compassion, empathy, fair-mindedness, emotional maturity, commitment and perseverance that evolve with a knowledge of psychology and even economics. All of these fall into the domain of Humanities and Social Sciences. Some fundamental questions that arise are: y What does it mean for a student of sciences, commerce or engineering and even medicine, to not have humanities in their curriculum? What does it mean to have this gap in knowledge? How can this issue be addressed? y Should we redefine our notion of ‘progress’? y Why is there so much misery and unhappiness amongst learners as well as teachers? y Do we equip ourselves adequately to deal with conflict resolutions rather than resorting to violence and aggression? y How do we work out a balance between theoretical and practical learning? y How do we make room for pauses for reflection amidst the stress of gathering degrees and certificates? As we navigate an increasingly complex world, it is essential to revisit the value of humanities and social sciences in fostering empathy, critical thinking and wellrounded individuals.
Topic:: Science and Technology, Academia, Curriculum, and Humanities
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

13. Asia’s Growing Global Influence: A Study of India’s Africa Policy

Author:: Hamdy A. Hassan
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The 21st century could become an Asian and African century, which will result in a radical global transformation of the world. Thus, the past decade has witnessed a large Asian presence in Africa, especially, China, India, Japan, and South Korea. Not surprisingly that the rise of Asia in global politics has worried the traditional Western powers. Analyzing contemporary Asian approaches to Africa should be performed through their historical contexts, in particular the history of competition and rivalry between Asian rising powers. It is no secret that this point has not been adequately addres-sed in previous studies on African-Asian relations (Iwata 2019). This state of rivalry is reflected in the African policies of major Asian countries. For example, the Sino-Indian conflict and the Sino-Japanese conflict, in addition to the Taiwan issue, have definitely affected these countries’ interactions with Africa. In contrast to European policies towards Africa after the founding of the European Union, there is no consensus framework for Asian international relations. The experience of struggle against colonialism and engagement in the Non-Aligned Movement represented the most prominent components of the mutual relations between Asia and Africa, especially since the Ban-dung Conference in 1955 (Adem 2017). When the Cold War ended, Asian countries began to achieve high and rapid rates of economic development. Hence, the Asian countries that previously received development aid have become among the most important international donors. This means that the concept of “donor powers” has undergone a major change that it is not limited to Western industrialized countries (including Japan). Perhaps all of this requires studying and analyzing Asian-African relations.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, Global South, Donors, and Foreign Influence
Political Geography:: Africa and India

14. Finding a Way Out of Festering Conflict in India’s Manipur

Author:: International Crisis Group
Publication Date:: 02-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Manipur, a state in north-eastern India, has been beset with intercommunal strife since May 2023. The central government has now taken a bold step to quell the violence. It should keep acting urgently to avert a protracted crisis.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Violence, and Crisis Management
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and Manipur

15. Local feminist perspectives as transformation levers for greater gender equality: synthesis study

Author:: Jacqueline Götze, Stephan Klingebiel, and Maryam Khalid
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Abstract:: The significance of gender equality needs to be spotlighted since women and LGBTQIA* communities are prone to become victims of violence and have limited participation in political and decision-making processes. The approaches of feminist development policies and feminist foreign policies have been criticised for their potential inapplicability to diverse contexts and for perpetuating paternalistic or neo-colonial behaviours. The global rise of right-wing policies has influenced politics, prompting researchers on feminist policies to critically examine their limitations and the ways they have been institutionalised. The present study builds on the expertise, knowledge and experiences of partners from Ghana, India and Ukraine. It introduces local feminist perspectives as levers for transformative change for greater gender equality that can produce context-specific alternative approaches to development processes by addressing prevailing norms and practices, and thereby enhance access to resources and improve the political participation of women, girls and members of the LGBTQIA* communities. This synthesis study identifies common themes, challenges and opportunities across the three case studies prepared by the partner organisations through a combination of deductive and inductive processes. We have developed a matrix of 13 criteria, which can be categorised into five thematic clusters that include: intersectionality, special characteristics of local feminisms and gender (in)equalities, multi-directional flow of norms, challenges and opportunities for gender-transformative change, and future of gender-transformative policies. Key findings reveal persistent barriers faced by local feminist perspectives in influencing policy, decision-making and gender norms due to limited possibilities and restricted opportunities.
Topic:: Feminism, LGBT+, Decision-Making, and Gender Equality
Political Geography:: Ukraine, India, and Ghana

16. Local feminist perspectives as transformative levers: women’s health and climate action in India

Author:: Sreerupa Sengupta, Divya Singhal, and Ananya Chakraborty
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Abstract:: This study explores the transformative potential of local feminist perspectives in addressing systemic gender inequalities in India, focusing on women’s health and climate action. Anchored in global frameworks, such as the Beijing Declaration (1995) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and rooted in India’s historical milestones, such as the Towards Equality Report in 1974 (Government of India, 1974), this research examines how caste, class, gender, sexuality and disability intersect to perpetuate inequities. Despite progress in education, health, and political representation, deep-seated patriarchal norms and structural barriers continue to undermine women’s agency, as reflected in India’s low ranking on the Global Gender Gap Report 2024 (World Economic Forum, 2024). Using intersectional and eco-feminist frameworks, the study employs a qualitative, multi-method approach, including 31 key informant interviews and a stakeholder dialogue involving 40 participants from non-governmental organisations (NGOs), community organisations and feminist collectives. By integrating lived experiences with policy analysis, this study highlights how local feminist movements in India have challenged entrenched social norms, amplified marginalised voices and innovated to provide context-specific solutions. The findings reveal persistent health inequities among women, compounded by caste and disability, and critique health policies for their technocratic focus. Interventions by community organisations as well as governments, such as community health workers and self-help groups, have emerged as vital platforms for addressing reproductive and menstrual health needs while fostering social change. In climate action, women face disproportionate vulnerabilities due to caregiving roles and resource dependencies. However, localised initiatives, including women-led renewable energy programmes and sustainable agriculture practices, showcase their potential as agents of environmental resilience. The study advocates for recognising intersectional vulnerabilities, converging across sectors, improving participatory governance, strengthening capacity building of community organisations, and including divergent experiences of women in policy and intersectional funding models. By situating feminist knowledge within actionable frameworks, it presents a replicable model for integrating gender justice into health and climate strategies, offering lessons for global contexts. The report underscores the necessity of sustained collaboration among community actors, women’s advocacy groups, policymakers and donors to foster systemic equity and resilience.
Topic:: Climate Change, Women, Sustainable Development Goals, and Feminism
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

17. State Enterprises as Enablers of Economic Cooperation in India

Author:: Kyunghoon Kim
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:: This Brief discusses the role of state enterprises in India's economy, emphasizing their pivotal contribution to the government's development strategy. It also highlights cases where Indian state enterprises have formed cooperative relationships with global companies, as well as foreign and international development agencies. The Brief concludes with implications for the Korean government and businesses.
Topic:: Development, Economics, Economic Cooperation, and State-Owned Enterprises
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, Asia, and South Korea

18. Public Administration and Corporate Governance

Author:: C. P. Chandrasekhar
Publication Date:: 05-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:: I met Shri B. G. Deshmukh twice, once when he was Cabinet Secretary and the second time when he kindly called on me when I was the Cabinet Secretary. On the first occasion, I was the Chairman of the Spices Board in Ernakulam. A Mumbai-based exporter had complained to him that my policies were keeping the cardamom market very high, thus preventing exports. I met the Cabinet Secretary and explained to him that the exporter was a ‘bear’ in his operations and wanted to use government machinery to bring prices down after he had underquoted to importers abroad. He understood immediately. Meanwhile, the Commerce Ministry was upset that the Cabinet Secretary had gone directly to a field officer instead of to the Ministry. However, I came to understand later that this was Shri Deshmukh's style of work. He felt that it would save time and effort to hear directly from the field. This view was reinforced when Shri Deshmukh called on me after I had taken charge as Cabinet Secretary. This visit was important for me as it gave me a few pointers on how I should conduct my work. Shri Deshmukh told me that it was his practice to visit different state headquarters and meet young officers and hear from them. I followed his lead a little differently. I wrote to all Chief Secretaries, asking them to send a list of important issues pending in each state for want of approval from the Government of India. After I received the lists, I held meetings at which the Secretaries and state representatives were present. In this process, many issues were resolved. Another method I followed was to take plane loads of Secretaries to the weaker states to resolve their problems as fast as possible. The Secretaries would sit with their counterparts and try to solve as many problems as feasible at their level. The residual issues were then discussed at a meeting held by me and we would try to settle them or indicate definite time limits by which they would be resolved. We visited Assam, the northeast, Jammu and Kashmir, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand for such meetings. A third method which I initiated—and which continues—was to hold annual meetings of Chief Secretaries. All these ideas came to me after my discussion with Shri Deshmukh and his suggestion that work will proceed apace only if there is close coordination between the Centre and the States—cooperative federalism at the administrative level, in short. I will now deal with the dissimilarities between corporate governance and public administration, and how it would be incorrect to think that wholesale application of corporate governance principles, or lateral entry of corporate employees into government, is the solution to transformation of administration. To some extent, my logic has been explained in a chapter in my book (2022: 204–17).
Topic:: Governance, Domestic Politics, and Public Administration
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

19. Connecting Opportunities: Greece’s Strategic Role in the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC)

Author:: Dimitris Gavalas and George Dikaios
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)
Abstract:: This policy brief discusses the role of Greece in the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), focusing mainly on those aspects related to infrastructure and ports and the global supply chain. It suggests a series of different actions and highlights different angles that Greece should take into account if it wants to be a major player in the establishment of the Corridor and its gateway to Europe/European Union. – IMEC will be a game changer in international trade relationships, regional tensions, and political challenges. – The main obstacles to IMEC’s establishment are the conflicts in the Middle East and other major national interests of key actors (such as the Chinese monopoly in the region). – Focus is given to port infrastructure, as ports are pivotal to the global supply chain. India pays significant attention to its ports, while the Port of Piraeus is the largest port in Eastern Europe. – The critical role and position of Greece are highlighted, underlying its role as a hub that connects India and the Middle East to Europe. – Greece needs to invest in infrastructure development, build a skilled workforce, and attract foreign investments. – Suggestions for establishing a successful commercial corridor between India and Greece are given, focusing on mutual interests and growth opportunities.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Trade, and Supply Chains
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, India, and Greece

20. Coming Out as Dalit: A Memoir of Surviving India's Caste System with Yashica Dutt

Author:: Yashica Dutt
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Center for Security, Race and Rights (CSRR), Rutgers University School of Law
Abstract:: Born into a “formerly untouchable manual-scavenging family in small-town India,” Yashica Dutt was taught from a young age to not appear “Dalit looking.” Although prejudice against Dalits, who compose 25% of the population, has been illegal since 1950, caste-ism in India is alive and well. Blending her personal history with extensive research and reporting, Dutt provides an incriminating analysis of caste’s influence in India over everything from entertainment to judicial systems and how this discrimination has carried over to US institutions.
Topic:: Minorities, Discrimination, Institutions, Judiciary, and Caste
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and United States of America

21. Unlocking India’s Energy Transition: Opportunities, Challenges, and the Role of Cross-Subsidies

Author:: Fatima Mumtaz
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:: School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:: This paper examines India’s opportunities and challenges in unlocking its clean energy transition. While the country has made significant advancements in expanding its renewable energy capacity, structural inefficiencies within the electricity sector continue to hinder progress. A key barrier is the cross-subsidy pricing mechanism, which charges commercial and industrial users higher electricity tariffs to subsidize power for agricultural and residential consumers. Although originally intended to promote equity, this mechanism has, over time, contributed to mounting debts for power distribution companies, ultimately weakening the financial health of the electricity grid. This paper provides an analysis of the consequences of the cross-subsidy electricity pricing mechanism. It further explores how a phased approach to reforming this pricing structure could offer a viable pathway to address the financial instability of the power distribution companies.
Topic:: Climate Change, Electricity, Renewable Energy, and Energy Transition
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

22. China Decoupling Beyond the United States: Comparing Germany, Japan, and India

Author:: Joshua Sullivan and Jon Bateman
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:: Key U.S. partners are moving toward less technological integration with China. But their specific paths diverge significantly based on domestic circumstances and varied relationships with Beijing.
Topic:: International Relations, Science and Technology, Economy, Regional Integration, and Decoupling
Political Geography:: Japan, China, India, Asia, Germany, and United States of America

23. India — Expert Comment: Kashmir attack stokes tensions along the India-Pakistan Line of Control

Author:: Pearl Pandya
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED)
Abstract:: On 22 April, separatist militants fired at tourists in the resort town of Pahalgam in the Kashmir Valley, killing at least 26, including one foreign national. This was the deadliest attack on civilians in nearly two decades, and a rare attack against tourists, who have thus far been largely spared from separatist violence.1 Local reports attributed the attack to The Resistance Front (TRF), believed to be an offshoot of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba, an Islamist separatist group.2 While the group has focused its activities against Indian security forces, ACLED data show the TRF’s involvement in at least 21 attacks targeting civilians in Kashmir since the group’s founding in 2019. Similar to Tuesday’s attack, non-Kashmiris and Hindus have borne the brunt of the TRF’s violence.
Topic:: Territorial Disputes, Violence, Separatism, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, and Kashmir

24. Dismantling the License Raj: The Long Road to India’s 1991 Trade Reforms

Author:: Douglas A. Irwin
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE)
Abstract:: In July 1991, India began to dismantle its long-standing, highly restrictive import control regime and move toward a more open economy. How were policymakers able to dislodge and replace an entrenched system with powerful vested interests behind it? Standard explanations for policy change—pressure from domestic producer interests, shifts in political power, or conditionality by international financial institutions—do not explain the dramatic transformation that took place. Instead, reform-minded technocrats persuaded political leaders to reject what had been a standard response to balance of payments pressure (import repression to avoid a devaluation) and embrace a new approach (exchange rate adjustment and a reduction of import restrictions). This paper explores the economic and political context behind the country’s dramatic policy transformation. India’s experience highlights the crucial link between exchange rate policy and trade policy
Topic:: Foreign Exchange, Reform, Tariffs, Trade, Imports, and Exchange Rates
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

25. India and the World Economy: Policy Options at a Time of Geopolitical Drama, Technological Shifts, and Rising Protectionism

Author:: Fredrik Erixon, Dyuti Pandya, and Vanika Sharma
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:: What trade policy should India pursue? Geopolitical drama and a faltering multilateral system have made choices of trade policy harder for many countries. Rising protectionism, economic nationalism, and growing scepticism towards globalisation eat into most trade relations. Technology-driven innovation and rapid changes in the composition of trade have added additional layers of complexity, forcing governments to develop new policies for cross-border economic integration. This is the inflection point for India’s trade policy: its traditional approach is increasingly unable to respond to new economic and political realities, and new approaches may be needed to deliver better economic outcomes. Using India’s external trade strategy as a starting point, this policy brief presents three strategic options for India, each reflecting varying degrees of trade openness as a means to drive economic development. Using categories from the world of soft drinks, we call them “Trade Zero”, Diet Trade” and “Trade Regular”. First, the Trade Zero approach allows India to maintain its defensive stance on trade, focusing primarily on the growth of its domestic market and demand. Trade only serves as a means to manage production surpluses. Second, the Diet Trade approach pushes India to softly enhance trade with its already well-established trading partners, ideally by focusing on high-value-added goods and services. The model emphasises deepening diplomatic relations through trade: however, not at the cost of domestic policy priorities. And lastly, the Trade Regular approach encourages the adoption of a more ambitious trade strategy with the aim of establishing India as a central hub connecting major global economic regions. This would happen through upgrading existing trade agreements, signing new multilateral trade agreements, as well as adopting significant domestic reforms for further economic liberalisation. India’s trade performance provides the actual context of the realities of India’s trade policy. There are some notable features in India’s trade performance: its trade sector is small (international trade as a share of the GDP); it has a large services export sector compared to the export of goods; exports of high-value added goods and services has increased substantially; there is a consistently large share of big economies such as the United States and the European Union in India’s exports. All these features point to India’s position in global trade as a relatively high-value added economy. India, therefore, not only has an opportunity to leverage its trade capacity to significantly improve economic growth but can also adapt to newer forms of trade and increasingly engage with the global economy. Moreover, given the shifting global context and the increasing trade reciprocity demands from larger economies, India will also need to strengthen its trade relations with a diverse set of partners. In a way, India’s economy has already made the choice of which model that suits it best. Given the key features of the country’s trade sector, India’s real economy is already moving towards a Trade Regular model. However, there is a gap between the actual performance and policy positions, which remain defensive. Future trade growth, however, will likely depend on India becoming more pro-active in its trade policy and better equipped to negotiate trade agreements that respond the ambitions of its outward-oriented companies.
Topic:: Science and Technology, Geopolitics, and Trade Policy
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

26. The impact on developing economies of WTO dissolution

Author:: Lloyd Barton
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Oxford Economics
Abstract:: This report revisits the analysis presented in our April 2024 paper on the potential impact of WTO dissolution, drilling down to quantify national-level impacts for a sample of ten developing economies. Our previous report (The economic impact of abandoning the WTO) focused on presenting aggregated results for developing countries by region and income level. This report drills down to quantify impacts for a sample of ten individual countries: Brazil, Cameroon, China, Egypt, Guatemala, Indonesia, India, South Africa, Turkey, and Vietnam. These countries provide a rich, varied sample that captures the complexity of trade policy in the developing world. Their diversity in geography, economic size, policy orientation, and development stage allows for a nuanced analysis of how WTO dissolution could potentially influence pathways to higher incomes, poverty reduction and economic resilience. Our analysis reinforces the importance of ensuring the WTO can adapt to new trade realities and continue to function as an effective global trade body.
Topic:: Economics, Poverty, Trade, Economic Development, and WTO
Political Geography:: China, Indonesia, Turkey, India, South Africa, Brazil, Vietnam, Egypt, Guatemala, and Cameroon

27. Friends and Foes in the Indo-Pacific: Multilateralism Out, Minilateralism In?

Author:: Axel Berkofsky and Guido Alberto Casanova
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:: Minilateralism is already among us, and it is here to stay. The well-known shortcomings of the multilateral system of governance are pushing individual states in the Indo-Pacific to come up with new and different solutions to deal with the security and prosperity issues that current institutions are unable to tackle. Amid growing geopolitical rivalries and the uncertainty provoked by the re-election of Donald Trump, this report aims to shed some clarity on an emerging trend that is already affecting the foreign policy of great powers in a region that is central to global affairs.
Topic:: Security, Alliance, Multilateralism, Institutions, and Cooperation
Political Geography:: Russia, Japan, India, Asia, North Korea, Philippines, United States of America, and Indo-Pacific

28. India-China rapprochement: what are the long-term prospects?

Author:: Nayanima Basu and Alicia Garcia-Herrero
Publication Date:: 05-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Bruegel
Abstract:: China-India relations, which have long been fraught, were further complicated by the 2020 military standoff on the Himalayan border. The political disruption had a significant impact on Chinese companies’ presence in India. And yet, India’s dependence on Chinese imports has increased since. The Indian economy is decelerating at a challenging time for Prime Minister Modi, who governs in a coalition. China could offer a partial solution to India’s economic woes by providing manufacturing FDI and creating jobs. The Modi-Xi ‘rapprochement’ after their encounter at the October 2024 BRICS summit signals that relations could improve. India may be willing to accept targeted investment from China, but relations are unlikely to fully normalise, particularly since the 2025 India-Pakistan military stand-off. There are three main reasons for this. First, the Indian army remains cautious about the situation at the border and security risks relating to China. Second, the United States under President Trump will exert pressure on Modi not to depend further on China. This is even more relevant in the context of Trump’s threat to impose tariffs on India. Third, Indian public opinion on China and the Belt and Road Initiative remains negative. India is predicted to experience greater growth than China in the coming decades, meaning China could lose its upper hand in economic relations between the two countries. This, however, will depend on how dependent India might have become on China for imports or for jobs through FDI and other channels. The militarised border, India’s asymmetric economic dependence on China and China’s leadership in the Global South will still shape the relationship even if the Indian economy grows to a similar size to China’s. India-China ‘rapprochement’ is possible but will remain fragile and unlikely to be maintained in the long run.
Topic:: Bilateral Relations, Governance, Economy, Economic Growth, Investment, and Trade
Political Geography:: China, India, and Asia

29. The time is right to make a European Union-India trade deal happen

Author:: Ignacio Garcia Bercero and André Sapir
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Bruegel
Abstract:: Nearly 20 years have passed since the EU and India started negotiations on a bilateral trade and investment agreement. After seven years of intense negotiations, the process stalled in 2014, primarily because of the failure of the respective political leaders to make difficult choices. Talks restarted in 2022 and now offer a reasonable chance of delivering a bilateral free-trade agreement “within the course of the year”, as Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen declared in February 2025. The EU and India both rank among the world’s five largest economies in terms of GDP. Yet much separates the two economically. India’s GDP per capita is much lower than the EU’s, and its level of trade and investment protection is much higher than that of the EU or even its middle-income peers. However, India has recently enjoyed faster growth than any other large economy, including China. The EU and India are also being brought closer by the global geopolitical situation and their common pursuit of strategic autonomy and economic security. The two sides should learn the lessons from past failure and reach an ambitious agreement in areas that previously proved difficult, such as goods tariffs and services, and in new areas, such as climate protection, that could again derail the revived negotiation if not managed well. A deal by the end of 2025 will have economic benefits and will also reinforce the broader economic and political links between the EU and India at a time when world affairs are under severe strain. An ambitious agreement could also help reconstruct a rules-based global order for the new multipolar world. This is particularly important for the multilateral trade and climate regimes, where converging EU and Indian positions could have a major influence on the redesign of international institutions and rules.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Bilateral Relations, Governance, European Union, and Trade
Political Geography:: Europe, South Asia, and India

30. A New Triangle: The Interplay Between China and EU-India Relations

Author:: Philippe Le Corre
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Asia Society
Abstract:: China has shaped the U.S.-India relationship for decades.1 Today, another significant triangle is emerging: the China-EU-India relationship. Indian and European leaders are strengthening ties. Both view China as a formidable economic and security rival while regarding the United States as a key security partner (and, for Europe, a long-standing ally). What is the current state of EU-China and EU-India relations? As India’s influence and economic appeal grow, could it become a viable alternative to China for European business leaders and policymakers? How is Brussels incorporating India into its strategies to address a potential crisis in Asia or the broader Indo-Pacific? Twenty-five years ago, the European Union viewed China as a top priority for business, cultural exchanges, and diplomacy. Following the introduction of Beijing’s open-door policy in 1978 and with strong encouragement from Chinese authorities, European companies flocked to China. Initially, many Europeans used Hong Kong as an intermediary for business, but by the mid-1990s, Guangdong Province and Shanghai became key gateways to the Chinese market, particularly for Germany and France.2 Trade and investment surged, especially after China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which was widely supported by European political and business elites. Today, China remains the EU’s largest trading partner, with substantial European investments across the mainland. In contrast, India was long viewed as a potential partner, but only a few EU member states took steps to forge a strategic partnership with New Delhi. European investments in India were — and still are — limited, with many corporations citing challenges such as inadequate infrastructure, market access barriers, and bureaucratic red tape, which make it difficult to operate in most Indian states. However, the mood has begun to shift. On the EU side, the European Commission’s 2019 China strategy characterized Beijing as “a partner, a competitor, and a systemic rival.” The COVID-19 pandemic, which disrupted direct links between Europe and China from 2020 to 2022, caused significant strain. This was followed by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, an event many on the continent perceive as having Beijing’s tacit support. Additional factors, including an increasingly authoritarian regime at home and a more assertive China abroad, have contributed to European perceptions,3 as explained at length by the Center for China Analysis’s latest Global Public Opinion on China project.4 This, in turn, has affected the EU-China relationship, which has been gradually downgraded from the “honeymoon” period of 1995–2015. On the other hand, the strengthening EU-India relationship is a relatively recent development, driven by several factors that have emerged in the wake of the pandemic. These include the rise of the ambitious Bharatiya Janata Party under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who first took office in 2014 and is now serving his third term, as well as a broader diversity of partnerships between the EU and India. Other factors influencing EU-India relations include the growing assertiveness of the People’s Republic of China and the United States’ shift away from multilateralism during President Donald Trump’s first term (2017–2021). Since January 2025, the increasing probability of a break in the transatlantic alliance under the new Trump administration is leading the EU to look for new partners, including in the Indo-Pacific region. In addition, India’s robust GDP growth — 6.6% in 2025 and a projected 6.7% in 2026 — has attracted European businesses.5 In a global environment defined by multipolarity, could the previously low-profile EU-India relationship evolve into a closer partnership? With EU-China relations facing significant challenges, might India emerge as a viable alternative Asian partner for Europe? The current EU-India relationship is described as “strategic.” In reality, it is partial and uneven, and there are major differences in the nature of relations between India and individual EU member states. Meanwhile, how does Beijing view its competitor in the Global South as it seeks to win over Europe’s support? This paper explores the dynamics of the interaction among these three powers in the rapidly changing geopolitical context. It examines India’s political and economic challenges in the context of the EU-China relationship, how the EU-India relationship is evolving, and whether an EU-India partnership could take center stage if tensions with China escalate. European countries have kept strong ties with the Global South, and some see a strong India as a potential bridge for fostering cooperation in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Africa.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Economics, Bilateral Relations, and European Union
Political Geography:: China, Europe, India, and Asia

31. Mapping India-Pakistan military power

Author:: Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan and Linus Cohen
Publication Date:: 06-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:: Security competition between India and Pakistan, rooted in the territorial dispute over Kashmir, has persisted since the partition of British India in 1947. Since the 1990s, Pakistan’s support for insurgent and terrorist groups in Indian-administered Kashmir has posed a persistent challenge to Indian security. While both countries have maintained nuclear arsenals since the late 1980s, the threat of escalation has historically constrained India’s responses. However, India’s posture has shifted in recent years, with a growing willingness to conduct overt cross-border strikes and covert operations targeting terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan. This evolution has been marked by key incidents, including the 2016 Uri attack and India’s surgical strikes, the 2019 Pulwama bombing and Balakot air strike, and the April 2025 Pahalgam attack, which triggered a series of retaliatory strikes by both sides. India’s targeting of major Pakistani air bases in 2025 marked a significant escalation, raising concerns about strategic stability. China’s role further complicates the regional picture. As Pakistan’s close ally and India’s primary military rival, China’s growing involvement—through arms transfers and strategic coordination—has led Indian planners to seriously consider the possibility of a two-front war. This ASPI brief provides a overview of the current military balance between India and Pakistan, with a focus on quantitative comparisons of defence spending, conventional military capabilities, and strategic assets. India has consistently maintained a superior conventional military force, particularly in terms of major equipment categories, shaping the strategic calculus on both sides.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, National Security, Military Affairs, Strategic Competition, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, and Asia-Pacific

32. Tariff Tensions: Redefining Washington-New Delhi Relations

Author:: FARAS
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:: The strategic partnership between the United States and India faces a critical juncture as recent developments strain their ties. On August 15, 2025, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi called for national self-reliance in trade and foreign exchange, a response to high tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump's administration on Indian imports.
Topic:: Bilateral Relations, Tariffs, Trade, Donald Trump, Imports, and Narendra Modi
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, North America, and United States of America

33. The Indian Factor: Analyzing Pakistan-Turkey Rapprochement and its Implications for India

Author:: FARAS
Publication Date:: 06-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
Abstract:: In a move that reflects the deepening ties between Pakistan and Turkey, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif visited Turkey on May 25–26, 2025 — his second visit to the country this year — as part of a broader regional diplomatic tour that also included Iran, Azerbaijan, and Tajikistan. The tour aimed to express Pakistan's gratitude and strengthen regional partnerships in the wake of its recent military confrontation with India. Turkey's support for Islamabad during this conflict has strained India–Turkey relations, prompting New Delhi to launch campaigns calling for the boycott of Turkish products and services.
Topic:: Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Partnerships, Rapprochement, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, Turkey, and India

34. And the search goes on: Job search and job-finding rates in urban India

Author:: Rahul Menon and Paaritosh Nath
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for Sustainable Employment, Azim Premji University
Abstract:: The cross-sectional nature of Indian employment surveys limits a true understanding of labour market dynamics. Using innovations in official national-level labour surveys that track urban individuals across four quarters, we study transitions from unemployment to employment — defined as the job-finding rate — to understand whether those seeking employment are able to find suitable work in urban India. Our analysis reveals significant weaknesses in the urban Indian economy over the period 2017 to 2023. On an average, only 17 per cent of unemployed individuals in any quarter find a job in the next quarter. Job-finding rates are the lowest for women, the young and the highly educated. Hazard-rate analyses reveals that the same cohorts take the longest time to find jobs, with a majority remaining unemployed even after four quarters of job search. We demonstrate the impact of the pandemic on urban labour markets in two ways. Not only are job-finding rates significantly lower in the post-lockdown period relative to pre-lockdown, there has also been a shift in the nature of jobs created, with casual work rising and regular wage and self-employment falling post-lockdown. Our analysis has important policy implications for understanding labour market dynamics and for the design of urban employment schemes.
Topic:: Employment, Economy, Urban, and Labor Market
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

35. India-Australia Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement

Author:: Anil Wadhwa and Manjeet Kripalani
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:: India and Australia signed an Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) in December 2022. The ECTA is the first of a unique, two-part trade agreement that will bring India into global trade regimes in a calibrated manner. For Australia, with its global trading knowledge and pragmatic approach, gaining first-mover advantage in India’s large market is a major win. This case study explains the elements of ECTA.
Topic:: Economics, International Cooperation, Treaties and Agreements, Bilateral Relations, and Trade
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and Australia

36. Putting US-India Trade Negotiations Back on Track

Author:: Aparna Pande and Bill Drexel
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Hudson Institute
Abstract:: On April 2, 2025, which the White House dubbed “Liberation Day,” President Donald Trump announced broad, sweeping tariffs on over 90 countries. While the president’s announcement caused anxiety in foreign capitals, officials in New Delhi remained relatively calm. United States–India relations had been improving for more than two and a half decades, and the US had become India’s largest trading partner. By most accounts, President Trump respected Prime Minister Narendra Modi—even going so far as to refer to his Indian counterpart as his “good friend.” Furthermore, during an official visit in February 2025, President Trump and Prime Minister Modi announced a series of trade targets suggesting that a wider trade deal was imminent. The two leaders pledged to pursue $500 billion in bilateral trade by 2030—more than double the current volume—and promised to deepen US arms sales to India, including by laying the groundwork for future acquisitions of F-35 fighter jets. Prime Minister Modi committed to increasing energy imports from the US and reducing tariffs on American goods. India, by most accounts, was eager to address the Trump administration’s concerns about trade imbalances, and the two sides set fall 2025 as a target for finalizing a bilateral trade agreement. Meanwhile, due to strong messaging from the Trump team against production based in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Apple announced plans to shift all assembly of its US-bound iPhones to India. Prime Minister Modi also spoke with Elon Musk to discuss providing Tesla with access to Indian markets. Vice President JD Vance even visited India in late April 2025, and lauded the country’s “sense of infinite possibility.”
Topic:: Economics, Bilateral Relations, Negotiation, and Trade
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and United States of America

37. Revenue and Cost Uncertainties and Market Power

Author:: Abhishek Kumar, Apra Sinha, and Gazi Salah Uddin
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA)
Abstract:: Using administrative plant-level data from India, we estimate the effect of revenue and cost uncertainties on markup (product market power), markdown (labour market power), and combined market power. We show that historical two- and three-digit industry averages of exports, imported inputs, and oil share are valid instruments for exports, imported inputs, and oil share at the plant level. The results suggest that revenue and cost uncertainties affect markup differently: revenue uncertainty decreases markup, whereas cost uncertainty increases markup. Despite the opposite effect of these uncertainty measures on product market power, revenue and cost uncertainties tend to increase combined market power. This is because the revenue uncertainty significantly increases labour market power. Heightened cost uncertainties reduce labour market power but by less compared to increases in product market power. Given the results obtained in this paper, it is important to make a distinction between revenue and cost uncertainty to understand their cyclical nature.
Topic:: Oil, Labor Market, Volatility, Revenue, and Exchange Rates
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

38. Finding a Way Out of Festering Conflict in India’s Manipur

Author:: International Crisis Group
Publication Date:: 02-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: What’s new? After close to two years of violence, the Indian government has imposed President’s Rule in Manipur, putting it directly in charge of the troubled north-eastern state’s affairs. New Delhi should seize the opportunity to quell an ethnic conflict that has killed more than 260 people and displaced some 60,000. Why does it matter? Insurgent groups have resurfaced in Manipur over the past year. Failure to resolve the conflict could not just lead to more bloodshed and displacement, but also derail dialogue with the militants. It also risks destabilising other parts of north-eastern India, upsetting the hard-earned peace in neighbouring states. What should be done? Now that it has imposed President’s Rule, the central government should disarm the two sides and re-establish law and order. Finding a sustainable way out of the crisis will be difficult, but New Delhi should initiate negotiations by urgently creating a peace committee acceptable to both communities.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Government, Insurgency, and Civil Violence
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

39. Military Humanitarianism: A case of India´s Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Operations

Author:: Aashriti Gautam
Publication Date:: 05-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:: Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:: The current global scenario, wherein states are increasingly inclined to deploy military force to defend their national interests at the cost of human lives, often overlooks the military's constructive role in safeguarding and reinstating fundamental democratic values, such as respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, through its Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief operations (HADR). Within this contextual framework, the article adds an important dimension to the existing scholarship on the relationship between democratic values and the military, examined through the lens of military humanitarianism. To further substantiate this assertion, the author posits that the global humanitarian aid and disaster relief operations undertaken by the Indian Armed Forces serve as a compelling case study. The analytical findings reveal that India’s HADR efforts reflect its commitment to democratic values, emphasizing transparency, inclusivity, and equitable aid distribution, while strengthening governance, resilience, and strategic influence in global crisis management.
Topic:: Disaster Relief, Armed Forces, Democracy, Military, and Humanitarian Assistance
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

40. Militant Violence in Jammu and Kashmir Post-Abrogation of Article 370

Author:: Animesh Roul
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: CTC Sentinel
Institution:: The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point
Abstract:: This article presents a chronological and thematic analysis of militant violence in Jammu and Kashmir from the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution in August 2019 to July 2025. It traces three distinct phases: an initial decline in attacks due to lockdowns and security restrictions (2019-2020); a resurgence marked by hybrid militancy, targeted killings, and intimidation of civilians (2021-2023); and a lethal escalation involving high-profile and audacious assaults, intensified counterterrorism operations, and cross-border tensions (2024-2025). The April 2025 Pahalgam massacre—which killed 26 people, mostly Hindus—marked a turning point, prompting India’s limited military offensive Operation Sindoor against militant bases in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, followed by Operation Mahadev to track and eliminate the militants involved in the violence. The article examines these developments to assess the evolving threat, highlighting how militancy has shifted toward hybrid façade units backed by Pakistan-based legacy terror groups.
Topic:: Security, Terrorism, Territorial Disputes, Violence, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:: Pakistan, India, and Jammu and Kashmir

41. India: Strategic Partner or Global Challenger?

Author:: Keith McCormick
Publication Date:: 02-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: This article provides the highlights of the discussions at this year’s DACOR (Diplomatic and Consular Officers Retired) conference on how the US should deal with a rising India. The participants—academics, retired diplomats, and current government officials—participated on the basis of no attribution. The three panels discussed whether India can be a new strategic partner for the US in containing China; how the US. should respond to the Modi government’s increasing use of Hindu chauvinism to undermine democracy and tolerance; and what is ahead for India’s economy, including whether it will become the leader of the Global South in challenging the current, Western-dominated international trading order.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Economy, Trade, and Strategic Partnerships
Political Geography:: China, South Asia, and India

42. The Maldives’ Development-Focused Foreign Engagements and India’s Security Interests

Author:: Athaulla ("Atho") Rasheed
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Australian Institute of International Affairs (AIIA)
Abstract:: India’s role in the Maldives’ security is indispensable. By aligning its external partnerships with India’s regional strategy, the Maldives can ensure mutual security without compromising its sovereignty.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Development, Sovereignty, Partnerships, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and Maldives

43. How Does China’s Rising Defence Budget Affect India?

Author:: Neeraj Singh Manhas
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Australian Institute of International Affairs (AIIA)
Abstract:: China’s 2025 defence budget increased by 7.2%, totalling $245 billion, continuing military modernisation under Xi Jinping. Over the past decade, spending has doubled, focusing on advanced tech. This escalates challenges for India in border security and regional balance.
Topic:: Modernization, Xi Jinping, Defense Spending, and Military
Political Geography:: China, South Asia, India, and Asia

44. How Indian Domestic Politics Impacts Regional Arms Controls

Author:: Muhammad Shahzad Akram and Moneeb Mir
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: South Asian Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: The interaction between domestic politics and arms control policy is a critical yet often underexplored dimension of strategic stability in South Asia. This paper examines how internal political dynamics in India influence its approach to arms control, disarmament, and strategic restraint. Traditionally viewed through the lens of regional security competition particularly with Pakistan and China, India's arms control posture is also entrenched in domestic factors such as political ideology, bureaucratic interests, civil-military relations, electoral compulsions, and the influence of strategic elites. Using a qualitative methodology and process-tracing approach, this study analyzes key policy decisions from successive Indian governments especially under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and investigates how nationalist rhetoric, public opinion, and the political utility of strategic technologies (e.g., missile tests, nuclear modernization, and space militarization) have shaped India's arms control behavior. The paper argues that India's reluctance to embrace formal arms control mechanisms is not solely a response to external threats, but also a reflection of internal political incentives to project strength, technological autonomy, and strategic assertiveness. By contextualizing India's withdrawal from multilateral arms control forums, its strategic ambiguity regarding the No First Use (NFU) policy, and its modernization of conventional and nuclear forces, the paper highlights the challenges such domestic-political linkages pose to regional arms control dialogues. The study contributes to the broader discourse on how democracies particularly rising powers steer the tension between strategic responsibility and domestic political gain. It also accentuates the necessity for regional and global arms control frameworks to account for internal political pressures when engaging states like India. Ultimately, this research seeks to enhance understanding of the domestic drivers of arms control policy in India and their implications for regional security, crisis stability, and the future of arms control in South Asia.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Domestic Politics, Ideology, and Regional Security
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

45. The American Dream and Social Mobility in Indian American Diaspora Literature: Education as a Key Factor in The Namesake

Author:: Khalil Ur Rehman, Tahir Jamil, and Abbas Jan
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: South Asian Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: This study explores the role of education as a key factor in achieving the American Dream and social mobility within Indian American diaspora literature, with a particular focus on Jhumpa Lahiri’s The Namesake. Using concepts of social and cultural capital espoused by Pierre Bourdieu, this research takes an examination of how education works, on the one part, as a pathway to socio-economic advancement for immigrant communities, on the other, as a barrier. Subsequent analysis includes some socio-economic data regarding Indian American educational attainment and economic mobility. Findings suggest that education acts as the primary channel by which the society is integrated and the upwardly mobile created. Primarily, however, it entrenches conflicts of identity linked with culture. It serves diaspora studies by demonstrating intersections between literature, sociology, and immigrant aspiration.
Topic:: Education, Diaspora, Literature, Social Mobility, and American Dream
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

46. Post-pandemic shifts in medical electronics GVCs and changing value dynamics amidst new digitalisation: An analysis based on Indian subsidiaries of EU-based corporations

Author:: Smitha Francis
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (WIIW)
Abstract:: Realignments of global value chains (GVCs) are occurring at a time when the technological dynamics in manufacturing industries, including in healthcare-related industries like medical electronics, is undergoing significant changes due to the wave of new digitalisation. This study examines post-pandemic changes in global medical electronics value chains through industry-level trade analysis and the GVC participation of selected Indian subsidiaries of medical electronics companies based in the European Union (EU), focusing on the implications of digitalisation and data-centric strategies for capturing value. The study finds that post-COVID-19 realignments in the industry proceeded gradually until 2023. Meanwhile, digitalisation is leading to a gradual expansion in operations by EU-based medical device multinational corporations (MNCs) in India. This is shown to be due to the increased role of software for product design and process optimisation in digitalising value chains. Leading EU-based medical device MNCs are found to be leveraging India’s strengths in software design and data-analytics capabilities for co-developing their software-embedded ‘health systems’ and ‘solutions’. However, even when software and services exports from India went up with increasing digitalisation, the shares of the EU-based lead firm groups in total revenue of the Indian subsidiaries were found to increase. This occurred through imports of software-embedded medical devices and equipment along with imports of higher-valued proprietary software platforms, health systems and the like, which are patented and marketed by the EU-based lead firms or their foreign subsidiaries back to India.
Topic:: International Trade and Finance, European Union, Manufacturing, Global Value Chains, Digitalization, Medical Devices, and Value Distribution
Political Geography:: Europe, South Asia, and India

47. Climate Change and Livestock in India: Impacts, Adaptation, and Policy Needs for Marginalized Communities

Author:: Shouvik Chakraborty, Debanjana Dey, and Anjana Thampi
Publication Date:: 05-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Political Economy Research Institute (PERI), University of Massachusetts Amherst
Abstract:: This study examines the complex relationship between climate change and livestock holding patterns in India, focusing on coastal regions and marginalized communities. The research investigates whether landless and marginalized households, who constitute the majority of livestock holders in rural India, are adequately equipped to adapt to climate uncertainties. Analyses of Livestock Census data reveal a significant shift in livestock holding patterns in coastal India, with a 2.7 percent decline in the bovine population and a 22.1 percent increase in the sheep and goat populations between 2012 and 2019. This trend indicates an emerging adaptation strategy as farmers shift toward smaller ruminants, indicating greater resilience to heat stress and extreme weather conditions. We find that while large and medium landowners possess the financial resources to implement advanced adaptation strategies, marginal and landless households remain highly vulnerable due to their limited resources and heavy dependence on bovine livestock. The research concludes that region-specific livestock policies supporting indigenous breed development, traditional adaptation practices, and direct economic assistance are urgently needed to protect the livelihoods of these communities and prevent a rise in food insecurity among already undernourished populations. Furthermore, effective adaptation requires integrating local knowledge systems with scientific approaches to develop climate-resilient livestock management practices suitable for India’s diverse agro-ecological regions.
Topic:: Climate Change, Political Economy, Adaptation, and Livestock
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and Asia

48. Deterioration of relations between the US and India

Author:: Patryk Kugiel
Publication Date:: 11-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)
Abstract:: The imposition by Donald Trump’s administration of 50% tariffs on goods from India, a tightened migration policy, as well as the strengthening of US cooperation with Pakistan, have all led to the most serious crisis in Indian-American relations in 25 years. Although both sides will try to ease tensions and return to normal cooperation, the shift in US policy has undermined India's trust in the US. As a result, India will be more willing to cooperate with other partners, including the BRICS countries. It will be important for the EU to strengthen its cooperation with India in order to try to prevent a deeper anti-Western drift in Indian policy.
Topic:: International Cooperation, Bilateral Relations, European Union, Donald Trump, and Migration Policy
Political Geography:: Pakistan, South Asia, India, North America, and United States of America

49. Reluctant but compelled: the inevitable divorce of India and Russia

Author:: Jakub Benedyczak and Patryk Kugiel
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)
Abstract:: Russian President Vladimir Putin's visit to India on December 4-5 of this year strengthened the Russian-Indian partnership, but it will not reverse India's long-term trend of drifting away from Russia. This will be unaffected by attractive arms and energy offers from Russia or Donald Trump’s aggressive policy towards India. The visit boosted Russia's prestige but did not bring tangible benefits. How rapidly Indo-Russian relations weaken will depend on the development of the Russian-Chinese alliance and India's closer cooperation with the EU.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, International Cooperation, Bilateral Relations, European Union, Partnerships, and Alliance
Political Geography:: Russia, South Asia, and India

50. India’s Digital Transformation: Building Inclusive Infrastructure through DPI

Author:: Yoon Jae Ro
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:: India is undergoing a major digital transformation through its government-backed Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), which has notably enhanced financial inclusion and made public services more accessible. Key innovations like digital IDs and mobile payment systems have helped millions. Yet, gaps in digital access persist, indicating the need for targeted efforts—especially in underserved areas. This opens up valuable opportunities for South Korea and India to collaborate, combining their strengths in technology to bridge these divides and support inclusive digital growth.
Topic:: Infrastructure, Economic Growth, Innovation, Inclusion, and Digital Transformation
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

51. India's Infrastructure Development and Korea-India Cooperation

Author:: Jeong Gon Kim
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:: As the Indian government continues to expand investment in infrastructure, infrastructure development not only holds significant market potential but also serves as a crucial factor supporting Korean companies' entry into the Indian market. This report examines the infrastructure development plans of the Indian government, regional development needs, and surveys of Korean companies operating in India. It proposes implications for identifying the direction, key sectors, and regions for Korea-India infrastructure development cooperation, along with policy measures.
Topic:: Development, International Cooperation, Bilateral Relations, and Infrastructure
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, Asia, and South Korea

52. India–Japan Defense Partnership in the Indo-Pacific: Geopolitical Prospects and Challenges Under Trump

Author:: Yen Pham Thi
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: This article examines the India–Japan defense partnership in the Indo-Pacific, focusing on its geopolitical prospects and challenges under the Trump administration. Strengthened by shared concerns over China’s rising influence and the convergence of their Indo-Pacific strategies, the partnership has evolved beyond symbolic engagement to include joint exercises, technology sharing, and defense dialogues aimed at preserving a free and rules-based regional order. At the same time, India’s reliance on Russian defense equipment, Japan’s dependence on US security guarantees, and the “America First” policy under Trump pose significant constraints. To sustain and deepen cooperation, both nations must enhance bilateral mechanisms, pursue strategic autonomy, expand multilateral engagements, and promote regional norms. These steps are essential for building a resilient, sustainable, and strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific amid a shifting US foreign policy landscape.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Partnerships, Geopolitics, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:: Japan, China, India, Asia, and Indo-Pacific

53. Management practices, competition, and multi-product firms in developing countries

Author:: Victor Gimenez-Perales and Alina Mulyukova
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Kiel Institute for the World Economy (IfW)
Abstract:: We study how liberalization and competition affect firms’ output and product scope depending on management practices. In a model of multi-product firms, we show that firms with better management practices specialize in fewer products with lower marginal costs. The model predicts that, under increased competition, firms with better management practices are less adversely affected by competition, especially in heterogeneous sectors. Evidence from India’s de-reservation policy supports these predictions. Our simulations estimate a 0.29% welfare gain in India from the policy. The same policy could increase welfare by 0.39% in an environment with better management practices, such as the US, highlighting the management practices’ role in liberalization outcomes.
Topic:: Development, Economics, Business, Innovation, Management, and Liberalization
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and United States of America

54. How Democracies Defend Themselves Against Authoritarianism

Author:: Robert Benson
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for American Progress - CAP
Abstract:: Democracies facing authoritarian threats from within have found ways to push back by strengthening institutions, reinforcing democratic norms, and building popular resistance against encroaching autocracy. Understanding these strategies is vital to learning how to fight back.
Topic:: Human Rights, National Security, Authoritarianism, Reform, Elections, Democracy, Transparency, Voting Rights, Donald Trump, Domestic Policy, and Democratic Backsliding
Political Geography:: Russia, Turkey, India, Israel, North America, and United States of America

55. Services Liberalization and Product Variety of Manufacturing Firms

Author:: Alina Mulykova
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Kiel Institute for the World Economy (IfW)
Abstract:: This paper investigates the impact of services sector liberalization on product innovation of downstream manufacturing firms. Leveraging firm-product panel data from India and employing a shift-share research design, I find that services liberalization significantly increases firms’ product portfolio. Allowing foreign investments in the banking sector decreases firm’s credit-constraint and increases the amount of interest payments on short-term loans. This shows that services liberalization reduces firms’ fixed costs of product innovation. Firms diversify into input-similar industries which changes the distribution of sales across products with the core product experiencing the most pronounced decline in the sales share.
Topic:: Globalization, Markets, Foreign Direct Investment, Innovation, and Liberalization
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

56. Determinants of Unemployment Duration in India

Author:: Roshan Kannan
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for Sustainable Employment, Azim Premji University
Abstract:: Unemployment is one of the key macroeconomic variables used to assess the performance of an economy. However, there is a bias towards conceptualizing unemployment solely through its predominant measure of rates. Considering that rates alone do not reflect labor market conditions, especially in developing countries, it is crucial to include unemployment duration in analyzing labor market efficacy and the larger economy. This paper utilizes longitudinal data from CMIE to understand the determinants of unemployment duration through an OLS linear regression and survival analysis. It finds that the groups that experience longer spells of unemployment are young and old individuals, the highly educated, and upper caste individuals. Nonparametric survival analysis is also employed to account for censoring through the hazard and survival function. This model also finds that duration dependence is non-monotonic with individuals experiencing high initial re-employment probabilities before experiencing a decline in their hazard rates. However, analysis of re-employmentwages and occupation indicates a positive association with unemployment duration which indicates potential benefits to extended job search.
Topic:: Employment, Economy, Macroeconomics, Unemployment, and Wages
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

57. The EU-India Strategic Relationship in Times of Geopolitical Turmoil

Author:: Jan Luykx
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
Abstract:: After an eventful geopolitical summer, the India-EU relationship has been pushed completely to the political background. The waves created by President Trump have unbalanced both India and the EU. While this seems to have pushed the EU-India relationship into the background, it has the potential of opening up opportunities for working together more closely in several significant areas. It is up to the EU and India to take up this challenge and to carry forward their stated intention of strengthening their strategic relationship. While developing this strategic relationship, New Delhi and Brussels will both be forced to consider the reality of their respective relationships with Washington, Beijing and Moscow, in a context of shifting geopolitical dynamics.
Topic:: Bilateral Relations, European Union, and Geopolitics
Political Geography:: Europe and India

58. Fragile States Index 2024 – Annual Report

Author:: Nate Haken, Paul Turner, Emily Sample, Fatoumata Maiga, and Perin Arkun
Publication Date:: 02-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Fund for Peace
Abstract:: The Fragile States Index, produced by The Fund for Peace, is a critical tool in highlighting not only the normal pressures that all states experience, but also in identifying when those pressures are pushing a state towards the brink of failure. By highlighting pertinent issues in weak and fragile states, The Fragile States Index—and the social science framework and software application upon which it is built—makes political risk assessment and early warning of conflict accessible to policy-makers and the public at large.
Topic:: Climate Change, Authoritarianism, Fragile States, and Political stability
Political Geography:: India, Brazil, Mozambique, Senegal, Tunisia, Somalia, Balochistan, South Sudan, Sahel, Global Focus, Niger, and Burkina Faso

59. Quad: The Next Phase

Author:: Lisa Curtis, Kareen Hart, Ryan Claffey, Keerthi Martyn, and Thomas Corel
Publication Date:: 06-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Center for a New American Security (CNAS)
Abstract:: T The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) among the United States, Australia, India, and Japan is becoming the focal point for economic and technological cooperation in the Indo-Pacific as the competition between the United States and China intensifies and regional power dynamics continue to evolve. The Quad nations share democratic values and seek to advance an affirmative vision for the region that promotes an inclusive regional architecture and offers options for regional partners, which are charting their economic and security futures in the face of growing great power competition. The second Trump administration is signaling its commitment to deepening Quad cooperation to counter China’s efforts to dominate the region and to ensure other countries in the region remain prosperous, peaceful, and free from coercion. However, the administration also has indicated that it wants to streamline the work of the Quad and whittle down its dozens of different working groups to focus on a handful of priorities. With the need to deliver tangible results, the administration is interested in maintaining fewer—yet more active—working groups that produce substantial outputs.1 While the Quad has made notable progress since it was revived nearly eight years ago, there is opportunity to expand and deepen its work to fulfill its promise of promoting a free, open, peaceful, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. To
Topic:: Security, International Cooperation, Economy, Strategic Competition, and Quad Alliance
Political Geography:: Japan, China, India, Australia, United States of America, and Indo-Pacific

60. Addressing Maritime Security in Smaller South Asian States: Opportunities for US, Indian, and International Partnerships

Author:: Frank O'Donnell
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: East-West Center
Abstract:: Under the dominant US paradigm of great-power competition, the maritime domain as a concept can often be viewed as shorthand for maintaining open access to sea lines of communication (SLOCs) and assuring sufficient deterrence against Chinese and Russian maritime coercion. The December 2020 joint US Navy, Marines, and Coast Guard Maritime Strategy emphasized these points. While these issues are important, this framing downplays two key US and global security factors. These firstly include the broader, multidimensional, and often interactive set of maritime security challenges – such as illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, piracy, smuggling, disastrous climatic changes, and insufficient maritime law enforcement capacities – experienced by most world states, as opposed to a reductive, classical focus on the comparative naval and maritime force balances among the few international and regional powers. The second is the rising populations and economic influence of these smaller states, meaning their risk exposure to these maritime security threats poses deeper consequences beyond their borders and regions. It also means that, in an increasingly multipolar world, these states will have growing agency to select key relationships to nurture, and to decline or distance themselves from others. For great-power competition strategists, partnering with these states on their maritime security priorities as they define them will be critical to improving their own resilience and their ability to secure the global commons. Moreover, it will help nurture the durable relationships, based on mutual understanding, that each of the expert authors in this Occasional Paper special series argue their focal states are seeking. Such efforts should not be viewed as mutually exclusive with a preferred focus on high-end naval and maritime competition with rival powers, but a fundamental element of a successful grand strategy.
Topic:: Security, Partnerships, Geopolitics, Maritime, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, and United States of America

61. Optimizing Trade Flows and Investments Between India andCEMAC for Sustainable Industrialization in the Region

Author:: Stephane Atangana
Publication Date:: 04-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Despite significant economic potential, CEMAC countries face structural and institutionalchallenges limiting sector diversification and competitiveness. Key constraints include inadequateinfrastructure, regulatory barriers, limited technological access, and institutional uncertainty, all ofwhich restrict industrial growth and foreign direct investment (FDI) ( 1 ). Trade between India and CEMAC, largely focused on raw materials, particularly crude oil, remainsunderdeveloped compared to its full potential. Similarly, Indian FDI, mostly resource-driven, isinsufficiently utilized. This brief proposes concrete strategies—drawing from endogenous growthand international trade theories—to address these barriers, enhance bilateral cooperation,encourage technology transfers, and promote robust public-private partnerships. Such measurescould significantly boost sustainable industrialization and global competitiveness in CEMAC.
Topic:: Investment, Trade, Industrialization, and Sustainability
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

62. Strengthening Local Governance: A Study of Competencies of Grama Panchayat Functionaries in Karnataka

Author:: Avani Kapur, Mallika Arora, Sidharth Santhosh, Dongrisab Nadaf, and Kripa Krishna
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Centre for Policy Research, India
Abstract:: This report delves into individual and team-based competencies of different functionaries including PDOs, PS, DEOs, Accounts Assistants, Bill Collector, Water Operator, Sahayak. The team observed that individual competencies differ based on the functionary’s role in the GP. Moreover, certain roles such as those of PDOs and PSs are provided more training opportunities when compared to others such as BCs or DEOs. Systemic factors such as vacancies, workload distribution also result in some functionaries taking on more tasks outside their formal job descriptions, often without the necessary authorisations. Beyond individual competencies, it is essential GPs function effectively as a team. However, the team found that regular team meetings are uncommon, and responsibilities are decided based on deadlines rather than a consultative, structured approach. Additionally, ERs are rarely consulted on community needs, despite their critical role in governance. While a culture of kindness and empathy exists within GPs, it can be further strengthened to ensure functionaries remain motivated to serve citizens effectively. Based on these findings, the team offers a range of recommendations, aimed at improving both individual and team competencies. These suggestions are intended to serve as a starting point for the department to further investigate the challenges and design suitable administrative reforms. Recommendations include redesigning job charts, enhancing PDO training, improving learning resources for all functionaries and improving engagement with elected representatives. Additionally, to improve team competencies the authors recommend introducing off site training for the GP as a team, introducing regular team meetings, group reflections after major events and fostering cross-GP collaborations.
Topic:: Development, Governance, and Domestic Politics
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

63. Innovative Approaches to Convergence in Karnataka’s Grama Panchayats: Insights from 5 Case Studies

Author:: Avani Kapur, Mallika Arora, Ritwik Shukla, Sidharth Santhosh, and Dongrisab Nadaf
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Centre for Policy Research, India
Abstract:: This report is titled “Innovative Approaches to Convergence in Karnataka’s Grama Panchayats: Insights from 5 Case Studies“. It unpacks convergence practices in different programs such as Grama Panchayat Library and Information Centres, Koosina Mane, Solid Waste Management, Health Screening, and Perspective Planning. The first case study on Rural Libraries presents how community involvement and inclusivity can promote and build learning and reading practices in GPs. The second case study on Koosina Mane highlights how the state can promote rural women’s workforce participation while also supporting children’s nutritional needs at early stages of development. The third case study on Solid Waste Management highlights the importance of localising waste management practices and also supporting alternative livelihood sources for rural women by tapping into existing community structures. The fourth case study on Health Screening further pushes the role of GPs, along with other actors in the health department, in promoting positive health outcomes. Finally, the fifth case study on Perspective Planning shows how efficient data management practices can ease monitoring and promote transparency in delivery of welfare services. Thus, through these case studies, the authors have presented the key learnings from Karnataka’s innovative convergence practices and resource management which other states in the country can leverage and build upon. Their observations, spread across several months of immersive fieldwork, can further support RDPR’s vision to sustain these initiatives in the coming years.
Topic:: Governance, Rural, Innovation, and Resource Management
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

64. Viksit Bharat’s Engine: An Institutional Roadmap to a $ 30 Trillion Economy – The Macroeconomic Institutional Imperative

Author:: Ejaz Ghani
Publication Date:: 11-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for Policy Research, India
Abstract:: This paper looks at the “Institutional Efficacy Puzzle” that lies at the heart of India’s development challenge and provides a deep, systemic diagnostic of these key institutions—the Ministry of Finance (MoF), the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), financial regulators (SEBI, IRDAI), tax authorities (CBDT, CBIC), and crucial oversight bodies like the Finance Commission and the National Statistical Commission (NSC). It moves beyond analysing symptoms to uncover root causes embedded in flawed designs, capacity deficits, or political economy constraints. It then proposes a comprehensive, actionable roadmap for profound reform aimed at building the Resilient, Agile, Accountable, and Inclusive (RAAI) institutional foundations essential for transforming the Viksit Bharat vision into a tangible reality.
Topic:: Development, Political Economy, Economy, Institutions, and Macroeconomics
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

65. The Green Investment Banker: A Strategic Manifesto for Financing India’s Net Zero and ‘Viksit Bharat’ Future

Author:: Ejaz Ghani
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for Policy Research, India
Abstract:: Financing a Green ‘Viksit Bharat’ India’s national goal of becoming a developed economy by 2047 is inextricably linked to achieving its Net Zero commitment by 2070. This twin ambition requires an investment of an estimated $10 trillion, primarily in green infrastructure and industrial modernization. This paper argues that this colossal sum cannot be met by public funds alone. The central economic challenge for India over the next two decades is to build the institutional capacity to mobilize and direct trillions of dollars in private and global capital towards this green transition.
Topic:: Development, Infrastructure, Economy, Investment, Banking, Green Economy, and Net Zero
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

66. Power Shifts and Knowledge Production: India’s Rise and Scholarship in International Relations

Author:: Aksel B. Hvid, Fabricio H. Chagas-Bastos, and Peter Marcus Kristensen
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: While much scholarly attention has been paid to the ways in which the rise of powers like China and India may challenge the fundamentals of the world order, there little empirically grounded research on the relationship between the socio-political conditions driving upward power shifts (“risingness”) and knowledge production, particularly outside the Western core of the International Relations discipline. We show in this article that Indian scholars are more likely to portray India as a “rising power” when publishing in mainstream journals than when contributing to Indian journals. Moreover, Indian scholars publishing in mainstream journals often engage with a discourse centred on Western reference points, specifically addressing the future of the liberal international order. By contrast, Indian scholars publishing in Indian journals focus on issues relevant to the South Asian context, frequently emphasising India’s non-Western roots. Finally, while contributions to mainstream journals tend to frame India’s rising status predominantly from a Western, particularly American, perspective, contributions to Indian journals are more deeply rooted in India’s rich intellectual traditions.
Topic:: International Relations, Sociology, Knowledge Production, and Rising Powers
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

67. Global Public Opinion and the Growth of Right-Wing Populism

Author:: Richard Wike
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:: The “super year” of elections in 2024 was unprecedented in voting history, with citizens in more than 60 countries going to the polls. While it was generally a difficult year for incumbents, it was a strong one for challengers, including several from the populist right. Leveraging economic frustrations, divisive cultural issues, and anger at a political class perceived to be out of touch with ordinary citizens, right-wing populist leaders and parties made gains at the ballot box in several nations, building on the growing success they have seen in recent years.1 One of the most high-profile results in 2024 was Republican Donald Trump’s defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris in the United States presidential election, which returned the leader of the populist “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) movement to the White House after four years of Demo- cratic control. Right-wing populists also gained ground in European parlia- mentary elections. Austria’s Freedom Party, for example, had its best election result ever. The Alternative for Germany Party became the first far-right political party to win a state election in the country since World War II. And even though the cordon sanitaire—a bargain among political parties to keep the far right out of governing coalitions—ultimately kept Marine Le Pen’s National Rally out of power in France, the party nonetheless increased the number of seats it holds in the National Assembly. Parties on the right did well outside Europe and the United States too. For example, El Salvador’s incumbent President Nayib Bukele won reelection with over 80 percent of the vote, buoyed by strong support for his crackdown on criminal gangs. In Indonesia, Prabowo Subianto won the presidential election amid public concerns about his human rights record. And—though forced to form a coalition government for the first time—Indian Prime Min- ister Narendra Modi won a third consecutive victory, and his Bharatiya Janata Party, which captured 240 of 543 seats in the Lok Sabha, remains a dominant force in the country’s politics.
Topic:: Public Opinion, Elections, Populism, and Right-Wing Politics
Political Geography:: India, Global Focus, and United States of America

68. From the Belt and Road to Make in India: A Comparative Assessment of Global Economic Engagement

Author:: Ferhat Çağrı Aras
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: China and India have emerged as two of the most influential actors shaping contemporary debates on economic development, governance models, and global economic transformation. As leading emerging economies facing similar structural pressures yet pursuing markedly different development paths, their experiences provide valuable insights into alternative strategies of growth, regional development, and global economic integration. Within this context, this study aims to explore how China and India differ in their development strategies with particular attention to governance structures, regional development policies, and modes of global economic engagement. Drawing on a qualitative comparative research design, the analysis is based on document analysis and qualitative content analysis of official policy documents, development plans, and secondary academic sources. The comparative assessment is structured around three core criteria: governance and planning mechanisms, regional development strategies aimed at managing spatial inequalities, and approaches to global economic integration, with particular emphasis on Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Make in India program. Applying a consistent set of analytical dimensions to both cases allows for a systematic and conceptually balanced comparison. The findings suggest that China’s development strategy is shaped by a centralized, state-led governance model emphasizing long-term planning, large-scale infrastructure investment, and infrastructure-driven global engagement. In contrast, India’s development approach reflects a more decentralized and market-oriented model prioritizing regulatory reform, foreign direct investment, and partnership-based integration into global value chains. Rather than advancing normative evaluations, the study highlights how distinct governance logics produce different strengths and constraints under comparable global conditions. The article contributes to the literature on comparative development by offering a conceptually consistent analysis of China and India that moves beyond descriptive policy narratives. By linking governance structures to regional development strategies and global economic engagement, the study provides original insights into alternative development pathways among emerging economies in the Global South.
Topic:: Development, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Economic Engagement, and Global South
Political Geography:: China, South Asia, and India

69. India’s Future Strategic Choices: Complications of Mass

Author:: Richard M. Rossow
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
Abstract:: Leading up to the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, the Indian government put up billboards of Prime Minister Narendra Modi across the city. By one count, there were almost 1,000 signs and banners in the 12-kilometer stretch between the airport and U.S. President Joe Biden’s hotel highlighting India’s accomplishments, aspirations, and vision under Modi’s leadership.1 When asked about the billboards, India’s G20 coordinator responded, “We haven’t done advertising. We’re doing branding.”2 But this branding exercise was not merely intended to highlight India’s leadership role in a major international summit; it also sought to assert India’s leadership among the G20 countries that are less wealthy but large and fast growing. Quite purposively, India gathered more than 100 countries for the Voice of the Global South Summit the week before the G20 summit, where Modi declared the importance for India of “voicing the concerns of the Global South on the agenda of a significant platform like G-20.”3 As the concept of a coalition of Global South countries has emerged in recent years, India’s efforts to bolster its own brand as the vanguard of the Global South have accelerated. But India’s response to a new international order reflects an old strategy. In March 1947, on the eve of Indian independence, India hosted the first Asian Relations Conference, bringing together a diverse range of countries, including China, Indonesia, Egypt and the Arab League, Australia, and many of the Soviet republics. India hosted the conference during a period of geopolitical transformation, as countries around the world grappled with the aftermath of World War II and an emerging process of decolonization. Jawaharlal Nehru, then vice president of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, described the moment of the conference as an “age of transition.” He argued, “One of the notable consequences of the European domination of Asia has been the isolation of the countries of Asia from one another,” but “as that domination goes, the walls that surrounded us fall down and we look at each other again and meet as old friends long parted.”4
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Economics, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:: China, South Asia, and India

70. China Trying to Strengthen Dialogue with India

Author:: Marcin Przychodniak
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM)
Abstract:: China sees India as its main rival in Asia. However, the Chinese authorities are maintaining a dialogue with the Indian government, recently even signalling a conciliatory attitude. In this way, they want to prevent an escalation in bilateral relations and try to influence India’s relations with the U.S. and the European Union in a way that is beneficial to China. Although China’s attempts to strengthen dialogue with India are tactical in nature, even a short-term improvement in bilateral relations poses a challenge for the EU. Attempts to reduce Europe’s dependence on China, in which India is to play an important role, are now in question.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, European Union, and Dialogue
Political Geography:: China, Europe, South Asia, India, Asia, and United States of America

71. Decolonising the Knowledge System in India

Author:: Kishore Singh
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:: In 1835, T. B. Macaulay, Law Member of the Council of the Governor-General of India, wrote a ‘Minute on Education’ in which he stated, ‘a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia’ (1835: 107). Later in the same document he expressed the thought, We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern—a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population (ibid.: 115). Ever since, Western education has become profoundly engraved in Indian mindsets. Its hegemony over academia and disciplines of education in India remains unabated. Being educated in westernised education, ideally in western universities, continues to be highly esteemed among Indians. ‘Western knowledge superiority syndrome’ is still very visible in the form of a continued, even reinforced, superiority of the occidental knowledge system. India needs to discard it by casting off the colonial mindset and devising a knowledge system inspired by her own traditions in education and her philosophical and spiritual heritage. The epistemological foundation of India’s knowledge system, with highest respect for spirituality and intellectual pursuits, provides the prism for decolonising the knowledge system, comprehensively covering all disciplines, fields of knowledge and education systems. The writings of a very large number of renowned Western intellectuals, in tandem with those of eminent Indian thinkers, who acclaimed India’s philosophical traditions and spiritual heritage, are invaluable for edifying the knowledge system which is truly Indian, and which accords supremacy to spiritual and moral values in life as against materialistic pursuits. As such, revivification of India’s traditions in education makes it imperative to weed out the current phenomenon of commodification of knowledge or ‘edu-business’ since allowing education (vidya) to be made business (vyapar) is an affront to India’s spiritual heritage and her traditions where knowledge is free and heads are held high. The challenges in decolonising India’s knowledge system are compounded by the ‘platform Imperialism’ of our digital age, where, as John Naisbitt aptly remarked, ‘we are drowning in information but starved for knowledge’ (1982: 24). Digital technologies in education—‘edu-tech’ and especially Artificial Intelligence—erode ‘meditative thinking’ and are dehumanising in many ways. Their deleterious implications for the Indian knowledge system require careful consideration.
Topic:: Education, Decolonization, Knowledge Systems, and Digital Technologies
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

72. Mid-Year Review of the Indian Economy 2024–25

Author:: Chetan Ghate, Prakash Athare, Gautam Kumar Das, Sandhya Garg, M. Rahul, and Sukhdeep Singh
Publication Date:: 06-2025
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:: The Indian economy is currently the fifth largest economy in the world, with a nominal gross domestic product (GDP) in 2025 expected to be US$4.27 trillion, according to the report ‘World Economic Outlook: Policy Pivot, Rising Threats’ by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).1 In FY 2023–24, the economy grew at a rate of 8.2 per cent, in real terms, following high growth rates in the previous two years (9.7 per cent in FY 2021–22, and 7 per cent in FY 2022–23). The quick rebound in growth after COVID–19 is depicted in Figure 1.1, which plots RGDP (real GDP) in India from Q1 FY 2011–12 to Q1 FY 2024–25. Figure 1.1 shows that after the sharp contraction in growth in Q1 FY 2020–21 (-23.1 per cent) in real GDP, growth became positive in Q3 FY 2020–21, and has averaged 5.1 per cent between Q2 FY 2020–21 and Q1 FY 2024–25.2 The swift recovery was aided by strong private consumption and a government push on infrastructure investment. In this mid-year review of FY 2024–25, we take stock of the performance of the Indian economy relative to earlier projections. While part of the slowdown is due to base-effects, there is a decline in the momentum of many high frequency indicators such as goods and services tax (GST) collections, auto sales, fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) sales, corporate tax collections and credit growth, as can be seen in Table A.4 of the Appendix. We examine sectoral trends in agriculture, industry and services. At the aggregate level, we analyse trends in unemployment, inflation, the external sector and sovereign debt. We intersperse long-term analysis to study secular trends, along with analysis done at the business cycle frequency—monthly, or quarterly—a new perspective in the mid-year review analysis. Our analysis draws on ongoing academic research by the author(s). Our main conclusion is that while the high-frequency data is mixed (with a possible revival in some indicators in October 2024), there are several signs that growth is moderating. Overall real GDP growth in FY 2024–25 is likely to be within 6–7 per cent, although possibly towards the middle of this range. Our analysis suggests that the output gap is closed. This could be one reason to expect slow growth. A correction in credit growth, which was running much higher than nominal GDP growth, will also lead to slower growth.4 Liquidity conditions have also tightened. We estimate that it took three years for the output gap to close after COVID–19, in March 2023. As inflation has slowed down from peaks seen during COVID–19, real policy rates based on a Fiscal Year to Date (FYTD) inflation average of 4.8 per cent are about 1.7 per cent. This is within the estimated range of 1.4–1.9 per cent real neutral interest rate for Q4 FY 2023–24 as per Reserve Bank of India (RBI) academic research. The policy repo rate of 6.5 per cent is below the peak of previous rate hike cycles. Some interest rate-sensitive sectors like real estate are doing well, suggesting that monetary policy may not be restrictive. On the fiscal side, while the Centre’s fiscal deficit increased sharply during COVID–19, this occurred partly because of better transparency in the fiscal accounting of food subsidies. As shown in Figure A.4 in the Appendix, the public sector borrowing requirement (as a percentage of GDP) is expected to ease in FY 2024–25 to its lowest level since FY 2018–19. One upside risk to this is that Public Sector Undertaking (PSU) borrowings may pick up. It is also noteworthy that government capex spending was weak in the first five months of the year. Central government capex needs to grow by more than 50 per cent in H2 (second half of the year) to reach the Budget Estimates (BE). An open question is why government capex was low at the time of writing this paper. One possible explanation is capacity constraints; another potential explanation is the role of centre and state elections in slowing capex spending since the beginning of FY 2024–25. In the Q2 FY 2024–25 data, to be released at the end of November 2024, both slower growth in the industrial sector and slower consumption demand will become important contributing factors to slowing growth.5 An open question is whether the slowdown is the beginning of a sustained downward trend in growth, or a cyclical slowdown. This paper concludes by suggesting some important avenues for structural reform.
Topic:: GDP, Economy, Economic Growth, Macroeconomics, and Consumer Behavior
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

73. India-Russia Relations in Troubled Times: Steady but Stagnating

Author:: Aleksei Zakharov
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Institut français des relations internationales (IFRI)
Abstract:: This paper examines the trajectory of India-Russia relations post-February 2022. The war in Ukraine emerged as a significant challenge for bilateral ties, presenting new obstacles to political and diplomatic relations and intensifying the previous difficulties in developing economic cooperation. Moscow and New Delhi have demonstrated divergent approaches to the advancement of their strategic partnership. While Russia has rushed into reinventing the old friendship with India, the latter has acted with greater discretion. New Delhi has demonstrated a nuanced approach to navigating the Russia-Ukraine conflict, staying on good terms with Moscow and the West. India’s record imports of Russian crude and other commodities, at times in defiance of Western sanctions, have allowed for a considerable boost in bilateral trade. While this “oil connection” may benefit both the Indian and Russian economies, it should not be misperceived as a leap forward in partnership. The structural challenges appear to still prevent the two sides from reinvigorating the economic ties. Furthermore, their geopolitical understanding is waning, and their defense cooperation is currently in a state of limbo. As long as the war in Ukraine persists, India seems to be prioritizing maintaining the status quo in its relationship with Russia over pursuing new initiatives. This may help to prevent the two sides from drifting apart too far in the near term but is unlikely to lead to any substantive progress in their relationship.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Geopolitics, Vladimir Putin, and Narendra Modi
Political Geography:: Russia, South Asia, and India

74. India Votes 2024: A resurgent Hindu nationalism sets the stage for the upcoming elections, driving communal violence

Author:: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED)
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED)
Abstract:: On 22 January 2024, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Ram temple in Ayodhya at the site where the Babri mosque once stood, marking the unofficial start of the general elections campaign by his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).1 The construction of the temple, which had served as a rallying cry for Hindu nationalists since the mosque’s demolition by a Hindu mob, stirred up sentiments of Hindu pride across the country, with the BJP leading the celebrations.2 On the other hand, the principal opposition party, the Indian National Congress (INC), boycotted the ceremony, accusing the BJP of politicizing religion.3 The fanfare surrounding the inauguration also overlooked the temple’s deadly origins, prompting concern over the turn toward majoritarianism in Indian society.4 The Babri mosque, constructed under the reign of the Mughal emperor Babar, was believed to have stood upon the birthplace of the Hindu Lord Ram, making it a point of contention between India’s Hindu and Muslim communities for nearly two centuries.5 Following nationwide mobilization by senior BJP leaders to reclaim the Ram Janmabhoomi (birthplace), a Hindu mob demolished the Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992.6 In the years since, the Ram Mandir (temple) remained a focal point of the Hindu nationalist movement, with the BJP at its forefront. A 2019 Supreme Court judgment awarding the disputed land to the Hindu applicants, finding they possessed a better title, ultimately paved the way for the temple’s construction, even as the court condemned the mosque’s demolition by the mob as an illegal act.7 The values of secularism and religious tolerance enshrined in India’s Constitution have long struggled against the realities of its demographics, where Hindus, comprising around 80% of the population, form the overwhelming majority.8 The gradual rise of the BJP, which views India foremost as a Hindu rashtra (nation), further increased the strain on these principles while also emboldening more radical Hindutva (Hindu nationalist) groups within the country.9 Among these is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing Hindu paramilitary group that organized the Babri Masjid’s demolition.10 The BJP has strong ideological and organizational ties with the RSS; Modi himself began his political career as a religious volunteer with the group.11 The mainstreaming of Hindutva politics under the BJP has increased tensions between Hindus and religious minorities, sparking a resurgence in communal violence. India’s Muslim community, which is among the world’s largest Muslim populations, has borne the brunt of this violence. With the BJP galvanizing its supporters around the cause of Hindu nationalism ahead of the 2024 elections, the second part of ACLED’s India Elections Special Issue focuses on increased religious polarization as a driver for political violence across India.
Topic:: Political Violence, Elections, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Hindu Nationalism
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

75. A Palestinian Gandhi or an Israeli de Gaulle? Why the Context of Violence Matters

Author:: Sharif Elmusa
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Cairo Review of Global Affairs
Institution:: School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo
Abstract:: Questioning why there hasn’t been a Palestinian Gandhi or Mandela ignores the history and context in which Palestinian resistance occurs, especially the abiding violence visited on the Palestinians since 1917
Topic:: Colonialism, Violence, BDS, Mahmoud Abbas, Israeli–Palestinian Conflict, Nelson Mandela, and Charles de Gaulle
Political Geography:: Middle East, India, Israel, South Africa, Palestine, and West Bank

76. Labour market inequality in two Asian giants Indonesia and India compared

Author:: Kunal Sen
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United Nations University
Abstract:: We examine the nature of labour market inequality in Indonesia and India, using a common conceptual approach drawing from the job ladder framework. In the framework, we differentiate between self-employment and wage-informal and between formal, upper tier informal, and lower tier informal jobs. We find that both countries have a large proportion of workers in lower tier jobs, though the importance of wage-employment is larger in Indonesia. There are more workers in formal wage-employment in Indonesia than India. There are also sharp disparities in the earnings of workers in different tiers of the labour market in Indonesia and India, and there is limited evidence of convergence of the earnings of the lower tier informal workers to that of formal workers, at least for Indonesia. We also find that gender and educational level are important correlates of work status in both countries. Females and less educated workers occupy the lower tiers of the labour markets in the two countries.
Topic:: Employment, Inequality, Economy, Labor Market, and Informal Economy
Political Geography:: South Asia, Indonesia, India, and Asia

77. What if…? 12 Dragon King scenarios for 2028

Author:: Florence Gaub
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: NATO Defense College
Abstract:: At first glance, this publication appears to be a collection of Early Warning essays – they are, to some extent, but they should not be exclusively read as such. Conventional Early Warning systems have a much shorter time horizon – normally hours, perhaps months at most – than these scenarios, and they are solely mitigation mechanisms, that is to say they provide no insight into how the event they are warning of can be avoided. They are thus not an intellectual thought exercise, but solely an alarm bell. Our Dragon Kings in this volume provide insight into how they can be avoided, but they also challenge our assumptions in more ways than one. They are therefore awareness-raisers no matter how credible or plausible you will find them. Just reading them will have a readiness-increasing effect. (In fact, the more absurd you find them, the more pronounced this is because your mind will learn more when the emotion they generate is greater.) These scenarios can become even more useful, however, if you use them for simulation exercises in a team. You can use them as a blueprint for a wider scenario exercise, whether one wishes to adopt a blue or red team approach to them, and ask questions such as: how could this have been prevented, what would have to be done? What are alternative pathways of this scenario that are even worse, and how can we prevent those? The most important aspect is that every exercise of this kind must lead to some concrete policy steps. Merely thinking about improbable futures is never enough – doing something about them is what makes them a useful policy-tool. In that case, they lead to active, rather than passive, engagement with the content, foster collaboration, encourage innovation, practice decision-making, provide a space for failure and experimentation with alternative courses of action. It is precisely because of this that scenarios are a common feature in military education, but they work just as well in any other strategic context – provided, time and space is made for it. If yes, they contribute to increasing preparedness and readiness, and accelerate the response time to surprise. What’s more, generally engaging in fringe thinking about the future will strengthen these capabilities no matter what kind of surprise eventually occurs. Much like how vaccines teach the immune system, disruptive thinking strengthens our neural networks, making us more resilient for extreme situations.
Topic:: NATO, Natural Disasters, Elections, Crisis Management, Coup, UN Security Council, Biological Weapons, Resilience, Arctic Council, and Readiness
Political Geography:: Russia, China, Iraq, Europe, India, Taiwan, Latin America, Nigeria, and Tunisia

78. The Security Side of Gulf Visions. Adapting Defence to the Connectivity Age

Author:: Eleanora Ardemagni
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:: The GCC states are adapting defence strategies to the challenges raised by their “Visions”, their post-hydrocarbon national plans. Far from being just economic programmes, the Visions are broad national transformation platforms displaying also a security dimension, and with many security implications. New cities and industrial poles, infrastructures, mega events and tourism raise unprecedented security risks, at which the GCC states are answering through a combination of economic-oriented foreign policy, multipolar international alliances, and ambitions towards “defense autonomisation”. What are the Visions’ security dimensions and implications, and how does the post-oil path affect and reshape foreign policies? This Report analyses how GCC states are adapting deterrence and defence tools to the connectivity age, navigating a troubled neighbourhood of both conventional and asymmetric threats. In a central but more vulnerable Gulf, how may the EU and NATO accommodate transformations in GCC states’ defense policies, postures, and means, to support their own security?
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Gulf Cooperation Council, and Strategic Planning
Political Geography:: Europe, Middle East, India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, United States of America, and Gulf Nations

79. Moving Targets. Trends in Japan’s Foreign and Security Policies

Author:: Axel Berkofsky and Giulia Sciorati
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:: In December 2022, Japan announced it would drastically increase its defence budget by 2027. The decision came as a wake-up call for the whole region: Japan was gearing up for a world of heightened tensions and rivalry in the Indo-Pacific Region. This Report analyses the present and future of Japan’s security and defence policies. Within the context of a rising China, Tokyo has broadened its defence ties with the US, India, Australia, and Taiwan. However, China remains its biggest trading partner, meaning Tokyo's policymakers are charged with the task and challenge of striking a balance between defence policies and business and trade relations with China.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, ASEAN, Influence, Defense Spending, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Japan, India, Taiwan, Australia, United States of America, and Indo-Pacific

80. The Sky Is Not the Limit. Geopolitics and Economics of the New Space Race

Author:: Alessandro Gili
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:: Space is a contested domain for its very nature and today it is evidently becoming an increasingly important enabler of economic and military power. An increasing number of actors, infrastructures and technologies deployed in space also raises concerns for safety and security, especially in cyberspace. Many countries are striving to achieve space capabilities and autonomous access to space, and this is having a tremendous geopolitical impact, especially since space is emerging as an increasingly critical military and strategic domain. The development of the new space economy, which is increasingly involving the private sector and many industrial actors and services, will also be a game changer for the international economy. The space race likewise implies disruptive technologies that could contribute massively to the energy and digital transitions, accelerating solutions that could benefit humanity. A new international governance system for space is therefore needed urgently, considering that the current rules are no longer able to respond to a sector evolving at such a rapid pace. Which actors are leading the race? Which economic sectors could benefit the most and what could the new space economy mean for the world? How is space emerging as a military domain against a backdrop of increasing international tensions? What would a new system of global governance for space look like?
Topic:: Economics, Politics, Infrastructure, Geopolitics, Regulation, and Energy Security
Political Geography:: Russia, China, Europe, India, Italy, Global Focus, United States of America, and Space

81. Decoding India’s 2024 National Elections

Author:: Niranjan Sahoo
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:: India’s 2024 national election is billed to be the biggest election in history. The mammoth exercise which involves the participation of 986 million voters and more than 600 political parties will last 44 days before the results are announced on June 4. It is also billed to be the most expensive elections in the world (Pradhan 2024), overtaking the United States elections. The noteworthy fact about this mega exercise is that nearly the entire process will be conducted through Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). A staggering 5.5 million EVMs will be used to conduct this mammoth exercise spanning over two months (Business Standard 2024-03-16). Further, the 2024 national elections will determine who gets to occupy the Lok Sabha or Lower House of the Parliament. The party or a coalition of parties that gets a majority in the LoK Sabha will get to nominate its Prime Minister and run the government for next five years.
Topic:: Elections, Populism, Domestic Politics, Welfare, Misinformation, and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

82. Green Hydrogen for Decarbonizing Asia's Industrial Giants

Author:: Asia Society Policy Institute
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Asia Society
Abstract:: Asia’s transformation in recent decades into a global manufacturing hub has fueled economic growth and lifted millions out of poverty. However, this success has also massively increased the region’s emissions footprint, making it essential for Asia’s industries to rapidly transition to green technologies and processes. “Green Hydrogen for Decarbonizing Asia’s Industrial Giants” assesses the future potential and trajectory for electrolyzers needed to meet green hydrogen (H2) demand in Asia’s four largest economies: China, India, Japan, and South Korea. The report, which was commissioned by the High-level Policy Commission on Getting Asia to Net Zero and carried out by Global Efficiency Intelligence, highlights the role of manufacturers as agents of change in the Asia’s net zero transition. The study focuses on the role of green H2 in three priority industries — steel, ammonia, and methanol — under various decarbonization scenarios. In these sectors, green H2 has the capacity to significantly reduce emissions by replacing carbon-intensive processes with renewable energy-powered electrolysis. Should the four countries adhere to their declared net zero targets, the collective market potential of electrolyzers for these industries is expected to skyrocket to $180 billion by 2050, with a compound annual growth rate as high as 12% between 2030 and 2040. This is nearly five times as large as the market potential under a business-as-usual scenario. The report offers a suite of recommendations for policymakers, industry players, investors, and think thanks aimed at accelerating the development and adoption of green H2 and electrolyzer manufacturing. These targeted strategies aim to collectively support a robust ecosystem for green H2 production and use in these countries toward a net zero industry.
Topic:: Industry, Carbon Emissions, Decarbonization, Hydrogen, and Net Zero
Political Geography:: Japan, China, India, Asia, and South Korea

83. Deterring an attack on Taiwan: policy options for India and other non-belligerent states

Author:: Arzan Tarapore
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:: India has a vital role to play in deterring China from unifying Taiwan by military force, a new Australian Strategic Policy Institute report finds, highlighting New Delhi’s significant economic, diplomatic, legal and strategic narrative levers. The report looks beyond traditional thinking on military preparations to dissuade Beijing from taking the island by force and offers six ways for India, with its great strategic and economic weight, to “help shape Beijing’s calculus away from the use of force”. The author writes that the use of such long-term measures is vital to New Delhi’s own interests, as the economic and regional security impacts of a major war would be devastating for India itself.  India and other “non-belligerent states” could apply a range of measures to persuade Beijing that the time is not right for a military attack. The aim would be to convince Beijing that "its ducks aren’t quite in a row... so that it defers military action to some uncertain point in the future". The report states that China remains deterrable. While it is determined to assume control of the island as a paramount strategic priority, it knows a military invasion would be enormously costly and uncertain.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Deterrence, Military, and Regional Security
Political Geography:: India, Taiwan, and Asia

84. The geopolitics of water: how the Brahmaputra River could shape India–China security competition

Author:: Neely Haby
Publication Date:: 08-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:: This report assesses the geopolitical impact of a possible dam at the Great Bend of the Brahmaputra. In particular, it exams the dam as a potential source of coercive leverage China may gain over India. A dam there would create four likely strategic effects: it would very likely consolidate Beijing’s political control over its distant borderlands; it would create the potential for massive flooding as a tool of violence; it may affect human settlement and economic patterns on the Indian side of the border, downstream; and it would give Beijing water and data that it could withhold from India as bargaining leverage in unrelated negotiations. To mitigate those challenges and risks, the report provides three policy recommendations for the Indian Government and its partners in Australia and the US. First, it recommends the establishment of an open-source, publicly available data repository, based on satellite sensing, to disseminate information about the physical impacts of the Great Bend Dam. Second, it recommends that like-minded governments use international legal arguments to pressure Beijing to abide by global norms and conventions. Third, it recommends that the Quad—the informal group comprising Australia, India, Japan and the US—use its humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) guidelines to begin to share information and build capacity for dam-related contingencies.
Topic:: Water, Geopolitics, Rivers, Competition, Regional Security, and Brahmaputra River
Political Geography:: China, India, and Asia

85. Beijing’s Aggression Behind Emerging India-Philippines Defense Relationship

Author:: Peter Chalk
Publication Date:: 10-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: China Brief
Institution:: The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:: The People’s Republic of China’s increasingly assertive stance on affirming its territorial claims in the Indo-Pacific is informing the evolution of a closer defense relationship between New Delhi and Manila. On September 25, the Philippine Coast Guard removed a floating barrier that China had installed at Huangyan Dao (黄岩岛, an island in the Scarborough Shoal) in the South China Sea (SCS) the previous day. Responding to questions about the incident, PRC Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin (王文斌) maintained that “China Coast Guard did what was necessary to block and drive away the Philippine vessel,” and that “Huangyan Dao has always been China’s territory. What the Philippines did looks like nothing more than self-amusement” (FMPRC, September 26; FMPRC, September 27). Earlier in September, New Delhi’s Ambassador to the Philippines Shambu Kumaran expressed solidarity with Manila by pointedly rejecting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s new extended ten-dash map of its sovereignty claims in the South China Sea (SCS) and Line of Actual Control (LAC). He criticized the move from Beijing as unhelpful “cartographic expansionism” (Manila Times, September 3). These two incidents, occurring in the space of less than a month, are only the most recent in a string of aggressive acts in recent years. The reactions of both India and the Philippines are indicative of growing unity among some of China’s neighboring countries as a direct response to the security threat that China poses. In recent years, these two partners have increased the areas of engagement for security collaboration and expressed an intent to further such initiatives. The PRC lambasts the Philippines for choosing “to ignore China’s goodwill and sincerity” (MOFA, August 8), but this rhetoric only reaffirms Manila’s shifting calculus. There are limits to how close the Indo-Philippines defense relationship will get, but there is still ample room to explore various forms of cooperation short of a mutual defense treaty. The coming years will see much more of that exploration start to materialize. The PRC has several options in terms of responding to this emerging dynamic. These range from economic coercion, influence operations, and leveraging its relationship with Russia to put pressure on India. It is unclear which combination of these the PRC will ultimately pursue, though the PRC has made it abundantly clear that backing down in the South China Sea is not an option it is willing to entertain.
Topic:: Defense Policy, Bilateral Relations, Coercion, and Aggression
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, Philippines, and Asia-Pacific

86. Global IR Research Programme: From Perplexities to Progressions

Author:: Deepshikha Shahi
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: Our basic expectations vis-à-vis ‘the international’ have turned our phenomenal existence into two seemingly irreconcilable cognitive prisons: ‘one world’ with homogenizing propensities (dominated by the West) and ‘many worlds’ with heterogenizing predispositions (embodied by the non-West). Every so often, these cognitive prisons—oscillating between the extreme homogenizing propensities of the West and heterogenizing predispositions of the non-West— become obstacles in implementing effective global partnerships that are required to tackle the challenges thrown by global crisis-situations, e.g., the likelihoods of world war, financial crisis, climate change, pandemic, and the like. The agenda of the ‘Global IR research programme’ has emerged to demolish these cognitive prisons. To this end, this agenda finds rational support from multiple auxiliary theories that derive stimulus from hitherto denigrated knowledge-forms thriving in different corners of the world: e.g., Tianxia (all-under-heaven) from China, Advaita (non-duality) from India, and Mu No Basho (place of nothingness) from Japan. Nevertheless, the conditioned reflexes of many IR researchers compel them to receive the emergent knowledge-forms by correlating their ‘source’ and ‘scope’: generally, the knowledge-forms having their source in the West are granted a global scope, whereas the knowledge-forms having their source in the non-West are given a local scope; it is often suspected that the local non-Western knowledge-forms cannot grasp the larger global scenario. Philosophically, these conditioned reflexes emanate from Kantian dualism, which forms disconnected opposites of phenomena-noumena, science-metaphysics, West–non-West etc. This article reveals how the Global IR research programme—inspired by the Chinese, Indian and Japanese cosmovisions—strives to demolish the cognitive prisons of ‘one world versus many worlds’, thereby ensuring the prospective progressions of this research programme.
Topic:: International Relations and Research
Political Geography:: Japan, China, India, and Global Focus

87. Factsheet: Hindu Swayamsewak Sangh (HSS)

Author:: Bridge Initiative Team
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Bridge Initiative, Georgetown University
Abstract:: Hindu Swayamsewak Sangh (HSS) is a right-wing Hindu non-profit organization registered in New Jersey. On its website, the group states its mission is “to organize a diverse and vibrant Hindu American society that can collectively address its challenges and contribute to the welfare of the world.” As of November 2023, HSS claims it has 220 Shakhas (branches) nationwide. HSS’s website venerates the early ideologues of Hindu nationalism, including those who praised Nazi Germany. Additionally, HSS has hosted prominent figures from the RSS, an Indian right-wing, Hindu nationalist, paramilitary volunteer organization.
Topic:: Far Right, Hindu Nationalism, and Hindu Swayamsewak Sangh (HSS)
Political Geography:: India, North America, and United States of America

88. Factsheet: Narendra Modi

Author:: Bridge Initiative Team
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Bridge Initiative, Georgetown University
Abstract:: Narendra Damodardas Modi is the current Prime Minister of India. He was the Chief Minister of Gujarat during the deadly 2002 anti-Muslim pogroms in the state, and throughout his political career, he has promoted Hindu nationalist views. Under his leadership, India has experienced a rise in anti-Muslim hate crimes and hate speech, increasing polarization and violence in society, growing restrictions on the media, and the growth of Hindu nationalist groups. Critics and human rights experts have warned that under Modi’s leadership, democracy in India is under threat.
Topic:: Islamophobia, Narendra Modi, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Hindutva, and Hindu Nationalism
Political Geography:: India and Gujarat

89. Risk of Mass Atrocities in India

Author:: Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide
Publication Date:: 02-2024
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Abstract:: Rising levels of discrimination and dehumanization of minority communities in India is putting millions at an increased risk of mass atrocities. India has ranked in the top 15 countries at risk of mass killing since the Early Warning Project’s 2017–18 assessment, including its highest rank of second in the world last year.1 Since coming to power in 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have promoted a Hindu nationalist ideology that characterizes India’s Muslim minority population of approximately 200 million people, 14% of the population, as a threat to the security and success of India.2 This identity-based ideology also threatens the safety of other minorities and excluded groups, such as Christian communities and Dalits.3 India’s constitution enshrines egalitarian principles, including nondiscrimination on the basis of religious identity.4 In 2021, a study conducted by the Pew Research Center found that more than 3 out of 4 Indians of all faiths believed that religious tolerance is an important part of being “truly Indian.”5 However, proponents of a decades old Hindu nationalist ideology, Hindutva, believe instead that “Hinduism—not the precarious balancing of all ethnic and religious communities residing in India—is the ultimate source of the country’s identity,” and it is this ideology that is embraced by the BJP and Prime Minister Modi.6 Scott Straus, a leading scholar on mass atrocities, has summarized research about risk factors for anticipating whether mass atrocities are likely to occur in a particular country, and these include: the presence of instability or armed conflict; adherence by political elites to an exclusionary ideology; and a history of discrimination (with impunity) against a particular group.7 Today instability in India is arguably geographically limited, as with the outbreak of conflict in May 2023 in Manipur. India has experienced more widespread inter-communal violence and mass atrocities in the past, with an uneven record of accountability or redress. The BJP today promotes an exclusionary nationalist ideology which privileges the rights of Hindus and presents religious minorities, particularly Muslims, as social and cultural outsiders, and as political and physical threats. This is demonstrated through discriminatory legislation, and a barrage of hate speech, including by political and religious leaders, that has tipped into outright incitement to violence. If nothing is done to address these risks, India may continue to experience a rise in the number of violent (and fatal) attacks against religious minorities, an escalation in the scale of the violence, and an increased level of state involvement in atrocities. Many countries, including the United States, view India as an important strategic partner on multiple fronts, including economically and politically as a counter to China's influence in the region. This can make discussions of mass atrocity risk more sensitive, but it should also demonstrate the ways in which mass atrocities in India could reverberate. For example, violence in states along India’s borders with Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Burma could exacerbate insecurity in India’s neighbors. Discrimination and mass violence in India could also undermine the assumptions of stability and shared values on which global initiatives are being built.8
Topic:: Minorities, Discrimination, Narendra Modi, Atrocity Prevention, Protection, and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

90. India’s Service Sector: New Areas for Future Cooperation

Author:: Hyoungmin Han
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:: Given the growing significance of the Indo-Pacific region, the strategic importance of India is on the rise. With its considerable population and economic potential, India offers many opportunities for cooperation in various sectors. However, past cooperation between Korea and India has focused on the manufacturing sector. In order to consolidate economic ties be-tween Korea and India and to access the growing Indian market, cooperation in various industries, including services, is necessary. In this article, we will explore key aspects of India’s service industry and policy implications for better cooperation between two countries.
Topic:: Economics, International Cooperation, Markets, Bilateral Relations, and Manufacturing
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, South Korea, and Indo-Pacific

91. Korea-India Economic Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Era

Author:: Jeong Gon Kim, Kyunghoon Kim, Jonghun Pek, Yoo Jin Nam, and Wondeuk Cho
Publication Date:: 02-2024
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:: With the geopolitical and geoeconomic importance of the Indo-Pacific region in the spotlight, India's strategic value has come to the fore. The Korean government has included cooperation with India as a key task under its Indo-Pacific Strategy. This article aims to contribute to the establishment of economic cooperation with India from a medium- to long-term strategic perspective. Accordingly, this article analyzes the strategic changes of major countries towards India and India's response strategies, and the emerging agendas of economic cooperation between India and major countries. Lastly, this article proposes policy directions and key agendas for Korea-India economic cooperation.
Topic:: Economics, Bilateral Relations, Geopolitics, and Economic Cooperation
Political Geography:: India, Asia, South Korea, and Indo-Pacific

92. A Baseline Assessment of the PLA Army's Border Reinforcement Operations in the Aksai Chin in 2020 and 2021

Author:: Dennis J. Blasko
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College
Abstract:: This report analyzes the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) border reinforcement operation throughout the Aksai Chin and adjacent areas from summer 2020 to early 2021. It is based largely on analysis of Google Earth imagery and provides a baseline for further analysis of the PLA deployment along the entire Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Aksai Chin. Chinese Army units appear ready to remain in a defensive posture near the LAC the Aksai Chin indefinitely. This effort is the land domain equivalent of Chinese military maritime operations in the South China Sea and air and sea deterrent operations directed toward Taiwan.
Topic:: Armed Forces, Military, and People's Liberation Army (PLA)
Political Geography:: China, India, Xinjiang, and Aksai Chin

93. The Ongoing Genocide in Gaza

Author:: John Cherian
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: India International Centre (IIC)
Abstract:: There seems to be no end in sight to the genocidal war being waged in the Gaza Strip. As the new year dawned, more than 22,835 Gazans, the majority of them children and women, have been killed by the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF).1 The true mortality rates are, of course, much higher as at least 7,000 Palestinians remain buried under the rubble.2 In three months of fighting, one out of every 10 persons living in Gaza has been killed. As international humanitarian organisations and local eyewitness accounts have testified, the Gaza civilians were intentionally targeted by the Israeli military. The deaths of civilians and the damage to civilian infrastructure were not due to collateral damage in the fight between Israel and the Palestine militias in Gaza. After the 7 October 2023 Hamas military attack along the highly fortified border with Israel that had resulted in the deaths of 1,200 residents, Israeli leaders and top army generals had publicly vowed to hit the people of Gaza ‘with fire and brimstone’, quoting Old Testament prophets. It was the worst humiliation the Israeli army had suffered in more than 50 years. There were open calls to ‘ethnically cleanse’ Gaza and the rest of the occupied territories so that Israel could realise its long-held dream of an ‘Eretz Israel’ (Land of Israel) extending from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean Sea. Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, addressing the Israeli parliament shortly after the bloody onslaught on Gaza began, promised to fulfil ‘the prophecy of Isaiah’. The prophecy, a part of the Bible’s ‘Book of Isaiah’, speaks about the creation of a Greater Israel extending from the Nile River to the Euphrates River. In a later speech, Netanyahu said that Israel was on ‘a holy mission’ in Gaza while invoking another Old Testament story of Amalek. According to the Hebrew Bible, the kingdom of Amalek was the arch-enemy of the Israelites. Amalek was the grandson of Esau, the eldest son of Isaac. Esau is believed to be the father of Edomites, a Semitic tribe often in conflict with the Jews. According to the biblical story, God had ordered his ‘chosen people’, the Israelites, to completely obliterate the Amalekites. No Western leader condemned this blatantly ‘genocidal’ statement by the Israeli Prime Minister. Juan Cole, an American academic and expert on West Asian politics, has charged the Netanyahu government of declaring ‘a holy war of annihilation of civilians in Gaza’.3 The Israeli President, Isaac Herzog, had earlier asserted that there were ‘no innocent civilians’ in Gaza. The Israeli Defence Minister, Yoav Gallant, vowed to ‘eliminate everything’ in Gaza. The Israeli government’s ‘genocidal intent’ has become even more evident after three months of war. The number of people killed in the war on Gaza has exceeded the casualty figures of three previous major Arab–Israeli wars. In 1948, the year Israel was recognised as an independent state, around 15,000 Palestinians were killed as they were forcibly dislocated from their ancestral land. More than 20,000 people were killed when Israel invaded Lebanon to remove the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) under the leadership of Yasser Arafat from the country.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Genocide, Atrocities, Hamas, Benjamin Netanyahu, Armed Conflict, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:: Middle East, India, Israel, Palestine, and Gaza

94. Episode 04: Exporting the War on Terror: Islamophobia in Asia

Author:: Sahar Aziz and Khaled A. Beydoun
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Center for Security, Race and Rights (CSRR), Rutgers University School of Law
Abstract:: Host Sahar Aziz and Arizona State University Sandra Day O'Connor College of Law Professor Khaled Beydoun discuss the latest legal and political developments in the troubling rise of global Islamophobia in India, China, and other Asian countries. The conversation is informed by Professor Beydoun’s new book The New Crusades: Islamophobia and the Global War on Muslims.
Topic:: Politics, Law, Discrimination, Islamophobia, War on Terror, and Muslims
Political Geography:: China, India, and Asia

95. Pivotal States, Not Swing States

Author:: Mohammed Soliman
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Baku Dialogues
Institution:: ADA University
Abstract:: The United States, in particular, is grappling with the challenges posed by the emerging multipolar order and the need to secure a favorable position in this evolving global landscape. As part of this contemplation, there is a growing recognition of the significance of “swing states” like India, Türkiye, Indonesia, Vietnam, Brazil, and Saudi Arabia in shaping the outcome of the postCold War order and the broader global system. However, framing these consequential states as “swing states” in and of itself carries significant risk, as it implies that the only choice they have is a binary one: pick the U.S.-led West or the China and Russia axis. In reality, their strategic posture is far away from choosing one side over the other; at the same time, they are not behaving similarly to the Cold War-era non-aligned movement that was inherently anti-Western and leaned towards the Soviet-led block under the disguise of anti-colonialism solidarity. The appropriate strategic name for this growing list of countries in the present-day is “pivotal states,” and includes Brazil, India, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye, chosen for their strategic geography, demography, and overall strength. Alongside these, there are other pivotal states with unique roles, such as Vietnam due to its position in the global supply chain and Egypt as a maritime bottleneck between the East and West. It is now widely acknowledged that international stability and the outcome of the U.S.-China neoCold War are influenced by factors beyond the behavior of Russia and China. But one crucial factor that remains underappreciated is that the behavior of pivotal states— which are determined to chart an independent course—will play vital roles in shaping the future of the international system. It is essential to recognize that these pivotal states inherently reject the bipolarity and “Cold War 2.0” framing that dominates the perspectives of, for example, Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo.
Topic:: Geopolitics, Strategic Competition, Strategic Stability, and Multipolarity
Political Geography:: Russia, Indonesia, Turkey, India, Brazil, Vietnam, Saudi Arabia, and United States of America

96. Weathering the Crisis

Author:: Akhil Ramesh and Michael Rubin
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Comparative Connections
Institution:: Pacific Forum
Abstract:: For the US-India bilateral relationship, the first four months of 2024 was a repeat of the quarters of the last three years. Differences in attitudes toward Cold-War era partnerships surfaced and upset the calm in bilateral relations. Still, there were significant strides in the economic and trade front. The dispute over the killing in Canada of a Khalistan separatist designated a terrorist by India marred the security partnership. Still, Washington continued diplomatically to support India vis-à-vis China’s provocations such as bestowing Chinese names on Indian towns. Visits by top American military brass underscored the growing security cooperation between the two democracies. The nature of electoral democracy, though, created some diplomatic tension. While heated rhetoric and polemical campaign statements in India provided fodder for the Western press to question the supposed “values-based” partnership with India, President Joe Biden’s suggestion that Japan and India were as xenophobic and anti-immigrant as Russia and China angered many in India. These episodes were minor squalls compared to the hurricanes the bilateral relationship has endured over the last 50 or 60 years. While elections and security divergences made headlines, the relationship continued to build on pillars of trade and technology cooperation.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Elections, and Trade
Political Geography:: South Asia, India, North America, and United States of America

97. How the People’s Science Movement Is Bringing Joy and Equality to Education in Karnataka, India

Author:: Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
Publication Date:: 02-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
Abstract:: Our latest dossier explores how the People’s Science Movement is challenging the neoliberal approach to education and advancing critical, scientific learning in Karnataka, India.
Topic:: Education, Neoliberalism, Equality, and People's Science Movement
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

98. The Telugu People’s Struggle for Land and Dreams

Author:: Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
Abstract:: This dossier catalogues the immense cultural production of the Telangana armed struggle in India and how it inspired the people to participate in cycles of protest against colonialism, monarchy, and landlordism, building on the idea that art and culture are both produced by the class struggle and, in turn, produce the class struggle. In a society that was prevented from being fully literate, storytelling and songs played a key role in building confidence and organisation.
Topic:: Social Movement, Protests, Land Rights, and Telugu
Political Geography:: South Asia and India

99. Can Europe and India deepen ties through critical raw materials cooperation?

Author:: Emil Havstrup and Louise Van Schaik
Publication Date:: 08-2024
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:: Europe and India are rapidly embarking on a clean energy transition with the share of renewables skyrocketing in their respective energy mixes. This heightens concerns about dependence on critical raw materials (CRMs), such as cobalt, nickel and graphite, that are needed for renewable energy technologies, and whose supply chains are largely dominated by singular exporters such as China. It is not the case that Europe and India lack reserves of, for instance, lithium, but there are barriers to extracting them, and even if new mining activities are undertaken, it will take time. This policy brief reviews how the two parties are juggling with their dependence on China-dominated CRM dependent value chains. Both realise that derisking, diversification and/or decoupling cannot be easily and quickly achieved. While the EU is nervous about being drawn into a wider regional conflict between the United States and China, India’s attempts to deal with the China threat has drawn it into various issue-based strategic partnerships. It makes sense for the two blocs to reframe the discussion on de-risking and instead cooperate on joint investments into Research & Development into alternatives to some CRMs, developing competitive supply chains for new materials and cooperating on the re-use and recycling of existing materials.
Topic:: International Relations, International Cooperation, Geopolitics, Renewable Energy, and Raw Materials
Political Geography:: China, Europe, India, and Asia

100. Indian Ocean Security Means More Will Be Asked of US Allies

Author:: Benjamin Reilly and Peter Dean
Publication Date:: 02-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: East-West Center
Abstract:: Ongoing disruptions in the Gulf of Aden and the vulnerability of other key Indian Ocean bottlenecks in the Straits of Hormuz or Malacca... [H]ighlight an inconvenient truth: the country with the most to lose from a disruption of the Indian Ocean today is China...
Topic:: Security, Maritime Commerce, and Economy
Political Geography:: China, India, Australia, West Asia, United States of America, and Indian Ocean

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS