Political Geography: Eastern Europe / Topic: Government

1. Anti-corruption Capacities of Public Procurement in the Security Sector: Report for 2020 and 2021 - Part I

Author:: Erdin Halimić, Dajana Bašić, and Aleksandar Maletić
Publication Date:: 01-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Centre for Security Studies
Abstract:: Investigations into corruption in the security sector are often focused on contracting, that is, on the stages of public procurement in which civil servants prepare and sign contracts with suppliers of equipment and services and manage their implementation. However, in order to discover the functioning mechanisms of public procurement and potential critical points for the emergence of corruption, we must investigate the entire public procurement procedure and then prepare appropriate conclusions and recommendations for its suppression. In our case, this implies an indepth analysis of relevant normative acts, practices and challenges in public procurement in the security sector. The report was made on the basis of qualitative and quantitative parameters based on which the anti-corruption capacities of 13 security sector institutions from different levels of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were measured and evaluated. The time period covered by the research refers to two years, 2020 and 2021.
Topic:: Security, Corruption, Government, Law Enforcement, Institutions, and Public Procurement
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina

2. Anti-corruption Capacities of Public Procurement in the Security Sector: Report for 2020 and 2021 - Part II

Author:: Erdin Halimić, Ajla Popović, Haris Vejezović, Aleksandar Maletić, and Dajana Bašić
Publication Date:: 01-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Centre for Security Studies
Abstract:: Investigations into corruption in the security sector are often focused on contracting, that is, on the stages of public procurement in which civil servants prepare and sign contracts with suppliers of equipment and services and manage their implementation. However, in order to discover the functioning mechanisms of public procurement and potential critical points for the emergence of corruption, we must investigate the entire public procurement procedure and then prepare appropriate conclusions and recommendations for its suppression. In our case, this implies an indepth analysis of relevant normative acts, practices and challenges in public procurement in the security sector. The report was made on the basis of qualitative and quantitative parameters based on which the anti-corruption capacities of 12 security sector institutions from different levels of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were measured and evaluated. The time period covered by the research refers to two years, 2020 and 2021.
Topic:: Security, Corruption, Government, Law Enforcement, Institutions, and Public Procurement
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina

3. Latvia’s Climate Policy

Author:: Kinga Raś
Publication Date:: 04-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: At the end of January 2020, the Latvian government approved the country’s climate neutrality strategy until 2050, and in March it supported even more ambitious EU targets for reducing emissions. These declarations are connected with the need for a thorough transformation of the economy. The Latvian authorities combine these changes with the outlook for economic growth, including the development of the newest technologies in the energy sector. Latvia’s approach, subordinated to climate action, coincides with the policy of other countries in the region, but differs from the Polish vision of energy transformation.
Topic:: Climate Change, Environment, Government, Europe Union, and Carbon Emissions
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Poland, and Latvia

4. Migration Trends in Eastern Europe during COVID-19

Author:: Iulia Joja, Gonul Tol, Adam Eberhardt, and Holger Fabian Sahl
Publication Date:: 05-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Middle East Institute (MEI)
Abstract:: COVID-19 has highlighted the vulnerabilities of refugees and migrants around the world, many of whom have been caught in transit as governments shut down borders. The virus is also placing increasing strain on migration pressure points, while enabling new migration trends to emerge. This has been particularly evident in Eastern Europe. Thousands of refugees gathered at the Turkey-Greece border at the beginning of the crisis, hoping to cross European Union borders. Meanwhile, many Ukrainian migrants living and working in Poland are leaving the EU to reach their homes and families. The Middle East Institute (MEI) is pleased to host a virtual panel in collaboration with the Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW) in Poland. The event will focus on the challenges facing refugees and migrants in Eastern Europe during COVID-19, as well as the response of governments and the European Union. What are the economic, political and security implications for the region? Are policymakers considering refugees in their COVID-19 preparations? Is the pandemic fueling anti-refugee sentiment in countries like Poland and Turkey? What is the role of the European Union in coordinating a regional response, and is it delivering?
Topic:: Government, Migration, European Union, Refugees, Displacement, and COVID-19
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, Eastern Europe, Greece, and Poland

5. The Rule of Law in the EU Budget: Backing Down Is Too High a Price for the EU to Pay

Author:: Milan Nič, Roderick Parkes, Siawomir Sierakowski, and Shahin Vallée
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
Abstract:: Hungary and Poland are threatening to veto the EU’s new budgetary arrangements if other governments apply the rule of law mechanism to them. It is becoming clear, however, that the new EU financial framework, and the much-heralded recovery fund, are more vital to Eastern Europe than to Europe’s South and that time is not on the side of the former. Awareness of this fact allows for a cool assessment of the pair’s bargaining positions – and of the precedent that any hasty resolution to the crisis will set.
Topic:: Government, Budget, European Union, and Rule of Law
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

6. Migration trends and challenges in the Visegrad countries

Author:: Sandor Gallai
Publication Date:: 10-2020
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:: Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:: The Visegrad region experienced the aging and the decline of its population in the past 30 years, as happened in other Eastern European countries. That development was aggravated by net emigration, the scale of which was overestimated at the time of the political regime changes and underestimated after the EU Eastern expansion. This article presents and analyses the main trends in migration to and from the Visegrad countries, and tries to prove that political considerations and public attitudes often prevented the formulation of appropriate government responses. Research on the motivations for emigration found that economic opportunities prevail as the most decisive factor in individual decisions on migration. Therefore, at the governmental level, the prospect of success to slow down or reverse the flow of net emigration depends on economic convergence between the Visegrad countries and the West.
Topic:: Demographics, Government, Migration, and Population
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

7. The Structure of Government Elites within the Regime of Alaksandar Lukashenka

Author:: Francisak Viacorka
Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
Institution:: Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
Abstract:: his paper reveals the structure and trends within Belarus government elites in the period between 1994 and 2017. Belarus remains one of the least free and under-reformed post-Soviet countries yet it seems to have a strong functional bureaucracy. Seventy-еight per- cent of ministers and state committee chairs are employed according to their professional ca- reer background. The share of appointees with specialized education rose from 71.9% to 86% during Lukashenka’s presidency. So the author assumes that in the case of unrest or political transition, a bureaucratic apparatus composed of specialized professionals could play a stabi- lizing role. This research also shows slight indigenization1 and westernization of Nomenklatura2. The number of officials born in Belarus increased from 71.9% to 81.4%, and those from the west- ern Horadnia region increased from 4% to 20%. At the same time, the research revealed, that the Government continues to have an inadequate representation of women (<5%), and other parties (<11%); meanwhile, it has an increasing presence of professional military (from 15% to 20%).
Topic:: Government, Minorities, Transition, and Elites
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, and Belarus

8. Leaders, Managers or Administrators – Mayors in Central and Eastern European Countries

Author:: Karolina Tybuchowska-Hartlinska
Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: This paper is the first step to fill a gap in the studies on the position of mayors in European local government systems. The first part of the paper will be devoted to critical analysis of theoretical and methodological studies on the position and selection of mayors. The second part will focus on verifying the proposed hypotheses. In the conclusions, an at- tempt will be made to present a profile of local democracy in CEE countries.
Topic:: Government, Governance, and Local
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, and Central Europe

9. Kosovo elections – moving towards better future?

Author:: Jana Juzová
Publication Date:: 11-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Europeum Institute for European Policy
Abstract:: The result of the Kosovo parliamentary elections this month brought rather unexpected result, casting the ruling parties to opposition and ending 12 years of PDK-led governance in Kosovo, representing thus the first real governmental change since Kosovo’s independence. The winner of the elections, the Vetevendosje (“Self-Determination”) party, has become a part of the government for the very first time, with a very narrow victory over another opposition party, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). So far, the new government seems to be good news for Kosovo, possibly leading to turning things around, especially with regard to the fight against corruption and crime, economic issues and services for citizens. The new political elites inherited from their predecessors plenty of not only internal but also external challenges, most urgently the stalled dialogue with Serbia on normalization of relations between the two countries.
Topic:: Corruption, Government, Politics, and Elections
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

10. Hebrew and Polish: Mutual Influences and Their Contribution in Creating a Polish Criminals’ Jargon

Author:: Adam Adamczyk
Publication Date:: 01-2018
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:: Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:: In this paper I wish to present the complexity of Jewish-Polish relations from the 19th century until the interwar period, with emphasis on sociolinguistic issues. I will illus- trate the circumstances of the contact between the Polish and Hebrew languages. Poles and Jews, who lived side by side, developed successful relationships, but mainly in the criminal underworld. That was reflected in a sociolect – a dialect of criminals that constituted a mix- ture of Polish, Yiddish, Russian, and several other languages, including quite a few Hebrew words, which with time adopted new meanings. Moreover, I will provide some examples of Hebrew words used in Polish criminal jargon, as well as those which have been coined in every-day Polish. Then I will refer to some Hebrew words that are not connected with a world of crime and are still in use in spoken Polish.
Topic:: Crime, Government, Religion, and Language
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Poland, and Central Europe

11. The Search for Stability in Eastern Europe: Policy Options for Canada

Author:: Andrew Rasiulis
Publication Date:: 03-2016
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:: In 2014, a war started in Ukraine that has led to a current death toll of approximately 8000 people. This war was the result of a climax of ongoing challenges in Eastern Europe in its transition from the post-Soviet era. While the region as a whole undertook divergent paths, with some states joining NATO and the EU, Ukraine has struggled for 25 years to find its bearing. Caught between its historical connections to both West and East, and a failure to solve the problem of an oligarchic based economy with a chronic national debt, Ukraine today is the focus of the search for stability in Eastern Europe. Canada and its NATO Allies are fully engaged in assisting Ukraine with its challenges of reform. The Minsk 2 process, established in early 2015, has stabilized the fighting, but a diplomatic resolution remains elusive. Faced with the prospect of either further war, frozen conflict or diplomatic resolution, Canada's new Liberal Government has the option to raise its diplomatic game and bring Canada's experience of ethnic and regional diversity to the negotiating table. Such a contribution to stability would well serve Canada's national interests.
Topic:: NATO, Diplomacy, Government, European Union, and Political stability
Political Geography:: Ukraine, Canada, and Eastern Europe

12. A successful alternative in the reformation of local self-government system in Ukraine

Author:: Galyna Dimlyevych
Publication Date:: 12-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Institution:: Faculty of Political Science and International Studies, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Abstract:: I rrespective of, whether the Ukraine is presidential or parliamentary republic, whether the wide or narrow coalition is formed, whether parties are united or separated the standard of people’s life will not change essentially. The only and real way out of deep crisis is a fundamental reformation of the system of local self-government in Ukraine. Such a way out was offered by me as the deputy of Svyatoshynsky district in the city of Kyiv council (from 1998 to 2006) in the form of the Declaration about local selfgovernment, which was proclaimed on March 30, 2005 in conditions of the opposition against lawlessness and corruption in local authorities. In particular, I as the local MP took extreme measures in the framework of the law: speeches and protests at each Council meeting, organized pickets, for which authorities have repeatedly threatened and harassed me (there are supporting documents). Later I organized and even was the chairman of the local parliamentary group “Justice”. But after the official support of the group by almost a half of the members of the Council (its requests have been already signed by 25 of the 60 deputies) the authorities was seriously frightened and actively undertook by different ways (the infiltration of stooges, threats, intimidation, bribery, slander and provocation) to dissolve the group up to its illegal ban. And as the result of my hard years of struggle a document was: Declaration about local self-government. By the way, at one time, in 2005, many members of the district councils of Kyiv supported me, but they were afraid to sign a declaration drawn up an prepared by me. So I did not hesitate to have signed and declared it on my own behalf on March 30, 2005.
Topic:: Government, Governance, and Coalition
Political Geography:: Ukraine and Eastern Europe

13. Czech Point: A Mid-Term Evaluation of an On-Going Small State Presidency

Author:: Tiia Lehtonen
Publication Date:: 03-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Finnish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: The Czech EU Presidency has now reached its mid-term. It can be reasonably argued that the change of Presidency came at a challenging time for both the EU and the Czech Republic itself. The initial priorities of the Czech Presidency, the 'three Es', were ambitious to say the least, and the provisional results in implementing them are consequently modest at best. The internal disorder of the Czech administration has had a visible and rather negative impact on its competence to run a successful Presidency. The lack of a genuine consensus on various EU issues within the Czech political elite and the autonomy of President Klaus have resulted in problems in terms of satisfactorily driving forward the individual priorities and the Union as a whole. As calls for protectionism have increased in the light of the recession, it has become ever more difficult for the Czech Republic to take a leading position in the EU within the realm of the economic crisis and to find common grounds for all member states. The first European Council meeting under the Czech Presidency will be held on 19th and 20th March in Brussels. Another significant opportunity for the Czechs to exert an influence will be during the G20 Summit in early April.
Topic:: Democratization, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Czech Republic

14. Addressing the Transnistrian Conflict: Competing Stances of Moldova's Political Parties and Expert Community

Author:: Oleh Protsyk, Andrei Volentir, and Igor Bucătaru
Publication Date:: 01-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:: The Transnistrian conflict continues to be one of the most important issues facing political parties and the expert community in Moldova. Since the start of the post-communist transition period, political parties have routinely felt the necessity to articulate their approaches to solving the conflict. During both electoral and inter-electoral periods, the Transnistrian issue has occupied a special position on the country's political agenda. This has required political parties to take a stance on the issue. Similarly, the country's expert community, which includes academics, political analysts, and media commentators, has struggled with the need to explain and interpret the conflict to their audiences. In presenting such interpretations for the general public, they could not avoid formulating their own positions on potential causes of and solutions to the conflict.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Moldova and Eastern Europe

15. Corruption, Democracy, and Investment in Ukraine

Author:: Adrian Karatnycky and Jan Neutze
Publication Date:: 10-2007
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Atlantic Council
Abstract:: Ukraine is facing a considerable challenge from corruption, which our research showed is present in nearly all levels of government and politics, the judiciary, and business. It is the view of the Task Force that corruption has become so severe that it has the potential to threaten Ukraine's political and economic stability as well as the country's European Union membership aspirations. While Ukraine has made progress since the Orange Revolution in areas such as developing an independent media and a more active civil society, its political leaders have failed to fulfi ll the core promise of the Revolution by effectively addressing corruption. Instead, our research revealed that public suspicions about corruption at the highest reaches of political power are widespread in Ukraine.
Topic:: Corruption, Democratization, Government, and Political Economy
Political Geography:: Ukraine and Eastern Europe

16. Serbia's New Government: Turning from Europe

Publication Date:: 05-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Serbia finally has a new government but one that is deeply divided between pro-Western and nationalist forces. Facing two difficult issues–Kosovo status and cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)–its choice is between moving towards European integration or on to a more isolationist path. The government's composition, deep mistrust among many of its members and the parliament's nationalist majority suggest it will follow the second option. Pro-Western forces have suffered a significant setback, the government is vulnerable to manipulation by the security services and oligarchs, and the system of divided responsibility for the security services renders unlikely serious cooperation with the ICTY, especially the arrests of Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. Although Kosovo independence could destabilise the government, it may surprise and last far longer and prove more stable than expected. The West should prepare for Serbia turning increasingly away from Europe and towards Moscow.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Nationalism
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Moscow, and Serbia

17. State Capture and Widespread Corruption in Serbia

Author:: Vesna Pesic
Publication Date:: 03-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:: Large-scale systemic state capture, which is the root of widespread corruption, is acquiring such proportions in Serbia that it may undermine the success of its transition. 'State capture' is defined as any group or social strata, external to the state, that seizes decisive influence over state institutions and policies for its own interests and against the public good. The appropriation of state institutions and functions by the political party leadership is being carried out at an alarming rate in Serbia, as supported by research data in this paper by Vesna Pesic, an International Policy Research Fellow. The phenomenon of state capture is explored in depth looking at its background, prevalence and variety of mechanisms in Serbia today. The author concludes with policy options and recommendations to help curb corruption, address the deep mistrust expressed by the Serbian people about their political system, and to pave the way for democratic transition.
Topic:: International Relations, Civil Society, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Serbia

18. The Presevo Valley of Southern Serbia alongside Kosovo: The Case for Decentralisation and Minority Protection

Author:: Beata Huska
Publication Date:: 01-2007
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:: In May 2001, the 17-month insurgency of Albanians in Southern Serbia came to an end. In the Konculj Agreement, Albanians agreed to disarm and disband the Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedja and Bujanovac (UCPMB) in exchange for the promise of amnesty for their fighters, the return of refugees, the creation of a multi-ethnic police force and the integration of Albanians into public institutions. After decades of official discrimination and exclusion from state institutions, the adoption of the Covic Plan, which foresaw the goals mentioned above, provided an opportunity to respond to Albanian grievances and win loyalty of the Albanian minority to the Serbian state. The plan drawn up by Nebojsa Covic, Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia in 2001, contained clear goals with deadlines, including “the integration of Albanians into the political, government and social system”, meaning into the police, judiciary, health services, education, municipal institutions, economy, etc. in proportion to their numbers.
Topic:: Demographics, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Albania

19. Further Towards Post-Communism? From 'Left' to Regions in Ukraine

Author:: Geir Flikke and Sergey O. Kisselyov
Publication Date:: 12-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:: This paper is based on an analysis of electoral support to left-wing movements of parties and blocs in Ukraine from 1998 to 2006. It argues that traditional left-wing ideologies and thereby the position of the left-wing parties have eroded in the political landscape of Ukraine. The authors hold that this is due not only to the decline of traditional left-wing ideologies in Ukraine's electorate, but also to the return of a strong managed party for the Eastern regions of the country.
Topic:: Development and Government
Political Geography:: Ukraine and Eastern Europe

20. Sub-regional SALW Collection Seminar

Publication Date:: 07-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:: Government, NGO and International Organisation representatives from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Montenegro participated in a sub-regional SALW (Weapons) Collection Seminar in Budva, Montenegro from 12 - 13 July 2006. The objective of the seminar was to discuss 'best practices' and share operational experience of SALW Collection activities within South Eastern Europe, in order to assist the Government of Montenegro in planning a possible SALW Collection process later this year.
Topic:: Government, Non-Governmental Organization, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Albania, and Croatia

21. Abkhazia Today

Publication Date:: 09-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Conflict over Abkhazia, squeezed between the Black Sea and the Caucasus mountains, has festered since the 1992- 1993 fighting. Internationally recognised as part of Georgia and largely destroyed, with half the pre-war population forcibly displaced, Abkhazia is establishing the institutions of an independent state. In twelve years since the ceasefire, the sides have come no closer to a settlement despite ongoing UN-mediated negotiations.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Georgia, and Abkhazia

22. Georgia's Rose Revolution: A Participant's Perspective

Author:: Giorgi Kandelaki
Publication Date:: 07-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Efforts to resist calling the 2003 events in Georgia a “revolution” were misplaced. Although the turmoil was marked by a lack of violence, a critical mass of people did come out to move the country away from the rampant corruption of the Shevardnadze regimes of 1972 to 1985 (when he was Communist Party first secretary) and 1992 to 2003 (when he was president). As president, Shevardnadze supported independent civil society groups and media outlets such as the television station Rustavi-2. His support of these groups ended in 2001, when he tried to shut down Rustavi-2. This action prompted reform-minded members of his government to form opposition parties. Before the 2003 parliamentary elections, opposition groups hoped only to gain momentum for the 2005 presidential elections. However, blatant electoral fraud, Shevardnadze's refusal to compromise, and the discipline of nonviolent opposition groups precipitated his exit. The youth group Kmara (Enough) played an important role in combating widespread political apathy among the Georgian public and youth in particular. The successful mobilization of so many young people continues to reverberate as former Kmara members maintain their interest in politics. Saakashvili's National Movement party believed that its success depended on radicalizing the political sphere and thereby broadening political participation. It was particularly effective at increasing political participation among provincial populations. Georgia's independent media, particularly Rustavi-2, supported the Rose Revolution by providing a forum for opposition parties and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) critical of the government. The channel also co-funded and broadcast exit polls that contradicted the official election results. Although a few civil society organizations did play significant roles in the revolution, most were constrained by foreign funding priorities and their own elitism. Similarly, foreign actors played a limited role because they lacked information or were overly cautious about fostering significant political change. There was no violence because the various security forces chose not to respond to public demonstrations with force. Three main factors drove their decision: 1) The security forces were accustomed to responding to democratic pressures and not defending autocratic rule; 2) a divided ruling party could not speak with one voice; 3) opposition groups, including Kmara, made strong efforts to build sympathy for their cause while downplaying the threat posed by political change. International actors can best support democratic transitions by targeting assistance to nationwide election watchdogs, such as the International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy (ISFED), that can carry out parallel vote tabulations (PVT). Ideally, large numbers of observers from similar organizations outside Georgia should be deployed, since they can be more outspoken about electoral fraud.
Topic:: Civil Society, Democratization, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Georgia

23. Serbia's New Constitution: Democracy Going Backwards

Publication Date:: 11-2006
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Premier Vojislav Kostunica won a high stakes gamble with passage of Serbia's draft constitution in the 28-29 October referendum. However, numerous credible reports indicate the process was deeply flawed and the result falsified. The referendum cannot be characterised as either free or fair. The new constitution could prove a step away from European values. It opens the door to increased centralisation of the state, curtailment of human and minority rights, destruction of judicial independence and potentially even a parliamentary dictatorship. The process used to pass the constitution illustrates how Kostunica continues to transform Serbia into something closer to illiberal authoritarianism than liberal democracy; yet, the referendum was welcomed by the Council of Europe, the European Union and the United States.
Topic:: Democratization, Development, and Government
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, Eastern Europe, and Serbia

24. Moldova's Uncertain Future

Publication Date:: 08-2006
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: With Romania's expected entry into the European Union in 2007, the EU will share a border with Moldova, a weak state divided by conflict and plagued by corruption and organised crime. Moldova's leadership has declared its desire to join the EU, but its commitment to European values is suspect, and efforts to resolve its dispute with the breakaway region of Transdniestria have failed to end a damaging stalemate that has persisted for fifteen years. Young people have little confidence in the country's future and are leaving at an alarming rate. If Moldova is to become a stable part of the EU's neighbourhood, there will need to be much greater international engagement, not only in conflict resolution but in spurring domestic reforms to help make the country more attractive to its citizens.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and International Organization
Political Geography:: Europe, Moldova, Eastern Europe, and Romania

25. Recent Commentary: Viktor's Choice - Who Will Form Ukraine's Parliamentary Majority?

Author:: Steve Pifer
Publication Date:: 04-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:: What a difference a year makes. The 2004 Ukrainian presidential election entailed massive fraud, sent hundreds of thousands of protesters into the streets, and sparked a revolution. The March 26 parliamentary elections, by contrast, were strikingly calm and ordinary. The Orange Revolution's main hero, President Viktor Yushchenko, saw his party, Our Ukraine, come in a disappointing third. He nevertheless remains in the driver's seat in deciding who will make up the ruling coalition in the next Rada (parliament).
Topic:: Civil Society and Government
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Ukraine, Eastern Europe, and Asia

26. 'Towards Ratification': Conference on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities

Author:: Tom Trier and Eleonora Sambasile
Publication Date:: 12-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:: With resolution 1415 of January 2005, the Council of Europe encouraged Georgia to keep up with its commitments and obligations following the change of leadership with the 'Rose Revolution', inter alia, by recommending that the Georgian Parliament sign and/or ratify a number of pending European conventions, honouring the obligations made when Georgia joined the Council of Europe in 1999. In the resolution, the Council of Europe urges Georgia to: a. sign and ratify the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages and the European Outline Convention on Transfrontier Co-operation between Territorial Communities or Authorities, before September 2005; and to b. ratify the revised European Social Charter and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, also before September 2005.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

27. Living with the Legacy: SALW Survey Republic of Serbia

Publication Date:: 03-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:: This survey represents the findings of a comprehensive assessment of the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) situation in the Republic of Serbia. It examines the distribution of SALW; the impact of SALW on individuals, communities and the state; public perceptions of SALW and security; and the capacity of the state to control proliferation and misuse.
Topic:: Arms Control and Proliferation, Civil Society, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Serbia

28. Bi-Annual Report: 01 July - 31 December 2004

Publication Date:: 01-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:: In November 2001 the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe adopted a Regional Implementation Plan on Combating the Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons1 in South Eastern Europe, which provides a framework of approaches and measures to tackle SALW issues that can be adopted by the countries of the region and supported by international organisations and bi-lateral donors. The Implementation Plan included provision for the establishment of a regional clearinghouse to support its implementation, and on the basis of this mandate SEESAC was officially launched in Belgrade on the 08 May 2002 as a joint UNDP and Stability Pact initiative.
Topic:: Civil Society, Development, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

29. Competition Law and Policy in Turkey

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:: The evolution of Turkey's economy from a government-controlled regime to market-based competition led to the enactment in 1994 of the Act on the Protection of Competition (“Competition Act”) and the creation of the Turkish Competition Authority (“TCA”). Final impetus for the legislation was Turkey's negotiation of a customs union agreement with the European Union, which obliged Turkey to enact the EU's standard competition provisions as its own law and to establish an agency to enforce them.
Topic:: Economics, Government, and Markets
Political Geography:: Turkey and Eastern Europe

30. Economic Survey of Hungary, 2005

Publication Date:: 07-2005
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:: The composition of growth of the Hungarian economy has become healthier and real convergence looks set to be on a sustainable path. While most reforms to establish a flourishing market economy have been carried out and the current government is launching a new reform initiative of "100 Steps", more needs to be done in two broad areas in order to maintain high growth: Achieving a smooth entry into the euro area: Frequently missed policy targets, tensions between the government and the Central Bank and stubbornly high twin deficits have established an unhealthy climate of financial volatility, which contrasts with and may even risk threatening the rather smooth process of real convergence. Increasing trend growth by both raising the employment potential and trend productivity growth: A large share of Hungarians with some work capacity is not working in part because of the way social benefits are designed. Low employment is aggravated by impediments to regional mobility of the labour force. Hungary needs to move further up the value added chain. This process for the time being rests very much on investments by foreign companies while innovative activities and commercial applications of own research remain limited.
Topic:: Development, Economics, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Hungary

31. Political Alternation, Regardless of Ideology, Diminishes Influence Buying: Lessons from Transitions in Former Communist States

Author:: Karla Hoff, Shale Horowitz, and Branko Milanovic
Publication Date:: 01-2005
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:: The Relationship between Alternation in Power and Governance: In many countries, for many firms, it is more profitable to pay off influential politicians to obtain property rights protection à la carte than to rely on existing rules of the game, or to support new institutions that would provide general protection of property rights. This is particularly likely to be the case in the early stages of economic liberalization and the transition to democracy, when state institutions and legal systems are too weak to check executive power, legal boundaries on corruption are not well-defined, and institutions to protect private property rights may be undeveloped. What factors can make influence buying less profitable? The most direct way to break the grip on state power of private interests is through the alternation of officeholders with new political players. Businesses often have “dedicated” relationships with specific political parties or politicians, but if “their” party or leader loses power, businesses' investments in influence may be wasted, since the new officeholders will not be beholden to them and may even punish them. It is true that when businesses expect political turnover, they may respond by trying to influence the entire political spectrum of parties. But attempting to influence all political players is prohibitively costly if there are many parties with widely different political ideologies. In that case, the most successful strategy for influence seekers would be to accept more transparent and equitable rules of competition and checks on arbitrary state action—a rule of law.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

32. Bridging Kosovo's Mitrovica Divide

Publication Date:: 09-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The international community has properly decreed that Kosovo's final status must not involve division of its territory. But this declaration has not been followed by sufficient action. Belgrade's policy of pursuing some form of partition is far advanced in the restive northern city of Mitrovica and its hinterland, and a major security, political and financial effort is required to save the situation. Capacity should be built immediately, and its implementation should begin once the Contact Group has declared its support for Kosovo's future as a functional, conditionally independent state within its present borders.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

33. The Black Sea as Epicentre of the Aftershocks of the EU's Earthquake

Author:: Michael Emerson
Publication Date:: 07-2005
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:: It so happens that the epicentre of the EU's referenda earthquake – by way of its external impact – has now been located exactly in the middle of the Black Sea. Paradoxically, this comes at the same time that the region has begun to show signs of possibly getting a grip on itself.
Topic:: Government and International Organization
Political Geography:: Turkey, Ukraine, Eastern Europe, Bulgaria, and Romania

34. Border Management in the Kosovo-Southern Serbia-fYR Macedonia Vortex: a Local Perspective

Author:: Henry Bolton
Publication Date:: 03-2005
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: EastWest Institute
Abstract:: The impositions of firstly, the international border between the fYR Macedonia and Yugoslavia in 1992, and secondly the conversion of Kosovo's Administrative Boundary Line (the ABL), between the province of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia, into a de-facto border in 1999, have had significant impacts on the social and economic lives of the predominantly ethnic Albanian border communities of Kosovo, Serbia and fYR Macedonia within the GPKT (Gjilan/Gnjilane-Presevo-Kumanovo-Trgoviste) micro-region. The situation in the past, whereby the people of the micro-region could travel and interact freely, whether socially or commercially, has changed. Now people wishing to cross from one side of the GPKT micro-region to another, say Gjilan/Gnjiilane to Kumanovo, must cross what are, in effect, two policed and guarded borders, complete with passport checks and customs inspections.
Topic:: International Relations, Economics, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and Macedonia

35. Lessons for the Future of Civic Resistance: Georgia and Ukraine

Publication Date:: 11-2005
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Following the successes of the peaceful revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, experts are examining these movements for insights into future prospects for nonviolent civic resistance. They hope to find lessons in these successes that might hold significance for nonviolent political change in other non-democratic countries.
Topic:: Development, Government, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Ukraine, Eastern Europe, and Georgia

36. A Special Part of Europe: Nation, State and Religion among Orthodox Slavs

Author:: Biljana Vankovska and Håkan Wiberg
Publication Date:: 06-2005
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:: The paper studies how nation, state and religion – in particular: churches – are related among Orthodox South Slavs: Bulgarians, Serbs, Macedonians and Montenegrins. The close relations between (self-conceived) nations and churches go back to the Ottoman Empire, and seem to have been strengthened by the conflicts in Former Yugoslavia since 1990. The close relation between state and nation go back to how the Ottoman empire was dissolved and have also been strengthened by the same conflicts, even though all states proclaim themselves as non- discriminatory in this respect. The close relation between church and state also has long historical roots, but is more ambiguous today, with elements of competition as well as cooperation – and the latter is seen by many as having gone too far under communism. It is notable that where there are attempts to stabilise a separate identity – in Macedonia and Montenegro – establishing separate churches is a part of this on par with defining separate languages, rewriting history, etc. and the churches are seen as important national symbols even among quite secularised groups; and the same is true for the resistance against separation from the Serbian Orthodox Church.
Topic:: Development, Government, and Religion
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Montenegro

37. Cyprus Settlement Initiative Project. Addressing the Settlement of Self-Determination Conflicts through Complex Power Sharing: The case of Cyprus. Antalya, Turkey.

Author:: Tove H. Malloy and Tankut Soykan
Publication Date:: 03-2004
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:: With negotiations on the basis of the Annan Plan, complex power-sharing mechanisms were again on the agenda for the re-unification of Cyprus. Complex power-sharing mechanisms constitute an alternative approach which seeks to go beyond the traditional juxtaposition of consociational or integrative models and provide a more open approach in terms of a matrix of tools. This matrix covers multilevel governance, political representation, autonomy regimes, special rights for communities, moderating conflicts of authority, executive representation and generating equal opportunities. However, complex power-sharing arrangements cannot be achieved, nor will they take root in a society, unless they are understood, supported, and most crucially, developed further by local constituents. Hence, the parties directly involved in an attempted settlement must be enabled to take ownership of their own process and settlement. Putting the Northern Cypriot negotiation teams in this position was the overall aim of the FIRST Technical Expert Seminar on Complex Power-Sharing Mechanisms in Cyprus.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Balochistan

38. Economic Survey of Portugal, 2004

Publication Date:: 09-2004
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:: Convergence of the Portuguese economy toward the more advanced OECD economies seems to have halted in recent years, leaving a significant gap in per capita incomes. The proximate cause is low labour productivity, as employment rates across the board are substantially higher than the EU average. Nor is there a shortage of capital goods in aggregate. But capital equipment in the business sector is not always efficiently used or allocated, and new technologies are not readily adopted. Furthermore, the Portuguese labour force – even its younger members – have had less formal education than workers in other EU countries, including among the new entrants from Central and Eastern Europe, and workers in Portugal also have less access to training than in many other countries. Traditional Portuguese low value-added highly labourintensive products now face increasing competition from developing countries and from the new EU entrants.
Topic:: Development, Economics, and Government
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

39. Azerbaijan: Turning Over a New Leaf?

Publication Date:: 05-2004
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Oil-rich Azerbaijan, which borders Iran, Turkey and Russia and is still scarred from its defeat by Armenia ten years ago, gives cause for both hope and concern. The October 2003 election of Ilham Aliyev to the presidency that his late-father, Heydar, had held almost from independence, highlighted the stark choices which now face the country. Its government is a carefully designed autocratic system, which the father and former Soviet-era politburo member began to construct in the late 1960 s, with heavy reliance on family and clan members, oil revenues and patronage.
Topic:: Development, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Russia, Iran, Turkey, Eastern Europe, Armenia, and Azerbaijan

40. Capital, Labor, and the Prospects of the European Social Model in the East

Author:: Dorothee Bohle and Bela Greskovitz
Publication Date:: 05-2004
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:: During the past decade of European economic integration vastly worse standards have emerged in work conditions, industrial relations, and social welfare in Eastern Europe than in the West. Area scholars explain this divide by labor weakness caused by the ideological legacy of communism, and do not problematize the impact of transnational capital. In contrast, this essay argues that the reason why the European social model has not traveled to the East is that its socio-economic foundations, the industrial building blocks of the historical compromise between capital and labor, have not traveled either. In the West, the compromise had been rooted in capital-intensive consumer durables industries, such as car-manufacturing, and their suppliers. These sectors brought together organized and vocal labor with businesses willing to accommodate workers' demands, because for them labor had been less a problem as a cost-factor and more important as factor of demand. However, the main driving force of the eastward expansion of European capital has been the relocation of labor-intensive activities where business relies on sweating masses of workers, whose importance as consumers is marginal, and who are weak in the workplace and the marketplace. With this general conceptualization of how the emerging new European division of labor constrains the social aspects of East European market societies as a background, the essay studies the cases of Hungarian electronics and Slovak car industries in order to better understand how particular features of various leading sectors mediate the general pattern.
Topic:: Economics, Government, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

41. Explaining Labor Quiescence in Post-Communist Europe: Historical Legacies and Comparative Perspective

Author:: Stephen Crowley
Publication Date:: 05-2004
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:: Studies on the changing labor relations in post-communist countries have flourished in recent years, such that a review and analysis of what has been reported is overdue. Yet, interestingly, these studies have not reached a consensus on what they seek to explain. Indeed, some of the main questions remain under contention. First, is labor in post-communist societies weak, or (in at least some countries) strong? What should the referent be in determining strength or weakness? To the extent labor is weak, what would explain this weakness? If labor's power varies throughout the region, what would explain this variation? There have been a number of answers posed to these questions to date, but not a thorough testing of rival hypotheses. This paper will demonstrate, using a variety of measures, that labor is indeed a weak social and political act or in post-communist societies, especially when compared to labor in western Europe. This general weakness is rather surprising when one examines it against the now considerable economic and political diversity that exists in the post-communist world. The paper will then examine a number of hypotheses that have been proposed to explain labor's weakness, concluding that the institutional legacies of post-communist trade unions, and the ideological legacy of the discourse of class, best explain this overall weakness. However, the concept of legacy is itself found wanting, since it is unable to account for the extent of this weakness or the trends that have occurred in the region over time.
Topic:: Communism and Government
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

42. Party Competition in Post-Communist Europe: The Great Electoral Lottery

Author:: Abby Innes
Publication Date:: 05-2004
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:: This article suggests that the academic emphasis on rational choice and political-sociological approaches to party development has led to a misleading impression of convergence with Western patterns of programmatic competition and growing partisan identification in the Central European party political scene. As an alternative thesis, the author argues that the very character of 'transition' politics in Eastern Europe and the necessarily self-referential nature of the parliamentary game has structured party systems in those countries, and that the differences between the party systems in this region are critically related to experiences under communism (–a political-historical explanation). The paper argues that, in order to cope with a practical lack of public policy options in major areas such as the economy, parties have had little choice but to compete over operating 'styles,' rather than over substantive (ideologically based) programmatic alternatives. The development of parties incumbent in government since 1989 may be compared to the development of catch-all parties in Western Europe in terms of the competitive logic of weakening/avoiding ideological positions in order to embrace a large constituency. However, successful parties in Eastern Europe lack the 'baggage' of an ideological past and the history of mass membership and a class or denominational clientele – their defining characteristic is that they try to appeal to all of the people all of the time.
Topic:: Education, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

43. The Ethnopolitical Dynamics of Elections

Author:: Stefan Wolff
Publication Date:: 09-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:: Elections are a key element in any political process because of their rule-legitimating function. They are, therefore, frequently used instruments at different levels of the political process (from local government to presidential elections) and in most types of political systems (from democracies to single-party totalitarian systems). In democratic and democratizing systems in particular, elections serve a variety of different purposes in addition to legitimating rule, including providing an institution for the expression of the popular will and providing mechanisms for peaceful change in government.
Topic:: Democratization, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

44. The Role of Civilians in National Security Structures - The Bulgarian Experience

Author:: Velizar Shalamanov
Publication Date:: 08-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: The strengthening of the democratic and civilian control of the security sector has been an important policy issue on the agenda of the international community throughout the last decade. A key dimension in this respect is the role of civilians in the formulation and conduct of national security policy.
Topic:: Security, Civil Society, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Bulgaria

45. The Role of Civilians in Security and Defence Policy Making - The Case of the Czech Republic

Author:: Marie Vlachová
Publication Date:: 08-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: Formal and institutional framework of democratic control of armed forces has been installed in the Czech Republic – roles, responsibilities and powers of security sector institutions/actors are determined by law.
Topic:: Security, Civil Society, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Czech Republic

46. The Integration of Women into the Czech Armed Forces

Author:: Marie Vlachová
Publication Date:: 05-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: In the mid-1980s, only three per cent of Czechoslovak women served in the professional corps. By the turn of the millennium, their number had increased to ten per cent. The process of a slow, but steady integration of women into the Czechoslovak/Czech armed forces, its present state and future perspectives are described in this study.
Topic:: Security, Gender Issues, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

47. The Professionalisation of the Czech Armed Forces

Author:: Marie Vlachová
Publication Date:: 05-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: Throughout modern history, the fate of the Czech nation has always been determined by politicians and not the armed forces. Czech soldiers have seldom fought for "their cause", i.e. one with which they are able to identify fully. The existence of Czechoslovakia's pre-war army, which was supposed to guarantee national sovereignty, was too short-lived, ending unimpressively when the political representation decided to demobilize prior to the country's occupation by the Nazis. The First Republic tradition was not sufficient to overcome widespread anti-military sentiments, which were personified by the infamous Czech literary character known as "Soldier Shweik" - whose origins lie in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. During the Communist era, most people were unable to identify with a fight against imperialism, that was designed by the Communist regime as the main reason for compulsory service in the military. The fact that the army stayed away from the public resistance to the 1968 occupation of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact forces, only exacerbated the common perception that the military was no more than an obedient instrument of the Soviet Union's power politics. Even after the collapse of communism, doubts about the necessity to have an army persisted within Czech society. After November 1989, the armed forces drifted from the public.s and politician.s centre of attention for a short time. However, once it became apparent that the army would not intervene in the political transformation process; both the population and the new political representation shifted their focus towards political, economic, and also social issues.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Czech Republic

48. Management of National Security Sector - Bulgarian Experience

Author:: Anyu Angelov
Publication Date:: 03-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: The notion of national security could be perceived in a narrow meaning or in an exceptionally broad meaning. Using this term in broader sense creates opportunities of binding mutually the functions and the responsibilities of almost all state institutions, local administration and municipalities in almost all spheres of public life. But such a perception hides a danger of dilution and chaotic shift of responsibilities between agencies for some of their paramount activities. And sometimes the broader sense could mislead even governments in their decision-making process. Let me give you a brand new Bulgarian example. Recently the Supreme Administrative Court stopped temporarily one of the biggest privatisation deals- those on Bulgarian tobacco holding known as "Bulgartabac". Striving for acceleration of the privatisation process and finding no other opportunity to overrule the court's decision about a concrete buyer, the government passed a bill, in which only the parliament is authorised to make decisions on the privatisation of fifteen of the biggest state companies, among them Bulgarian Tоbacco Holding, Bulgarian Railways, Bulgarian Airlines. Those decisions cannot be protested by the prosecution and overruled by the court. The only motivation of such exclusive procedure was the "exceptional importance of these companies for the national security". The bill was adopted by the National Assembly with shake majority, but was vetoed by the President.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Bulgaria

49. Former Soviet Union: Security Sector Reform in the Southern Caucasus

Author:: Philipp Fluri
Publication Date:: 02-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:: The countries of the Southern Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) experienced seventy years of one-party centralized management of the security sector – a heritage they share with all other former Soviet Republics (though precise time spans vary). Independent state-building can be expected to be slow, and it has further been vexed by armed conflicts which are far from being permanently settled and which have led to considerable numbers of IDPs and refugees in Georgia and Azerbaijan. This specific situation has naturally slowed the build-up of security sectors much different from the local post-Soviet replica of the once union-wide complex of security services.
Topic:: Security, Defense Policy, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia

50. Building Bridges In Mostar

Publication Date:: 11-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Making another attempt to unite the divided city of Mostar has become, unexpectedly but appropriately, a very high international priority in Bosnia " Herzegovina (BiH) in 2003. By late summer, it had come to be ranked by High Representative Paddy Ashdown among his four major projects for structural reform. In each case, the High Representative appointed a foreign chairman to lead commissions composed of domestic representatives and charged with finding statebuilding solutions in the symbolically or substantively important realms of defence, intelligence, indirect taxation - and Mostar. All aim to unify divided and dysfunctional institutions. The first three commissions, which have already reported and whose draft legislation is proceeding through the various parliaments, have also sought to empower the state over the entities and their respective national establishments.
Topic:: Development, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Eastern Europe

51. Macedonia: No Room for Complacency

Publication Date:: 10-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Recent events require that policymakers revise substantially the conventional assessment that Macedonia is the foremost political “success story” of the Balkans. In fact, it is an underperforming post-conflict country still very much at risk, unable to tackle – operationally or politically -- its security challenges without upsetting an uncertain ethnic balance. Clear-eyed analysis of the dynamics driving unrest, from criminality and weak policing to an equally weak economy and corruption, is needed if a country that narrowly avoided war in 2001 is to secure long-term stability. Specifically, Macedonia cannot yet safely do without the presence of an international security force.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Balkans, and Macedonia

52. Serbian Reform Stails Again

Publication Date:: 07-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The reformist zeal displayed by the Serbian government following the 12 March 2003 assassination of Premier Zoran Djindjic appears to have dissipated. A number of important and positive steps were taken while the shock of that political murder was still fresh. Increasingly, however, their impact is being counterbalanced by actions that bring into question the government's ability to press decisive political and economic reforms home so as to achieve the goal of integration with wider European institutions.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Serbia

53. Bosnia's Brcko: Getting In, Getting On and Getting Out

Publication Date:: 06-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: It is time to consider the future of Brcko District. In particular, it is time to chart an exit strategy for the supervisory regime that will serve both to preserve and extend its and the people of Brcko's accomplishments.
Topic:: Government and Politics
Political Geography:: United States, Bosnia, and Eastern Europe

54. Kosovo's Ethnic Dilemma: The Need For A Civic Contract

Publication Date:: 05-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: A simple but effective formula exists for peace in diverse societies. It consists of a civic contract: the government recognises and supports special rights for minorities, and minorities acknowledge the authority of the government. No elements of such a contract currently exist in Kosovo. The Albanians remain reluctant to support enhanced rights for the Serb minority, and the Serb community does not recognise the authority of Kosovo's institutions. Moreover, Kosovo is not a state and the future status of the province remains unresolved. After four years of United Nations authority in Kosovo, the foundation of this civic contract and of sustainable peace has not been laid.
Topic:: Government and Politics
Political Geography:: United States, Eastern Europe, and Kosovo

55. A Marriage Of Inconvenience: Montenegro 2003

Publication Date:: 04-2003
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: It is time for new policies and new approaches on Montenegro. International engagement with that republic in recent years has brought significant positive results. It bolstered the pro-Western government of Djukanovic when it faced the threat from Milosevic. It has helped promote reforms that have set Montenegro on the way to becoming a modern democracy, with a market economy and an independent, effective criminal justice system. However, efforts to promote regional stability have been hampered by an unnecessary obsession with keeping Montenegro and Serbia in a single state. The international community's overriding interest in the region should be to find stable, long-term solutions. Cobbling together interim solutions that lack legitimacy for those who must implement them and that are unlikely, therefore, to be functional in practice, is not the way to build stability.
Topic:: Government and Politics
Political Geography:: United States and Eastern Europe

56. Minority Languages and Public Administration

Author:: Alexander H.E. Morawa
Publication Date:: 10-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:: In its views in the Diergaardt et al. v. Namibia case of 25 July 2000, the United Nations Human Rights Committee addressed a complex set of complaints relating to the rights of a small community of people residing in the Rehoboth Gebiet (area) in the vicinity of the Namibian capital Windhoeck. The case as such concerns a situation, shaped by unique historic events, that is not necessarily comparable to minority issues in Europe, and which was decided at the universal, as opposed to the regional, level of human rights protection. Nevertheless, it raises a number of issues that are of relevance beyond the given context.
Topic:: Civil Society, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

57. Political Parties in Tajikistan

Author:: Saodat Olimova and Anthony Bowyer
Publication Date:: 11-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Academy of Political Science
Abstract:: The main events that took place in Tajikistan in the first few years after independence was attained were characterized by the two diverse processes: the crises in the old political system and its consequent collapse, and the development of a new political system.The political development of sovereign Tajikistan was strongly influenced by Soviet political traditions and the stereotypes of political conduct that formed during the Soviet Union. The bipolarization of political forces at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s in the USSR did not stimulate the formation of democratic alternatives in political behavior, and in fact limited political choices to the rigid dichotomy of â€œdemocracy â€“ anti-democracy,â€ both for the electorate and the political elites, which eventually led to the breakout of civil war in Tajikistan. The complexity of the situation in Tajikistan was that the elites were just as divided and diverse as the Tajik demographic composition itself, consisting of various ethno-cultural sub-ethnic and ethno-regional groups. Immediately after independence was attained, regional elites of diverse ideological and foreign policy orientations began scrambling for power in the new sovereign state. In 1992-1993 the conflict exploded into a civil war led by two main conflicting camps â€“ the National Front and the United Tajik Opposition (UTO) (a coalition of opposition parties).During the conflict a significant shift of elites took place, as the previously governing elite of Soviet times from Soghd (formerly Leninabad) Oblast in northern Tajikistan was removed from power. The Kulyab regional elite ascended to power, and played the main role during the war in pushing out other regional elites to the periphery of power.Â
Topic:: Democratization and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

58. Election Law Compendium of Central and Eastern Europe

Publication Date:: 08-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Academy of Political Science
Abstract:: The objective of this work is to provide a comprehensive collection of the election laws of developing democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. The editor is all too conscious of the difficulty in keeping abreast of the dynamic and vast changes in democratic processes taking place in this area of the world, as reflected in the ever-changing bodies of law governing the conduct of elections.
Topic:: Democratization and Government
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

59. Globalization and the Development of Welfare States in Post-Communist Europe

Author:: Mitchell Orenstein and Martine R. Hass
Publication Date:: 02-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University
Abstract:: How has globalization influenced welfare state development in postcommunist Europe? We focus on the leading East-Central European accession states, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, and show that these states have experienced radically different welfare state developments since 1989 from their neighbors in the former Soviet Union. The first pa rt of the paper proposes that these divergent paths can be explained by a “Europe effect”. We argue that the effects of globalization have differed greatly, depending on a country's position in the international economy and geopolitical relations. We demonstrate that countries closer to the European Union have used welfare state programs to compensate citizens for the traumas of system transition and economic openness, while the welfare systems in the former Soviet states have collapsed to a far greater extent, in terms of spending and effectivness.
Topic:: Communism, Globalization, and Government
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Poland, Soviet Union, Hungary, and Czech Republic

60. Finding the Balance: The Scales of Justice in Kosovo

Publication Date:: 09-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: An independent, effective, and transparent justice system will be the cornerstone of a stable and democratic society in Kosovo. Ensuring that such a system is developed in a sustainable manner must be one of the top priorities of the United Nations Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the Provisional Institutions of Self- Government (PISG). In this report, ICG argues that although progress has been made, serious obstacles and challenges remain.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and United Nations

61. A Half-Hearted Welcome: Refugee Return to Croatia

Publication Date:: 12-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Seven years after the end of the war, the issue of refugee return continues to be contentious for Croatia. The government that came to power following parliamentary and presidential elections in January and February 2000 inherited an unsatisfactory legacy of discriminatory laws and practices from its predecessor, to the detriment in particular of ethnic Serb displaced persons and refugees. It found that once the universal international relief that greeted its victory over the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) had worn off, international pressure to remove obstacles to refugee return and reintegration had not ended.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Croatia

62. Bosnia's Alliance for (Smallish) Change

Publication Date:: 08-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Put together under the tutelage of representatives of the international community in the aftermath of the November 2000 general elections, the ten-party coalition known as the Democratic Alliance for Change has governed the larger of Bosnia Herzegovina's two entities and led the state-level Council of Ministers since early 2001. Intended by its sponsors and members to sideline the three nationalist parties that had fought the 1992-95 war and ruled their respective pieces of BiH thereafter, the Alliance was also expected to undertake thoroughgoing reforms and to provide proof that implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords might yet produce a viable state.
Topic:: Development, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

63. Macedonia's Public Secret: How Corruption Drags The Country Down

Publication Date:: 08-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Corruption in Macedonia, especially at high levels of government, is endemic. It has evolved from passive exploitation to active coercion and acquired the capacity not only to retard economic progress but also to feed organised crime and, in turn, political and communal instability. In effect, the state has come to function in important respects as a “racket”, while the racketeers thrive in a culture of impunity.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Government, and Human Rights
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Macedonia

64. Fighting to Control Yugoslavia's Military

Publication Date:: 07-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica's 24 June 2002 sacking of Yugoslav Army (VJ) Chief of the General Staff Nebojsa Pavkovic was necessary, welcome, and long overdue. The EU, U.S., and NATO acclaimed the move as an effort to assert civilian control over the military, and Kostunica indeed deserves credit for removing a significant obstacle to the country's reintegration with Europe. Nonetheless, the action was probably more the result of the ongoing power struggle between Kostunica and Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic than a genuine effort to bring the military under civilian control or dismantle the extra-constitutional parallel command structures that the post-Milosevic leadership of the country has created within the VJ.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, United Nations, and Serbia

65. Implementing Equality: The "Constituent Peoples" Decision in Bosnia Herzegovina

Publication Date:: 04-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: In July 2000, the Constitutional Court of Bosnia Herzegovina made an historic ruling requiring the two entities, the Federation of BiH and Republika Srpska (RS), to amend their constitutions to ensure the full equality of the country's three “constituent peoples” throughout its territory.
Topic:: Ethnic Conflict, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Eastern Europe

66. A Kosovo Roadmap (II): Internal Benchmarks

Publication Date:: 03-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Since Kosovo became an international protectorate under United Nations administration in June 1999, much has been done to stabilise the province and set up a functioning administration. Yet nothing has been done to address the central question that lay at the heart of the conflict in Kosovo, and which remains the issue of overriding importance for the province's inhabitants: the issue of final status.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and United Nations

67. A Kosovo Roadmap (I): Addressing Final Status

Publication Date:: 03-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Since Kosovo became an international protectorate under United Nations administration in June 1999, much has been done to stabilise the province and set up a functioning administration. Yet nothing has been done to resolve the question at the heart of the conflict in Kosovo, and which remains the issue of overriding importance for the province's inhabitants: the issue of final status.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

68. Belgrade's Lagging Reform: Cause for International Concern

Publication Date:: 03-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: For more than a decade Serbia was the driving force behind much of the instability in the Balkans. Following the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic on 5 October 2000, it was hoped that Serbia would promptly reform the external policies of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) that had caused such disruption. To date, these hopes have been substantially disappointed.
Topic:: International Relations, Defense Policy, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Balkans

69. Germany, Multilateralism,and the Eastern Enlargement of the EU

Author:: Claus Hofhansel
Publication Date:: 10-2002
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:: Since World War II, the most distinctive characteristic of German foreign policy has been its commitment to multilateralism. This commitment has served German material interests, but it has a normative basis as well. This paper analyzes German domestic support for multilateralist policies, defined in terms of the principles of indivisibility, generalized principles of conduct, and diffuse reciprocity, in the context of negotiations on the EU's eastern enlargement. Empirically, the paper focuses on the policy areas of freedom of movement for workers and agriculture. The main theoretical argument is that domestic support for multilateralist policies depends on the distributional consequences of such policies and the ability of political institutions to manage distributional conflicts. Distributional conflict undermines support for multilateralist policies. In the case of Germany, distributional conflicts among different sectors and regions of the German economy have become more severe partly, but not exclusively, due to German unification. Furthermore, German political institutions are less able to resolve such conflicts than in the past. The evidence presented here shows more intense domestic distributional conflicts on the free movement of labor issue than over agriculture, and, as expected, we see more explicitly bilateral and less multilateralist demands by unions and employers.
Topic:: Foreign Policy and Government
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, and Germany

70. The Role Of Transition Assistance: The Case Of Kosovo

Author:: Glenn Slocum
Publication Date:: 11-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Agency for International Development
Abstract:: The Center for Development Information and Evaluation (CDIE) has responsibility for conducting Agency-wide evaluations of USAID assistance topics of interest to USAID managers. In 2000, USAID initiated an evaluation of the role of transition assistance, with a specific emphasis on the role and activities of the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI). Transition assistance, as used here, refers to the OTI-administered programs providing flexible, short-term responses to help advance peaceful, democratic change in conflict-prone countries. This assistance is usually provided during the two-year critical period after conflict when countries are most vulnerable to renewed conflict or instability.
Topic:: Democratization, Development, Economics, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

71. Urban and Industrial Pollution Programs: Czech Republic Case Study

Author:: Matthew Addison, Steven Gale, Keith Forbes, and Michael Gould
Publication Date:: 04-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Agency for International Development
Abstract:: In 1995 USAID Launched the Environmental Action Program Support Project. EAPS grew out of a 1993 international conference held in Lucerne, Switzerland, to develop a joint environmental action program. The project sought to decrease environmental degradation in six central and eastern European countries that were making the transition from centrally controlled economies and authoritarian governments to open markets and more democratic institutions. The Czech Republic was the first USAID-assisted country where EAPS was implemented.
Topic:: Development, Economics, Environment, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Switzerland, and Czech Republic

72. Pathways of Property Transformation: Enterprise Network Careers in Hungary, 1988-2000 Outline of an Analytic Strategy

Author:: Balázs Vedres and David Stark
Publication Date:: 10-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy at Columbia University
Abstract:: This study analyzes the restructuring of a national economy by identifying the career pathways of its enterprises. This analysis is conducted in a setting strategically chosen as a case of rapid and profound economic transformation: the postsocialist Hungarian economy between 1988-2000. The goal of this study is to chart the multiple pathways of property transformation. Property pathways are conceptualized as the patterned sequences of change that firms undergo 1) in the composition of their ownership structure and 2) in their position within network structures of ties to other enterprises. These career pathways are neither unidirectional nor plotted in advance. The landscape and topography of the socioeconomic field are given shape and repeatedly transformed by the interaction of the multiple strategies of firms attempting to survive in the face of variable political, institutional, and market uncertainties. These different types of uncertainties will have different temporalities, and the study explores whether and how they increase or diminish in various periods. We develop and test specific hypotheses about how enterprise pathways along the compositional and positional property dimensions are related to the shifting contexts of these types of uncertainty. The core dataset for this study includes the complete ownership histories of approximately 1,800 of the largest enterprises in Hungary for a twelve year period, starting with the collapse of communism in 1989, recording each change in a company's top 25 owners on a monthly basis. Monthly entries for each enterprise also include changes in top management, boards of directors, major lines of product activity, raising or lowering of capital, and location of establishments and branch offices, as well as the dates of founding, mergers, bankruptcy, etc. Data on revenues, number of employees, and operating profit will be compiled from annual balance sheets. These rich data make it possible to map the life cycles of the business groups that are formed by network ties among enterprises, identifying not only when they arise, merge, or dissipate, but also the changing shapes of their network properties. To identify patterns of change, the study draws on sequence analysis, a research tool that makes possible the study of historical processes in an eventful way similar to historiography while retaining social scientific abstraction. Whereas sequence analysis has given us a perspective on careers as historical processes but has not been applied to business organizations, network analysis has been applied to business organizations but has not been done historically. The methodological innovation at the heart of this study is to combine the tools of sequence analysis and network analysis to yield a sequence analysis of changing network positions.
Topic:: Economics and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Hungary

73. Moldova — Communist Government

Author:: Caspar Fithin
Publication Date:: 03-2001
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxford Analytica
Abstract:: The Party of Moldovan Communists (PCM) has won full control over parliament following the February 25 general election. The decisive result has broken the country's political stalemate and allows the PCM to select the president, premier and parliamentary speaker without needing to form a coalition in the chamber. However, uncertainties over the PCM's economic policy and political priorities persist. While the PCM has a monopoly on power, this could be undermined by continued economic decline, internal party splits and a nationalist backlash against its pro-Russian orientation. The PCM will seek allies in domestic politics, and will seek to find the external partner, whether Russia or the IFIs, best able to assist in the long-term revival of the economy.
Topic:: Communism, Government, Political Economy, and Politics
Political Geography:: Moldova and Eastern Europe

74. Ukraine — Kuchma Cornered

Author:: Caspar Fithin
Publication Date:: 02-2001
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxford Analytica
Abstract:: Opposition deputies, led by former justice minister Serhiy Holovatiy, have called on President Leonid Kuchma to resign over his alleged involvement in the murder of a journalist. The scandal has provoked popular protests and divided Kuchma's non-left majority in parliament, although the work of the reformist government has not been adversely affected. The case has highlighted the absence of the rule of law and the executive's control over supposedly independent state organs. Kuchma's fate depends on his ability to retain the support of oligarchic interests, some of which have already defected. His departure would enable the popular Yushchenko to campaign for the presidency while enjoying the benefits of incumbency, albeit in a temporary capacity.
Topic:: Government and Politics
Political Geography:: Ukraine and Eastern Europe

75. Kosovo: A Strategy for Economic Development

Publication Date:: 12-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Kosovo cannot have a stable future without sustainable economic development. This report considers the task of promoting such development. After surveying the present state of the economy, it assesses the international efforts so far to lay the groundwork for future prosperity. It also considers the prospects for the former socially owned sector, including plans for privatisation and prospects for restructuring and investment.
Topic:: Economics, Emerging Markets, and Government
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

76. Macedonia's Name: Why the Dispute Matters and How to Resolve It

Publication Date:: 12-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: On 16 November 2001, Macedonia's parliament passed a set of constitutional amendments that were agreed in August, when Macedonian and Albanian minority leaders signed the Ohrid Framework Agreement. Later that day, President Trajkovski clarified the terms of an amnesty for Albanian rebels, in line with international requests.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Government, and International Cooperation
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Macedonia, and Albania

77. Bosnia: Reshaping the International Machinery

Publication Date:: 11-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: After six years and billions of dollars spent, peace implementation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains far from complete. Reshaping (ërecalibratingí, in local jargon) the international community (IC) presence is vital if the peace process is to have a successful outcome.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

78. Wages of Sin: Confronting Bosnia's Republika Srpska

Publication Date:: 10-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: By recognising Republika Srpska (RS) as a legitimate polity and constituent entity of the new Bosnia, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement embraced a contradiction. For the RS was founded as a stepping stone to a ëGreater Serbiaí and forged in atrocities against ñ and mass expulsions of ñ non-Serbs.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

79. Serbia's Transition: Reforms Under Siege

Publication Date:: 09-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The 3 August 2001 murder of former State Security (DB) official Momir Gavrilovic acted as a catalyst for the emergence of a long-hidden feud within Serbia's ruling DOS (Democratic Opposition of Serbia) coalition. Inflamed by Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica's closest advisers, the 'Gavrilovic Affair' has driven a wedge into DOS that could spell the end of the coalition in its present form. In so doing, Kostunica's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) has been exposed more clearly than before as a conservative nationalist party intent on preserving certain elements of the Milosevic regime.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Serbia

80. Montenegro: Resolving the Independence Deadlock

Publication Date:: 08-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Ten months after the fall of Slobodan Miloöević , considerable progress has been made in establishing democratic governance in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and reintegrating the country into the international community. Yet the future of the federation itself remains in doubt. The FRY is a hollow edifice whose institutions hardly function except as an address for the international community. Montenegroís authorities no longer recognise the legitimacy of the federal government. All sides agree that the status quo is unsustainable and that Montenegro and Serbia must find a new basis for their relationship.
Topic:: Government, Politics, and Sovereignty
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe

81. Albania: The State of the Nation 2001

Publication Date:: 05-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: This report describes the current situation in Albania, paying particular attention to relations with the country's Balkan neighbours, Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia and Greece. The recent upsurge in fighting in the Presevo Valley of southern Serbia and in Macedonia has damaged the reputation of all Albanians in the region and has once more raised the spectre of a Greater Albania. Consequently, the Albanian government has been at pains to stress that it does not support the ethnic Albanian insurgents and wishes to see the territorial integrity of Macedonia upheld. To this end, Tirana has requested NATO's assistance to secure the Albania-Macedonia border, and has called for a solution to the crisis through dialogue.
Topic:: International Relations, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Greece, Kosovo, Serbia, Balkans, Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, and Tirana

82. After Milosevic: A Practical Agenda for Lasting Balkans Peace

Publication Date:: 04-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Slobodan Milosevic has gone, but he has left behind him in the Balkans a bitter legacy of death, destruction and distrust. His democratic overthrow was a watershed, but the potential for renewed conflict in the region remains dangerously high, and it is vital that there be forward - looking and comprehensive action by the international community to address the continuing sources of underlying tension.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Balkans

83. Montenegro: Settling for Independence?

Publication Date:: 03-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: International relief at the fall of the regime of Slobodan Miloević has been marred by dismay at the prospect of a breakaway from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) by Montenegro. As long as Milo.ević was in power, the international community supported Montenegro.s moves to distance itself from Belgrade. With Milo.ević gone, it was widely expected that Belgrade and Podgorica could patched up their relationship, and find a satisfactory accommodation within the framework of the FRY. Montenegrin President Milo Djukanović.s decision to opt instead for independence has caused international consternation.
Topic:: Government, Politics, and Sovereignty
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, and Montenegro

84. Turning Strife to Advantage: A Blueprint to Integrate the Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Publication Date:: 03-2001
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The current attempts by the leadership of the Croat Democratic Union (HDZ) of Bosnia and Herzegovina to secede from the legal and constitutional structures of the state are the most serious challenge yet to the post-war order established by the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords.
Topic:: Diplomacy, Ethnic Conflict, and Government
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Eastern Europe

85. The New Slovak Language Law: Internal or External Politics?

Author:: Farimah Daftary and Kinga Gál
Publication Date:: 09-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:: In Central and Eastern Europe, where language is the central defining element of the ethnic group, language policy becomes the cornerstone of constructing the identity of new states. In the multiethnic state or plural democratic state, policies aimed at promoting the language of the titular nation become the primary means of validating the moral worth of one ethnic group over the others. The example of independent Slovakia illustrates the political importance of language in Central and Eastern Europe and the virulence of the conflicts which arise between majorities and minorities over language issues. The continuous disputes between the Slovak leadership and the Hungarian minority over minority issues in general, and language-related issues specifically, have shown how sensitive language demands are during the early phases of state-building. In Slovakia, where the emphasis was on the ethnic rather than the civic dimension of nationhood, language policy served a twofold purpose: by giving the Slovak language a dominant position in the state, it sought to foster Slovak ethnic identity as the identity of the Slovak nation-state; and it was at the same time a method for promoting the assimilation of non-ethnic Slovak citizens. In reality, anti-minority policies in Slovakia (or policies perceived as such) fell within a broader set of anti-opposition policies as the State attempted to extend control and establish moral monopoly over not only language but also the fields of culture, education, economy, etc.
Topic:: Development, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Slovakia

86. Central Asia and the South Caucasus: Reorientations, Internal Transitions, and Strategic Dynamics

Publication Date:: 12-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Abstract:: In April 2000, the National Intelligence Council sponsored a conference that examined the strategic dynamics of the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, and the South Caucasus countries of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The conference brought together approximately 100 government and outside experts, including officials and scholars from the countries concerned. It consisted of six panels with presentations from more than 30 academic and regional experts, followed by question-and-answer sessions. The purpose of the conference was not to arrive at a consensus but to deepen understanding of the region.
Topic:: Development and Government
Political Geography:: Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and Georgia

87. CIAO: Romania — Far-Right Ascendant

Author:: Caspar Fithin
Publication Date:: 11-2000
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Oxford Analytica
Abstract:: Leftist Ion Iliescu and far-right leader Corneliu Vadim Tudor will contest the second round of the presidential election on December 10. Tudor has a real chance of defeating Iliescu. He came a strong second in the first round, owing to disgust with the outgoing coalition, a popular anti-corruption platform and a shift away from extremist rhetoric. The PRM is an unpredictable, potentially destructive force with links to the Ceausescu era and dubious security circles and, now, the ability to obstruct reforms in parliament. Iliescu's weak credentials on reform and minority questions may hinder his attempts to form a common front against Tudor.
Topic:: Government and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Romania

88. Democracy Assistance and NGO Strategies in Post-Communist Societies

Author:: Sarah E. Mendelson and John K. Glenn
Publication Date:: 02-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:: Since the end of the Cold War, Eastern Europe and Eurasia have been host to a virtual army of Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs)-from the United States, Britain, Germany, and elsewhere in Europe-all working on various aspects of institutional development, such as helping to establish competitive political parties and elections, independent media, and civic advocacy groups, as well as trying to reduce ethnic conflict. Little is known-although much good and bad is believed-about the impact of this assistance, carried out on a transnational level in cooperation with local political and social activists. This study, based at Columbia University, was designed to address this gap.
Topic:: Democratization, Government, International Organization, and Politics
Political Geography:: Russia, United States, Europe, Eastern Europe, and Asia

89. Regional Economic Development in Eastern Europe: An Example from Poland

Author:: Raymond Struyk and Sharon Cooley
Publication Date:: 07-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Urban Institute
Abstract:: Small cities and towns are rapidly being recognized as key actors on the road to sustained economic development in the countries of Eastern Europe. Whether they are able to execute this central role will depend on their being able to undertake essential investments—which in turn requires the availability of finance and the strengthening of local administrative capacity.
Topic:: Development, Economics, and Government
Political Geography:: Europe and Eastern Europe

90. Montenegro: Which Way Next?

Publication Date:: 11-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The removal of Slobodan Milošević's regime, with its poisonous influence on the entire Balkan region, raises hopes that a host of inter-connected problems may now stand a significantly better chance of being resolved, including the future status of Kosovo and of Montenegro, both notionally still a part of the Yugoslav federation.
Topic:: Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Balkans, and Montenegro

91. Yugoslavia's Presidential Elections: The Serbian People's Moment of Truth

Publication Date:: 09-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Since the International Crisis Group's (ICG's) last paper addressing the Serbian political scene, the situation on the ground inside Serbia has changed dramatically. Once Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic announced, on 27 July 2000, the 24 September date for simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and municipal elections in Serbia, the previously fractious opposition rapidly and unexpectedly united behind the nomination of Vojislav Kostunica, a constitutional lawyer and self-styled democratic nationalist with no ties to the regime or the West.
Topic:: Government, Nationalism, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, and Serbia

92. Current Legal Status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and of Serbia and Montenegro

Publication Date:: 09-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The deteriorating relationship between Montenegro and Belgrade has raised the question of whether the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, with its two constituent republics of Serbia and Montenegro, in fact continues to exist. The answer to this question has immediate relevance to the forthcoming federal elections scheduled for 24 September 2000, and in particular the issues of: whether the government of Montenegro can legitimately boycott those elections, in the sense of refusing to co-operate in their physical conduct and encouraging Montenegrins not to vote; and whether the federal government is entitled to take any, and if so what, action in response to the Montenegrin government so deciding. This legal briefing paper seeks, in this context, to address the following questions: What precedents were set by the decisions of the European Community (EC) Arbitration Commission concerning the status of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and its Republics that might be relevant to an assessment of the current legal status of the FRY? What actions have been taken by the FRY federal government, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Serbia, or the international community that may affect the status of the FRY and the legitimacy of its government and federal institutions? What is the current status of the FRY, its government and federal institutions, and how does this affect Montenegro's obligation to participate in the 24 September 2000 federal elections?
Topic:: Government, Nationalism, and Politics
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Montenegro

93. Macedonian Government Expects Setback in Local Elections

Publication Date:: 09-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The Macedonian electorate will drag itself wearily to the polls on 10 September 2000. This year's local elections follow the 1999 presidential election, 1998 parliamentary elections, and 1996 local elections. The chronic campaign cycle, seemingly endless political sloganeering, and constant criticism from international observers have created fatigue among the electorate. As in 1996, the local elections will have hardly anything to do with running municipal governments, and everything to do with validating the current national government. Early polls indicate most voters will use the opportunity to voice their frustration against the ruling coalition.
Topic:: Government, Nationalism, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Macedonia

94. Kosovo Report Card

Publication Date:: 08-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Over its first 15 months the international mission in Kosovo has a number of accomplishments to its credit. These include negotiating an agreement with the Kosovo Liberation army (KLA) to disband and to publicly commit to hand over its weapons - although few believe the KLA's disarmament has been complete; heading off, in the early months after the war, an incipient conflict between backers of the KLA and the other major political force in Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova's Democratic League of Kosovo(LDK); creating the framework of an administrative structure for Kosovo, and mobilising humanitarian assistance that helped feed and get more than one million Kosovo refugees into homes or temporary shelters before the first post-war winter.
Topic:: Government, Politics, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Kosovo

95. Albania's Local Elections: A Test of Stability and Democracy

Publication Date:: 08-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Local elections in Albania on 1 October 2000 will mark the first test of popular support for the ruling Socialist-led coalition since it came to power following the violent uprising in 1997. The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), whose Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) will be leading the monitoring effort, deems these elections to be of critical importance. Albania's electoral process has traditionally been bedevilled by the same handicaps encountered in most other institutional areas: namely, inadequate legislation, capacity deficiencies, politicisation of the process, and lack of all round political support. It is vitally important for Albania's democracy and international reputation that this year's elections do not repeat the mistakes of the recent past.
Topic:: Security, Government, Human Rights, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Albania

96. Serbia: The Milosevic Regime on the Eve of September Elections

Publication Date:: 08-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The regime in Serbia has recovered its footing after the 1999 war with NATO and remains as hard-line as ever. Learning and gaining experience over the years has enabled the regime to “improve” its performance and become more efficient. Most analysts in Serbia agree that Milosevic will be able to stay in power indefinitely.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Economics, Government, Human Rights, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe and Serbia

97. Montenegro's Local Elections: Testing the National Temperature (Background Briefing)

Publication Date:: 05-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Local elections are to be held in Podgorica and Herceg-Novi, two of Montenegro's 21 municipalities, on 11 June 2000. Their significance is wider than the simple question of who governs the two local authorities, for these will be the first elections in Montenegro since the victory of the "For a Better Life" coalition (DZB) under president Milo Djukanovic in general elections in May 1998. For this reason the results will be widely interpreted as a comment on the performance of Djukanovic so far, and a barometer of the political mood in the republic as a whole.
Topic:: Government and Politics
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, and Montenegro

98. Bosnia's Municipal Elections 2000: Winners and Losers

Publication Date:: 04-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The international community can draw a degree of comfort from the results of Bosnia's 8 April 2000 municipal elections. Overall, the voting was free of violence and more freeand fair than any previous election held in Bosnia. Nationalism may not be on the run yet—witness the strength of indicted Bosnian Serb war criminal Radovan Karadzic's Serbian Democratic Party (SDS)—but moderate leaders are making inroads and increasing numbers of voters seem to be paying attention to their messages.
Topic:: Government, Nationalism, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Eastern Europe, and Serbia

99. What Happened to the KLA?

Publication Date:: 03-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The end of the war over Kosovo brought the transformation of the guerrilla army that started it. The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA - or UÇK in the Albanian acronym) has been formally demilitarised, but in various manifestations it remains a powerful and active element in almost every area of Kosovo life. Some welcome its continued influence; others fear it; many are concerned about it.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Albania

100. East-West Integration and the Changing German Production Regime: A Firm-Centered Approach

Author:: Katharina Bluhm
Publication Date:: 12-2000
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:: With the opening of Central Eastern Europe German firms have gained access to low labor costs in close geographical proximity. Intense debate about the impact this has had on the “German model” of capitalism has ensued. This paper argues that, in fact, production shifts are taking place in which cost-cutting motives are an important guideline. German firms, however, hesitate to aggressively utilize this new option in their internal domestic labor policy. Rather, firms tend to avoid confrontations with their employees on “job exports”. The necessity of collaboration on both sides of the border, the relative strength of workers in the domestic high-quality production system, and the constraints of industrial relations provide explanations for the moderate behavior. So far, the outcome of the bargained reorganization is that firms gain more labor flexibility, performance-related differentiation, and labor-cost rationalization without challenging the institutionalized long-term employment commitments for their core workforce.
Topic:: Economics and Government
Political Geography:: Europe, Eastern Europe, and Germany

Search

Search Constraints

Search Results

Refine your search

Topic

Political Geography

Content Type

Journal

Publishing Institution

Author

Publication Year

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS