Political Geography: Bosnia / Publication Year: within 25 Years

1. Leaving Dayton for Brussels: Reviving Bosnia’s constitutional reform

Author:: Berta López Domènech
Publication Date:: 06-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Policy Centre (EPC)
Abstract:: In December 2022, the European Council granted Bosnia and Herzegovina candidate status. However, to make EU membership a reality, Bosnia needs to address several conditions and implement major reforms. Almost three decades since the end of the Bosnian war, the country continues to be governed along sectarian lines and is overseen by an internationally appointed authority, the High Representative. Moreover, the ethnic provisions of the Dayton constitution discriminate against parts of its citizenry. This Discussion Paper stresses the need to reopen the debate on Bosnia’s constitutional reform, arguing that the EU should accompany the country’s efforts to become a fully functional and democratic state. A new constitution is vital to improving institutional functionality, streamlining decision-making, and guaranteeing equality for all citizens – all of which would ultimately allow for the closure of the Office of the High Representative. The EU should use the granting of candidate status to Bosnia as an opportunity to advance the conversation on reforming Bosnia's constitution per European democratic norms.
Topic:: Democratization, Reform, Constitution, and European Council
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

2. The Green Agenda: Providing Policy Brief breathing space for Western Balkans citizens?

Author:: Paul Hofhuis, Wouter Zweers, Giulia Cretti, and Srdja Popovic
Publication Date:: 07-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:: This Clingendael series ‘The Green Agenda for the Western Balkans’ provides an inside perspective on the EU climate ambitions for the Western Balkan Six (Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Kosovo*, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia) and the challenges ahead. In this third contribution, we analyse the state of affairs with regard to pollution. Across the Western Balkans, air, water and soil pollution levels are incredibly high. Public health is continuously jeopardised by air pollution arising from local heating sources and energy production plants. The Green Agenda for the Western Balkans aims to assist the region in tackling pollution problems and aligning the countries’ environmental quality regulation with the European acquis. This paper analyses the state of affairs with regard to air, water and soil pollution in the WB6 and examines how it affects citizens’ health and socioeconomic prospects. The policy brief argues that countries in the Western Balkans need to address a coal phase-out while simultaneously tackling energy poverty. The EU could more actively support this, not only by providing a platform for dialogue, but through supporting programmes for renewable energy provisions and infrastructure, reskilling of workers and job creation. The Sofia Declaration, that sets out the Green Agenda, needs to be complemented with measures to ensure compliance with environmental regulations, preferably by involving civil society organisations in monitoring implementation and raising public awareness of the socioeconomic costs of pollution.
Topic:: Climate Change, European Union, Pollution, and Public Health
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, Balkans, Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia

3. Bosnia to war, to Dayton, and to its slow peace

Author:: Carl Bildt
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process.
Topic:: Politics, European Union, Conflict, Transatlantic Relations, and Dayton Accords
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Eastern Europe, and United States of America

4. Hostage state: How to free Bosnia from Dayton’s paralysing grip

Author:: Majda Ruge
Publication Date:: 11-2020
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Abstract:: A quarter of a century after the Dayton agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina enjoys peace. But, in the last 15 years, the EU and US have failed to press for reform in the country, a neglect that has enabled ethno-political leaders to capture the state. Reformist political actors have carved out space for economic and governance reforms in scattered municipalities. For such initiatives to expand, however, change in the governing modus operandi is needed at higher levels of government. Restoring independence to the judiciary and strengthening the rule of law are key to the country’s future stability and success, including boosting its economy and stemming emigration. Organised crime and corruption are already worries for EU capitals – and the new Biden administration appears to share this concern. Concerted EU-US action and judicious use of sanctions can jumpstart reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Topic:: Corruption, Diplomacy, Treaties and Agreements, Sanctions, European Union, and Peace
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

5. IPCRI In Between Conference: Representation & Authority in a Contested City - Dr. Adis Maksic

Author:: Adis Maksic
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Video
Institution:: Israel/Palestine Creative Regional Initiatives (IPCRI)
Abstract:: Since 2017, the Davis Institute for International Relations from the Hebrew University and the Center for Regional Initiatives (IPCRI) have been engaged in a project aimed at building shared visions for Jerusalem. In this project, local residents from diverse communities from across Jerusalem engaged in mapping local needs and designing their visions for the future of the city. As complementary to this work, IPCRI organized in partnership with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the Irish Aid delegations of experts and civil society leaders from Jerusalem to other contested cities such as Belfast, Nicosia and Sarajevo. These delegations focused on the reality of cities in conflict and highlighted the lessons that can be learned from other conflicts. This conference presented the outcomes of both projects. In the first part of the conference, scholars presented policy recommendations designed by local residents and will receive input from experts from other contested cities. Following this part, we will host panels and workshops focusing on the practice of bringing change to contested spaces. From urban planning through shared education and equal representation, we aim to present a comprehensive vision towards the future of those cities in conflict. This video presents the remarks delivered by Dr. Adis Maksic on the lessons learned from other divided cities in Bosnia and Serbia.
Topic:: Civil Society, Conflict, Representation, Cities, and Authority
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Serbia

6. The Srebrenica Genocide: A Testament to Persistence in “The Last Refuge”

Author:: Carly Kabot
Publication Date:: 02-2020
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Georgetown Journal of International Affairs
Abstract:: History is the storyteller that holds all truth, yet when she speaks, much of mankind closes its ears. Hasan Nuhanović, a survivor of the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide committed by a Bosnian Serb militia, narrates his family’s harrowing journey through Bosnia in The Last Refuge: A True Story of War, Survival, and Life under Seige in Srebrenica. Though Nuhanović’s story is tragic, it is not uncommon. He makes this clear from the beginning, writing, “I did not write this book to tell my own story” (5). Rather, his story embodies the experiences of eight thousand Bosniaks who were executed by Serb forces on July 11, 1995, and brings to mind the millions of genocide victims worldwide who have been mercilessly slaughtered in the past century.
Topic:: Genocide, War, History, Book Review, Ethnic Cleansing, and Memoir
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Eastern Europe, Serbia, and Srebrenica

7. Militant Islamism in Southeastern Europe: Infrastructure, Actions and the Future Threat Horizon

Author:: Gordon S. Bardos
Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
Institution:: Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
Abstract:: The decline in the number of Balkan jihad volunteers setting off for the Islamic State over the past couple of years should not lull observers into the belief that the threat posed by the militant Islamist movement in southeastern Europe has declined as well. In fact, the collapse of the Caliphate might increase the threat in the Balkans; as Bajro Ikanović, a Bosnian extremist warned, “your intelligence agencies made a mistake thinking that they would be rid of us, however, the problem for them will be the return of individuals trained for war.” Ikanović himself will not be carrying out this threat, however, because he was killed in Syria, but no doubt many of his comrades feel the same way.
Topic:: Terrorism and Islamic State
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Middle East, and Syria

8. Negotiations, Continued: Ensuring the Positive Performance of Power-Sharing Arrangements

Author:: David Lanz, Laurie Nathan, and Alexandre Raffoul
Publication Date:: 09-2019
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Most negotiated peace settlements since the 1990s have featured some aspect of power sharing, including those in Northern Ireland, Burundi, Bosnia, and Nepal. However, by freezing a sometimes unstable status quo, power sharing can create challenges to maintaining peace over the longer term as issues arise that rekindle enmity or create new suspicions among the parties. This report argues that power-sharing arrangements can be made more durable by providing robust forums, either permanent or ad hoc, that allow parties to resolve differences as they arise and to reaffirm their commitment to peace.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Political Power Sharing, and Peace
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Nepal, Burundi, and Northern Ireland

9. An Unholy Alliance of Muslim Extremists and Organized Crime in the Balkans Case Studies: Albania, Kosovo, Bosnia Herzegovina

Author:: Spiros Bamiatzis
Publication Date:: 06-2018
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)
Abstract:: The 1990s wars in Yugoslavia led to the disintegration of the country and ushered an era of poverty, political corruption, organized crime and terrorism. The Balkans became synonymous with the syndrome of a failed state, where civil society institutions are doomed to fail. The area has presented the international community with some unique challenges associated with unemployment, jihadism, crime and all those maladies under the wings of political leaderships that have given many reasons to the international community to doubt their credibility and their belief to the rule of law. This study will prove that a nexus exists between Islamic and ethno-nationalist terrorism and illegal criminal activities, and it will focus mainly in three countries: Albania, Kosovo, and Bosnia Herzegovina.
Topic:: Corruption, Islam, Poverty, Violent Extremism, and Organized Crime
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Balkans, and Albania

10. Identity and Conflict, Permanent Deconfliction or Eventual Reset? A Conversation with U.S. Army Colonel Robert E. Hamilton

Author:: Robert Hamilton
Publication Date:: 07-2018
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Fletcher Security Review
Institution:: The Fletcher School, Tufts University
Abstract:: U.S. Army Colonel Robert E. Hamilton is a Black Sea Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute and is a professor in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the U.S. Army War College. He has served as a strategic war planner and country desk officer at U.S. Central Command, as the Chief of Regional Engage- ment for Combined Forces Command-Afghanistan, and as the Chief of the Office of Defense Cooperation at the U.S. Embassy in Georgia and as the Deputy Chief of the Security Assistance Office at the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan. Colonel Hamilton was a U.S. Army War College fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC, where he authored several articles on the war between Russia and Georgia and the security situation in the former Soviet Union. Colonel Hamilton holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Virginia. Colonel Robert Hamilton spoke with The Fletcher Security Review in early November 2017 at Fletcher’s Religion, Law and Diplomacy Conference. The following conversation is an excerpt from their extensive interview.
Topic:: Security, Conflict, Syrian War, Identities, and Interview
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Middle East, Syria, North America, and United States of America

11. Ratko Mladić, International Justice and the Bones of the Rohingya

Author:: Simon Adams
Publication Date:: 11-2017
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: Last Wednesday an international court found Ratko Mladić, the notorious “butcher of Bosnia,” guilty of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. As Commander of the Bosnian Serb Army during the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, Mladić’s troops forced thousands of civilians to flee from “ethnic cleansing” – a cruel euphemism that will forever be associated with the wars in the former Yugoslavia. At the time Mladić appeared all-powerful and untouchable, presiding over the genocide at Srebrenica and wantonly committing war crimes. He will now die in prison. It took decades for international justice to catch up with Mladić. And while the verdict is a welcome warning to other perpetrators, it also poses the uncomfortable question of whether the international community is doing enough to hold those responsible for atrocities today accountable for their crimes?
Topic:: International Law, Ethnic Cleansing, International Community, Justice, and Responsibility to Protect (R2P)
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Yugoslavia, Southeast Asia, and Myanmar

12. The Myth of Entangling Alliances: Reassessing the Security Risks of U.S. Defense Pacts

Author:: Michael Beckley
Publication Date:: 03-2015
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: International Security
Institution:: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University
Abstract:: A large literature assumes that alliances entangle the United States in military conflicts that it might otherwise avoid. Since 1945, however, there have been only five cases of what might be characterized as U.S. entanglement—the 1954 and 1995–96 Taiwan Strait crises, the Vietnam War, and the interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s—and even these cases are far from clear-cut. U.S. entanglement is rare because the United States, as a superpower with many allies, is capable of exploiting loopholes in alliance agreements, sidestepping commitments that seriously imperil U.S. interests, playing the demands of various allies off of each other, and using alliances to deter adversaries and allies from initiating or escalating conflicts.
Topic:: Diplomacy, International Cooperation, and International Security
Political Geography:: United States, Bosnia, Vietnam, and Kosovo

13. Isabelle Delpla, Xavier Bougarel, and Jean-Louis Fournel (eds), Investigating Srebrenica. Institutions, Facts, Responsibilities

Author:: Patrick Hein
Publication Date:: 03-2014
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Central European University Political Science Journal
Institution:: Central European University
Abstract:: In July 1995, the Bosnian Serb army invaded the enclave of Srebrenica, a UN safe area guarded by Dutch blue helmets, and murdered about 8,000 Muslim Bosniak civilians under the eyes of the international community. Reports say that even as of today as many as 2,306 victims from the massacre are still missing. The massacre of Srebrenica - the secret codeword of the operation was "Krivaja95" - became known as the largest genocidal massacre of a civilian population in Europe since World War II. It represents the deliberate killing of innocent people in the wake of a ferocious civil war in the former socialist republic of ex-Yugoslavia in the first place,
Topic:: United Nations
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Yugoslavia

14. Islamism and Security in Bosnia-Herzegovina

Author:: Leslie S. Lebl
Publication Date:: 05-2014
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College
Abstract:: Bosnia-Herzegovina, once thought to be on the way to joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU), is instead falling behind, mired in political bickering, economic stalemate, and governmental dysfunction. In this difficult situation, Islamism poses a significant threat to Bosnia's fragile domestic stability. Although the levels of Islamist terrorism and separatist movements are comparable to those elsewhere in Europe, they are particularly troublesome in Bosnia for two reasons. First, senior political and religious Bosniak (Muslim) leaders have long-standing ties to the Muslim Brother - hood and Islamist terrorism, including al-Qaeda and Iran, that they are very reluctant to abandon. Second, Islamism contributes significantly to Bosnia's dysfunction as a country. Calls to re-impose traditional Islamic law, or sharia, arouse opposition from Bosnian Serbs and Croats, as does the nostalgia for the Otto-man Empire and Islamic Caliphate shared by key Bosniak leaders, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and the Turkish government.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Political Violence, Islam, and Sectarianism
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Herzegovina

15. Building National Armies after Civil War: Lessons from Bosnia, El Salvador, and Lebanon

Author:: Zoltan Barany
Publication Date:: 07-2014
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Political Science Quarterly
Institution:: Academy of Political Science
Abstract:: THE RECENT LITERATURE ON CIVIL WARS IS WIDE and deep; a number of major studies compel us to rethink what we know about this important subject. One of the areas that has eluded concerted scholarly attention has been the question of how national armies can be developed that satisfy the imperatives of post-civil war reconciliation and democratic consolidation. This issue is at the center of this article.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Lebanon, and El Salvador

16. Bosnia's Future

Publication Date:: 07-2014
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH, or Bosnia) poses little risk of deadly conflict, but after billions of dollars in foreign aid and intrusive international administration and despite a supportive European neighbourhood, it is slowly spiralling toward disintegration. Its three communities' conflicting goals and interests are a permanent source of crisis, exacerbated by a constitution that meets no group's needs. The political elite enjoys mastery over all government levels and much of the economy, with no practical way for voters to dislodge it. The European Union (EU) imposes tasks BiH cannot fulfil. A countrywide popular uprising torched government buildings and demanded urgent reforms in February 2014, but possible solutions are not politically feasible; those that might be politically feasible seem unlikely to work. Bosnia's leaders, with international support, must begin an urgent search for a new constitutional foundation.
Topic:: Foreign Aid and Reform
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Herzegovina

17. The Politics of the "Unfinished Business": Bosnian Police Reform

Author:: Dejan Guzina and Branka Marijan
Publication Date:: 06-2014
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:: The recent protests in Bosnia-Herzegovina (henceforth, Bosnia) have once more shown the extent of the remaining challenges in the country. However, while many commentators have examined the political, economic and social roots of the protests, less attention has been paid to the role of the police in these events. Police confusion, their inability to respond to the street protests in a timely and professional manner, and allegations of the use of excessive force against protestors represent clear evidence that the stalled police reform in the country needs to be re-examined. After almost two decades of international assistance, first by the United Nations (UN) and later the European Union (EU), police reform in Bosnia remains incomplete. Since the 2012 closing of the EU police mission (EUPM) in Bosnia, the issue of police reform has been put on hold. Bosnia's multiple police services remain fragmented and lack transparency. More importantly, the lack of harmonization, coordination and civic oversight leads to political interference in policing.
Topic:: Civil Society, Human Rights, Law Enforcement, and Reform
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and United Nations

18. On Rights to Land, Expulsions, and Corrective Justice

Author:: Margaret Moore
Publication Date:: 02-2014
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: This article examines the nature of the wrongs that are inflicted on individuals and groups who have been expelled from the land that they previously occupied, and asks what they might consequently be owed as a matter of corrective justice. Such cases—in which individuals and groups are expelled, their property is expropriated, and their land is subsequently settled by other people—are not unusual. They include the expulsion of Germans from the Sudeten area of Czechoslovakia between 1945and 1947; the expulsion of (mainly) Greek Cypriots from the north of Cyprus following the Turkish invasion there in 1974; and the expulsion of Muslim Bosniaks from what is now called the Republic of Srpska, in Bosnia-Herzegovina, between 1991 and 1995. Historically, there are numerous other cases of “ethnic cleansing” and border redrawing. The injustice with which this article is concerned is also foundational to the current dominant societies in the Americas and Australasia.
Political Geography:: America, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and AustralAsia

19. Babies, Parks, and Citizen Dissatisfaction Social Protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Turkey and their Long-term Effects

Author:: Soeren Keil and Trish Moore
Publication Date:: 01-2014
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: 2013 was a year of social unrest in the regions of the Mediterranean and southeastern Europe. From Bulgaria to Slovenia, and from Egypt to Syria, there were new waves of citizen unrest, violent clashes, and civil-war-like escalations. This paper looks at the social protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Turkey. The protests in the two countries started because of concrete examples of public mismanagement: In the case of Bosnia because of the failure to pass a new law on identity numbers, which resulted in the inability of a baby to receive medical support abroad, and in the case of Turkey because of the decision to replace Gezi Park with a new shopping centre in Istanbul. However, both protests are also symbolic of deeper sentiments of citizen dissatisfaction. What started out as protests to save a park in Turkey, and change the law on identity numbers in Bosnia, became a wider movement to demand substantial reforms and changes to the current style of politics in both countries. This paper will look at the long-term effects of these protests. While in the short-term they have resulted in relatively few changes, it will be demonstrated that there might be long-term effects that will significantly impact the social contract in Bosnia and Turkey.
Topic:: Protests, Social Contract, Civil Unrest, and Identity
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Turkey, Middle East, and Eastern Europe

20. Fragile States Index 2014: The Book

Author:: J. J. Messner, Nate Haken, Krista Hendry, Patricia Taft, Kendall Lawrence, Laura Brisard, and Felipe Umana
Publication Date:: 06-2014
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Fund for Peace
Abstract:: The Fragile States Index, produced by The Fund for Peace, is a critical tool in highlighting not only the normal pressures that all states experience, but also in identifying when those pressures are pushing a state towards the brink of failure. By highlighting pertinent issues in weak and failing states, The Fragile States Index—and the social science framework and software application upon which it is built—makes political risk assessment and early warning of conflict accessible to policy-makers and the public at large. The Fragile States Index is an annual ranking of 178 nations based on their levels of stability and the pressures they face. The Index is based on The Fund for Peace’s proprietary Conflict Assessment System Tool (CAST) analytical platform. Based on comprehensive social science methodology, data from three primary sources is triangulated and subjected to critical review to obtain final scores for the Fragile States Index. Millions of documents are analyzed every year, and by applying highly specialized search parameters, scores are apportioned for every country based on twelve key political, social and economic indicators and over 100 sub-indicators that are the result of years of painstaking expert social science research. The 2014 Fragile States Index, the tenth edition of the annual Index, comprises data collected between January 1, 2013 and December 31, 2013 — thus, certain well publicized events that have occurred since January 1, 2014 are not covered by the 2014 Index.
Topic:: Sovereignty, Authoritarianism, Democracy, Fragile States, Economy, State Building, and Instability
Political Geography:: Africa, Bosnia, Eastern Europe, Balkans, West Africa, Somalia, South Sudan, and Global Focus

21. Back to the future for Syria

Author:: Michael Williams
Publication Date:: 06-2013
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: Some months ago while clearing my late mother 's house I came across a stamp album from my school days in the 1960s. There were stamps from 'Croatia ', in reality produced by extremist groups in Argentina, but testifying to the existence of the Nazi puppet state of Croatia (NDH) in the 1940s. But to my surprise, I also found stamps from the 'Alawite State of Syria '. An independent Croatia is now a reality and soon to become a member of the European Union. For that matter we also have states of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and Kosovo. And the former Soviet Union has broken up into its constituent republics. Who would have imagined this as late as 1990? But maybe the break up of states, whether Yugoslavia or Czechoslovakia, and possibly the United Kingdom if Scotland opts for independence in 2014, is a purely European phenomenon?
Topic:: Government and United Nations
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United Kingdom, Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Argentina, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Syria, and Scotland

22. The Strategic Role of Military Contractors

Author:: Alessandro R. Ungaro
Publication Date:: 06-2013
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The International Spectator
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: Review of: The Strategic Use of Military Contractors. American Commercial Military Service Providers in Bosnia and Liberia, by Marcus Mohlin, Finnish National Defence College, 2012
Political Geography:: America, Bosnia, and Liberia

23. Returnees, Remittances, and Reconstruction: International Politics and Local Consequences in Bosnia

Author:: Barbara Franz
Publication Date:: 10-2013
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations
Institution:: School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University
Abstract:: Refugee emigration from, and return to, Bosnia and Herzegovina is closely tied to the 1992-1995 war, and the wide-reaching consequences thereof in the post-conflict recovery period. During the conflict, over half of the country's population of 4.4 million people were forced to leave their homes through systematic methods of violence and war, which resulted in the death of about 250,000 people. It was during this conflict that the term ethnic cleansing was first commonly used.1 By the end of the war, million people had been internally displaced, and another 1.3 million people had fled abroad. Residences, industry and infrastructure had been destroyed on a massive scale, and million mines were spread throughout the country. In 1995, the Dayton Peace Accords ended the war, but formalized the de facto ethnic division of the previously multi-ethnic republic. Bosnia and Herzegovina was separated into two entities divided along ethnic lines. One body, the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, consists of the areas controlled by the Bosnian Muslims and Croats, and the other entity, Republica Srpska, corresponds with the ethnonationalist fatherland claimed by the Bosnian Serb leadership before the war. Although it brought an end to the hostilities, Dayton failed to effectively address the political conflict over the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina that had initially instigated the war.
Political Geography:: Bosnia

24. Strengthening Transitional Justice in Bosnia: Regional Possibilities and Parallel Narratives

Author:: Dejan Guzina and Branka Marijan
Publication Date:: 10-2013
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: In the media, news commentators continue to refer to Srebrenica as a lesson that should never be repeated again. Indeed, such “never again” statements have re-emerged in light of current events unfolding in Syria, as the international community debates what type of intervention should be used to stop further violence. The media have gone so far as to call the Syrian regime's possible use of chemical weapons against its population a “Srebrenica moment” — that is, a moment when moral outrage of civilian deaths leads to a push for military intervention (Lerman and Lakshmanan 2013). While little action has materialized in the case of Syria, the Srebrenican “never again” lesson is also far from being either agreed upon or learned from in Bosnia itself.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Crime, Genocide, Human Rights, and War
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Yugoslavia, Balkans, and Syria

25. Strengthening Transitional Justice in Bosnia: Regional Possibilities and Parallel Narratives

Author:: Dejan Guzina and Branka Marijan
Publication Date:: 10-2013
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Centre for International Governance Innovation
Abstract:: In the media, news commentators continue to refer to Srebrenica as a lesson that should never be repeated again. Indeed, such “never again” statements have re-emerged in light of current events unfolding in Syria, as the international community debates what type of intervention should be used to stop further violence. The media have gone so far as to call the Syrian regime's possible use of chemical weapons against its population a “Srebrenica moment” — that is, a moment when moral outrage of civilian deaths leads to a push for military intervention (Lerman and Lakshmanan 2013). While little action has materialized in the case of Syria, the Srebrenican “never again” lesson is also far from being either agreed upon or learned from in Bosnia itself.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Crime, Genocide, International Law, Regional Cooperation, War, and Sectarian violence
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Balkans, and Syria

26. An Analysis of Sexual Assault in the U.S. Military, 2004-2009

Author:: Dr. Adam Lankford
Publication Date:: 10-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies
Institution:: Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:: The history of warfare is marked by national armed forces, paramilitary fighters, and rebels across various eras and cultures who have committed sexual assault with impunity. Social norms have changed dramatically since ancient times, but it can be shocking to realize that even some well respected leaders of the past once approved of such crimes. For instance, Moses apparently gave orders to his warriors to “kill every male among them, and kill every woman that hath known man by lying with him. But all the women that have not known a man by lying with him, keep alive for yourselves.”1 This may not have been an overt sanction of sexual assault, but it certainly implies that the enemy's virgins should be kept as sexual companions. Furthermore, as Susan Brownmiller describes, “Among the ancient Greeks, rape was socially acceptable behavior well within the rules of warfare, an act without stigma for warriors who viewed the women they conquered as legitimate booty, useful as wives, concubines, slave labor or battle-camp trophy.”2 Joshua S. Goldstein similarly points out that “The most common pattern in warfare in the ancient Middle East and Greece was to literally feminize a conquered population by executing the male captives, raping the women, then taking women and children as slaves. The pattern…recurs even today.”3 In the last century, sexual assault has accompanied armed conflicts in countries all around the world, including Bosnia, China, France, Germany, Italy, Russia, Rwanda, and Sudan.
Political Geography:: Russia, China, Sudan, Bosnia, Middle East, France, Germany, Italy, and Rwanda

27. Historical Construction and Development of Bosniak Nation

Author:: Caner Sancaktar
Publication Date:: 05-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations
Institution:: Center for International Conflict Resolution at Yalova University
Abstract:: Every nation and national identity is a product of long historical process because nation is constructed and develops historically. Especially, conflicts with other ethnic - religious groups, nations and central government make great contribution to construction and development of nation. Therefore, as other nations, Bosniak nation historically has been constructed and developed during centuries. Major historical events and steps which shaped and affected historical construction and development of Bosniak nation are as following: (1) Islamization process in Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Ottoman rule since second half of 15th century; (2) the Bosniak rebellions led by Bosniak landowners and kapetans (the commanders of fortresses) against the Ottoman central government in 19th century; (3) armed resistance of Bosniak people against the Habsburg occupation, political opposition of Bosniak clerics and landowners against the Habsburg rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878 and 1918, and foundation of the Muslim National Organization in 1906; (4) Political opposition of the Yugoslav Muslim Organization founded in 1919 against Serbian and Croatian nationalism which oppressed Bosniaks within the First Yugoslavia; (5) clashes between Bosniaks and the Chetniks and between Bosniaks and the Ustasha during the Second World War; (6) official recognition of Bosniak nation by the socialist regime as one of the six constituent nations of the Second Yugoslavia; (7) significant progress in economic, social, political and cultural status of Bosniak people in the Second Yugoslavia; (8) foundation of the Party of Democratic Action and the Muslim Bosniak Organization after collapse of the socialist regime; (9) the Bosniak armed resistance against Serbian and Croatian militarist-nationalism during the Bosnian War from April 1992 to December 1995; (10) foundation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in which Bosniak politicians undertake influential political roles after the Bosnian War; (11) newspapers and periodicals published by Bosniak intellectuals, political parties and cultural associations in the periods of the Habsburg rule, the First Yugoslavia, the Second Yugoslavia and after collapse of the Second Yugoslavia. So, this article, in order to explain historical construction and development of Bosniak nation, focuses on these historical events and steps occurred within six historical periods of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Ottoman rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1463 and 1878, the Habsburg rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina until 1918, the period of the First Yugoslavia between 1918 and 1941, the period of the Second World War, the period of the Second Yugoslavia until 1990, and disintegration process of the Second Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Yugoslavia

28. Democratizing Justice in the Post-Conflict Balkans: The Dilemma of Domestic Human Rights Activists

Author:: Arnaud Kurze
Publication Date:: 09-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Central European University Political Science Journal
Institution:: Central European University
Abstract:: Years of international and national accountability efforts in the former Yugoslavia have only partially helped post-conflict societies to transition. To complement retributive justice efforts more recently, human rights activists have launched a campaign to establish a regional truth commission. This article explores the intricate efforts among nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in several states across the region – particularly Bosnia and Herzegovina, croatia and Serbia – to coordinate this movement. Drawing on participant observation and in-depth interviews, this study illustrates the movement's struggle from within – caused by the conflicting interests of its members – and from outside, as it seeks support from international and region-specific organizations as well as national governments. While activists have remained unsuccessful in institutionalizing new truth spaces, this article argues that the state-centered strategy of human rights advocates during the campaign widened the gap between the activist leaders and victims' groups, their principal supporters.
Topic:: Human Rights
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Yugoslavia, and Balkans

29. A wake-up call from enlargement fatigue: The cases of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia

Author:: Anne Bercio and Katrin Böttger
Publication Date:: 03-2012
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Kolleg-Forschergruppe (KFG)
Abstract:: Given the current criticism of EU foreign policy after the Lisbon Treaty, the EU urgently needs success in the Western Balkan’s approximation to the EU in order to reassert its own foreign policy standing. After the 2004 enlargement, the EU has been widely advocating its accession policy as its most successful foreign policy instrument. With the Western Balkan countries’ ambitions for and great expectations in a future EU membership, the confirmation of the “European perspective” at Thessaloniki 2003, should have put them on a stable and progressive path towards European Union membership.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Regional Cooperation, and Fragile/Failed State
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Serbia

30. Gareth Evans on 'Responsibility to Protect' after Libya

Author:: Alan Philps
Publication Date:: 10-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: 'Responsibility to Protect' is a doctrine endorsed in 2005 which aims to end impunity for the perpetrators of atrocities such as those being committed in Syria. Gareth Evans, the former Australian Foreign Minister and a prime mover behind the concept, explains why the UN is now powerless to stop the bloodshed, and offers ideas on restoring consensus.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Libya, and Syria

31. UN Security Council, Report of the Committee on the Admission of New Members Concerning Palestine's Application for Membership to the UN , New York, 11 November 2011.

Publication Date:: 01-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Palestine Studies
Institution:: Institute for Palestine Studies
Abstract:: The UN Committee on the Admission of New Members, comprising representatives of the fifteen serving members of the UN Security Council (UNSC), considered the Palestinian application at a number of meetings between 28 September and 8 November, the date it completed its final report. In addition to the five permanent members (the U.S., France, Great Britain, Russia, and China), the rotating members during this period were Bosnia, Brazil, Colombia, Gabon, Germany, India, Lebanon, Nigeria, Portugal, and South Africa. The report was formally accepted by the UNSC on 11 November.
Political Geography:: Britain, Africa, China, New York, Bosnia, Middle East, India, France, Brazil, Colombia, Palestine, Germany, United Nations, Nigeria, and Portugal

32. Eldar Sarajlic and Davor Marko (eds.), State or Nation? The Challenges of Political Transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo: University of Sarajevo, 2011)

Author:: Maja Nenadovic
Publication Date:: 04-2012
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Central European University Political Science Journal
Institution:: Central European University
Abstract:: This edited volume brings together “the coming generation of Balkan social scientists” in an effort to open up discussion and shed light in various elements of Bosnia-Herzegovina's troubled post-conflict transition processes. The book, like others focusing on the same subject, illustrates why Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) remains the most intriguing piece in the puzzle of Yugoslavia's disintegration. In the most ethnically diverse republic of Yugoslavia, the particularly bloody conflict shocked the world that was watching in disbelief as international community scrambled to respond to the escalating crisis. The Dayton Peace Agreement put an end to the war but put into place a dysfunctional political system fashioned with consociational characteristics that resulted in ethnicization of politics, education and just about every other aspect of life in the country. Finally, the unprecedented international intervention that culminated in the institution of 'international administration', as embodied by the Office of the High Representative (OHR), made BiH the 'perfect' social experiment in the making. As an extreme or crucial case study, it attracted hordes of social scientists analyzing peace building, intervention, state building, nation-building and post-conflict reconstruction. With the international administration now in its sixteenth year of presence on the ground and with the political situation spiraling out of control to the point of talk among (nationalist) political elites of renewed conflict, it is not difficult to understand why the country is a mess that continues to fascinate.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Yugoslavia, and Balkans

33. Bosnia: Europe's Time to Act

Publication Date:: 01-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: After years of hesitancy, European Union (EU) member states should make 2011 the year when the lead international role in Bosnia and Herzegovina shifts from the Office of the High Representative (OHR) to a reinforced EU delegation. Bosnia has outgrown the OHR established in 1995 after the Dayton Peace Agreement and the creation of the Peace Implementation Council (PIC). Today the country needs EU technical assistance and political guidance to become a credible candidate for EU membership, not an international overseer to legislate for it or maintain security. Member states should rapidly install a comprehensive plan to reinforce the EU presence, including an embassy led by a strong ambassador, strengthen the membership perspective and build local credibility. OHR should withdraw from domestic politics and, unless a threat to peace emerges, focus on reviewing past decisions.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

34. BOSNIA: THE NEGLECTED CHALLENGE

Author:: European Affairs
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: European Affairs
Institution:: The European Institute
Abstract:: Bosnia, which held elections late last year, is a piece of unfinished business for the international community in the Balkans. Four experts assess the situation and offer contrasting roadmaps for going forward. Read their views in the four articles below.
Topic:: NATO, Corruption, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia

35. Time to Reconsider Partition For Bosnia

Author:: Ted Galen Carpenter
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: European Affairs
Institution:: The European Institute
Abstract:: U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has warned the feuding ethnic factions in Bosnia and Herzegovina that if they did not resolve their differences, their country was in danger of missing its opportunity to join the European Union and NATO and become a vibrant part of the modern, democratic West. Unfortunately, there are few indications that her message will be heeded.
Topic:: NATO
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, and Bosnia

36. The Siren Call of Partition Could Lead Only to Disaster for Bosnia

Author:: Daniel Serwer
Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: European Affairs
Institution:: The European Institute
Abstract:: Whenever the going gets rough in Bosnia, someone revives the idea of separating Croats,Bosniak Muslims and Serbs to preserve the peace. This idea is wrong.
Topic:: Islam and War
Political Geography:: Bosnia

37. Partition Started War in Bosnia -- And Could Again Now: An Interview with Balkans Specialist Gerard Toal

Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: European Affairs
Institution:: The European Institute
Abstract:: Bosnia is on a slow road to hopefully joining the European Union...behind more muscular policies by EU members -- nudging bosnia toward membership in the EU.
Topic:: NATO and War
Political Geography:: Europe and Bosnia

38. Berlin Reportedly Mulling New Approach To Stagnancy of Bosnia

Publication Date:: 03-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: European Affairs
Institution:: The European Institute
Abstract:: In a succinct up-date report on Bosnia, the geo-political analysis website, Stratfor, predicts a German-led initiative on the Western Balkans. Here is an excerpt on Bosnia from the larger Stratfor analysis of the Balkans.
Topic:: Foreign Policy
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Germany

39. The Foreign Fighter Phenomenon: Islam and Transnational Militancy

Author:: Thomas Hegghammer
Publication Date:: 02-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University
Abstract:: A salient feature of armed conflict in the Muslim world since 1980 has been the involvement of so-called foreign fighters. These foreign fighters are unpaid combatants with no apparent link to the conflict other than religious affinity with the Muslim side. Since 1980, between 10,000 and 30,000 such fighters have inserted themselves into conflicts from Bosnia in the west to the Philippines in the east.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Political Violence, Islam, Terrorism, and Armed Struggle
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Middle East, Philippines, and Arabia

40. Refugees and IDPs after Conflict: Why They Do Not Go Home

Author:: Patricia Weiss Fagan
Publication Date:: 04-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Programs to return refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes after conflict, implemented by national authorities with international support, frequently leave far too many without viable futures. The measures are often inadequate for three reasons: a widely shared but flawed assumption that the need to create a future for returnees is satisfied by restoring them to their prior lives; a lack of long-term engagement by implementing authorities; and a focus on rural reintegration when many refugees and IDPs are returning to urban areas. These arguments are illustrated in four country cases—Bosnia, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Burundi. In each case, the places that refugees and IDPs were forced to flee have been greatly reshaped. They often lack security and economic opportunities; governance is weak and services are inadequate. Returnees have made choices about their futures in large part on the basis of these factors. While reclaiming land or receiving compensation for losses is important, the challenge for many returnees is to settle where they can maintain sustainable livelihoods; find peaceful living conditions; have access to health care, education, and employment opportunities; and enjoy full rights of citizenship. This may mean a move from rural to urban areas and a change in the source of income generation that has to be accounted for in the design of reintegration programs. Returning refugees and IDPs should be assisted for a sufficient amount of time to determine which location and livelihood will suit them best. For international organizations, this may involve greater creativity and flexibility in supporting returnees in urban settings. To accommodate inflows of returnees and their general mobility, national and local governments should develop urban planning strategies to manage the growth of their cities, coupled with regional development plans in rural areas that may involve investment in commercial agriculture. Linking rural and urban areas by strengthening government institutions can also provide returnees with more livelihood options and promote development.
Topic:: Security, Economics, Refugee Issues, and Labor Issues
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, Middle East, Balkans, and Burundi

41. Is there a shared European memory? Politics of Memory and Holocaust Remembrance in the European Parliament 1989-2009

Author:: Anne Wæhrens
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:: This paper analyses how the memory of the Holocaust has been addressed in the European Parliament from 1989 to 2009. I identify two major changes that occurred in the 1990s and after the 2004 enlargement of the European Union respectively. In the 1990s the war in Bosnia and the question of restitution universalised the memory of the Holocaust and made it present. The 2004 enlargement brought the memory of Soviet Communism into the Union and made it a central task to construct a community of memory that includes both the memory of the Holocaust and of Soviet Communism. The analysis also identifies what seems to be a political memory split between Left and Right; and it shows that the time might not be ripe for a shared European memory.
Topic:: Genocide
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Balkans

42. Limits of the Impact of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia on the Domestic Legal System of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Eszter Kirs
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Institution:: The Goettingen Journal of International Law
Abstract:: Information is a fundamental resource in post-conflict societies. However, information-sharing may lead to both advantages and disadvantages. The main focus of the present paper is the flow of information and knowledge from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to the domestic judicial system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following a brief introduction of the dynamics of the changing relationship of the Tribunal and the Bosnian judiciary, the paper aims to outline the positive achievements and the practical barriers of the international intervention into the management of war crime cases in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper introduces the practical problems that came forth with the introduction of the adversarial procedure in the domestic judicial system, by which measure international intervention might have gone too far resulting also in negative consequences with regard to the management of domestic war crime trials.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Yugoslavia

43. THE ROLE OF OPINION LEADERS IN THE DISSEMINATION OF MEDIA MESSAGES DURING THE PRE-ELECTION PERIOD: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINIA

Author:: Davor Marko
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Central European University Political Science Journal
Institution:: Central European University
Abstract:: In the analysis of the media landscape and media reporting on political candidates in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 2010 general election campaign, it was noticed that major media were affiliated to various political groups and openly advocated for or riled against voter choices. As a result, the media market of the country is characterized by a high level of segmentation between media which exclusively advocates a nationalist position and media which maintain a 'civic' orientation. These media organizations, according to their orientation, favor certain personalities that are deeply embedded in the favored national, cultural, or religious position. This paper examines the role of opinion leaders who represent dominant ethno-political groups in BiH via the dissemination of media messages during the preelection campaign.
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Herzegovina

44. Bosnia: Crisis Averted?

Author:: Kenneth Morrison
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Chatham House
Abstract:: While the ghosts of the 1992-95 Bosnian war have been invoked by political elites in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries as a justification for the need to provide humanitarian intervention in Libya, the political situation in Bosnia barely merited mention. Indeed, while the focus has been fixed on the events in the Middle East and North Africa, Bosnia's problems have incrementally but steadily worsened.
Political Geography:: North Atlantic, Bosnia, Middle East, Libya, and North Africa

45. Striking a Balance Between Norms and Interests in Italian Foreign Policy: The Balkans and Libya

Author:: Valérie Vicky Miranda
Publication Date:: 05-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: To what extent is foreign policy driven by norms and/or by interests? Considering the main trends of Italian foreign policy after World War II and two case studies, the Balkans and Libya, this paper investigates the role played by norms and interests and the interconnection between the two in Italian foreign policy. In the Balkans, norms and interests have neatly dovetailed: supporting democratization and the rule of law has also meant furthering Italian security and economic interests in the region. By contrast, Libya was the theatre of an essentially interest-driven foreign policy. Nevertheless, the Italian government's response to the Libyan crisis between March and May 2011 has interestingly marked a rupture from the recent past.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Economics, and International Trade and Finance
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Libya, Kosovo, Balkans, North Africa, and Italy

46. Bosnia: What Does Republika Srpska Want?

Publication Date:: 10-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Republika Srpska's flirtation in June 2011 with a referendum is a reminder that Bosnia's smaller entity still threatens the stability of the country and the Western Balkans. It is highly unlikely that the RS will secede or that the Bosniaks will attempt to eliminate it, but if its Serb leaders continue driving every conflict with Sarajevo to the brink, as they have done repeatedly to date, they risk disaster. The agility of leaders and the population's patience need only fail once to ignite serious violence. Over the longer term, RS's determination to limit Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) to little more than a coordinator between powerful entities may so shrivel the state that it sinks, taking RS with it. RS also suffers from its own internal problems, notably a culture of impunity for political and economic elites and a lingering odour of wartime atrocities. Its leadership, especially its president, Milorad Dodik, needs to compromise with Sarajevo on state building and implement urgent entity-level reforms.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Ethnic Conflict, and War
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Balkans

47. International Intervention in Local Conflicts: Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution since the Cold War

Author:: Emre İşeri
Publication Date:: 07-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:: Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:: At a time of Arab 'revolutions', particularly the one in Libya , once again - following the impotence of international community in Bosnia, Somalia and, Rwanda in the 1990s - there have emerged a heated debate on the concept of international intervention. This poses one of the toughest tests for an international society that is built on Westphalian principles of state sovereignty, non-intervention, and the non-use of force. It is expected from sovereign states to act as protectors of their citizens' security and well-being, but a hard question arises when states act like gangsters toward their own people and/or they are impotent to find a lasting peaceful solution to their local conflicts. Should those 'tyrannical' states be considered as legitimate actors of the international society and immune from international interventions? As related questions in this regard, what are the responsibilities of other states to enforce newly emerging global human rights norms against governments violating them? What are the obstacles on the way of effective international intervention? In the light of these questions, the volume is compiled of thirteen essays that were categorised into five parts examining the impact of international intervention on the resolution of local conflicts as well as the roles of local actors in determining the course.
Topic:: Cold War
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Libya, Arabia, Rwanda, and Somalia

48. From Militants to Policemen: Three Lessons from U.S. Experience with DDR and SSR

Author:: Alison Laporte-Oshiro
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: Consolidating the legitimate use of force in the hands of the state is a vital first step in post-conflict peacebuilding. Transitional governments must move quickly to neutralize rival armed groups and provide a basic level of security for citizens. Two processes are vital to securing a monopoly of force: disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration and security sector reform. Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) involve disbanding armed groups that challenge the government's monopoly of force. Security sector reform (SSR) means reforming and rebuilding the national security forces so that they are professional and accountable. U.S. experience in Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo yielded three crosscutting lessons: go in heavy, tackle DDR and SSR in tandem, and consolidate U.S. capacity to implement both tasks in a coordinated, scalable way.
Topic:: Security, Political Violence, Armed Struggle, and Insurgency
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United States, Iraq, Bosnia, Kosovo, Haiti, and Liberia

49. Social Cleavages, Conflict and Accommodation in Bosnian Political History from the Late 19th Century until the 1990s

Author:: Mirsad Karic
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Bilgi
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: This paper studies social cleavages, conflict and accommodation in Bosnian political history since the Austro-Hungarian Empire until the 1990s taking into consideration the plural nature of Bosnian society. Throughout history Bosnia has been characterized by peoples of different ethnic, religious and cultural background who were of relatively equal size and with cross-cutting cleavages. These peoples were well known for their peaceful coexistence, mutual respect and tolerance. However, the dissolution of former Yugoslavia and the rise of ethno-nationalism brought this phenomenon to an end and disclosed the territorial aspirations of the neighboring entities and their political establishment.
Topic:: History
Political Geography:: Bosnia

50. Humanitarian Intervention Comes of Age

Author:: Jon Western and Joshua S. Goldstein
Publication Date:: 11-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Foreign Affairs
Institution:: Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:: No sooner had NATO launched its first air strike in Libya than the mission was thrown into controversy -- and with it, the more general notion of humanitarian intervention. Days after the UN Security Council authorized international forces to protect civilians and establish a no-fly zone, NATO seemed to go beyond its mandate as several of its members explicitly demanded that Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi step down. It soon became clear that the fighting would last longer than expected. Foreign policy realists and other critics likened the Libyan operation to the disastrous engagements of the early 1990s in Somalia, Rwanda, and Bosnia, arguing that humanitarian intervention is the wrong way to respond to intrastate violence and civil war, especially following the debacles in Afghanistan and Iraq. To some extent, widespread skepticism is understandable: past failures have been more newsworthy than successes, and foreign interventions inevitably face steep challenges. Yet such skepticism is unwarranted. Despite the early setbacks in Libya, NATO's success in protecting civilians and helping rebel forces remove a corrupt leader there has become more the rule of humanitarian intervention than the exception. As Libya and the international community prepare for the post-Qaddafi transition, it is important to examine the big picture of humanitarian intervention -- and the big picture is decidedly positive. Over the last 20 years, the international community has grown increasingly adept at using military force to stop or prevent mass atrocities. Humanitarian intervention has also benefited from the evolution of international norms about violence, especially the emergence of “the responsibility to protect,” which holds that the international community has a special set of responsibilities to protect civilians -- by force, if necessary -- from war crimes, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing, and genocide when national governments fail to do so. The doctrine has become integrated into a growing tool kit of conflict management strategies that includes today's more robust peacekeeping operations and increasingly effective international criminal justice mechanisms. Collectively, these strategies have helped foster an era of declining armed conflict, with wars occurring less frequently and producing far fewer civilian casualties than in previous periods.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, NATO, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Iraq, Bosnia, Libya, Rwanda, and Somalia

51. Brčko Unsupervised

Publication Date:: 12-2011
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: It is time to close international supervision of Bosnia's Brčko District. Once seen as a model of post-war reconciliation and good government, it is drowning in corruption and mismanagement that flourished despite its supervisors' best efforts. The territory is vital to Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)'s stability: it links the two halves of both Republika Srpska (RS) and the BiH Federation (FBiH), and belongs technically to both entities but is independently governed and multi-ethnic. Many of its former leaders are under suspicion in a corruption probe that may have only scratched the surface; several high profile development projects are collapsing in bankruptcy and litigation. RS has a strong influence on the district but is not threatening to undermine its status. Nevertheless, the international community should ensure that Serb leaders of that entity are left in no doubt that any move to take Brčko over would meet a strong reaction. Stability is now dependent on whether local politicians, law enforcement and the judiciary can take responsibility. International supervision is no longer helping, and a new strategy is needed.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

52. The Western Balkans and the EU: 'the hour of Europe'

Author:: Jacques Rupnik (ed)
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:: Today, more than fifteen years after the end of the wars of Yugoslavia's dissolution, the 'Balkan question' remains more than ever a 'European question'. In the eyes of many Europeans in the 1990s, Bosnia was the symbol of a collective failure, while Kosovo later became a catalyst for an emerging Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In the last decade, with the completion of the process of redrawing the map of the region, the overall thrust of the EU's Balkans policy has moved from an agenda dominated by security issues related to the war and its legacies to an agenda focused on the perspective of the Western Balkan states' accession to the European Union, to which there has been a formal political commitment on the part of all EU Member States since the Thessaloniki Summit in June 2003. The framework was set, the political elites in the region were – at least verbally – committed to making Europe a priority and everyone was supposedly familiar with the policy tools thanks to the previous wave of Eastern enlargement. With the region's most contentious issues apparently having been defused, the EU could move from stability through containment towards European integration.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Security, Ethnic Conflict, Political Economy, Sectarian violence, and Self Determination
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and Balkans

53. Irregular Conflict and the Wicked Problem Dilemma: Strategies of Imperfection

Author:: Franklin Kramer
Publication Date:: 06-2011
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: Irregular conflict is neither neat nor fair. Definitionally, it is hard to describe, including as it does conflicts ranging from Somalia to Bosnia to Sierra Leone to Colombia to Iraq to Afghanistan (to say nothing of Sudan, the Philippines, or Yemen). Hybrid, counterinsurgency (COIN), stability operations, counterterrorism, and civil war have all been utilized as descriptions, often in combination. But if defining irregular conflict is difficult, even more difficult is knowing how to respond, especially for an outside intervener like the United States. Doctrine has now been developed, but in practice the context of an irregular conflict is generally so complex and contradictory that it is difficult to put the full doctrine effectively into practice.
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United States, Iraq, Sudan, Bosnia, Philippines, Yemen, Colombia, Sierra Leone, and Somalia

54. Hybrid Tribunals and the Rule of Law: Notes from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Cambodia

Author:: Johanna Herman and Olga Martin
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Centre on Human Rights in Conflict
Abstract:: Following the establishment of the international ad hoc tribunals, the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda (ICTY and ICTR respectively), a new model of justice administration emerged at the end of the 1990s through the development of hybrid or internationalised courts. Hybrid tribunals are conceived as a mixture of international and domestic law and staff, as a way to provide the necessary resources and guarantees for justice closer to those whose work matters to most. They have different compositions and legal frameworks depending on the context of the country. The first ones were established in Kosovo, Timor Leste and Sierra Leone These first hybrid mechanisms were seen as a new experiment for international justice.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Human Rights, and International Law
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Kosovo, and Balkans

55. Federation of Bosnia And Herzegovina – A Parallel Crisis

Publication Date:: 09-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH), the larger of Bosnia and Herzegovina's two entities, is in crisis. Disputes among and between Bosniak and Croat leaders and a dysfunctional administrative system have paralysed decision-making, put the entity on the verge of bankruptcy and triggered social unrest. Much focus has been on the conflict that pits the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska (RS) against the Federation, but the parallel crisis within the Federation also deserves attention. The need for overhaul of the FBiH has been ignored because of belief that state-wide constitutional reform would solve most of its problems, but any state-level reform seems far off. Bosnia's challenges all have echoes at Federation level, though in simpler form. Reform in the Federation, starting with establishment of a parliamentary commission, is achievable and could give impetus to state-level reform, while improving the livelihoods of the people in Bosnia's larger entity. If it does not happen, Bosnia, which was wracked by three and a half years of war in the 1990s, may well slide toward new political and economic ungovernability.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Economics, Politics, and War
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Balkans

56. The European Union Foreign and Security Actions and the Western Balkans

Author:: Siret Hursoy
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations
Institution:: Center for International Conflict Resolution at Yalova University
Abstract:: The EU's realisation of the need to develop more cogent external relations, foreign and security policies towards the Western Balkans can be attributable to the failure of Europeans to end conflicts on their doorstep in Bosnia, Croatia, Albania and Kosovo throughout the 1990s. It is argued that the EU's network of external relations traditionally consists of three main elements: trade, foreign and security policy and development co-operation. Therefore, this paper will dwell upon the EU's international role through its external relations elements which are also considered to be the main tools of bringing stability and prosperity into the Western Balkans. Moreover, it will be argued that the EU has an extensive network of foreign relations, but no 'real' foreign policy. This article will specifically examine the experiences of the EU's CFSP by highlighting the success and failures of the ESDP in the region.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Kosovo, and Albania

57. The Military and the Fight Against Serious Crime: Lessons from the Balkans

Author:: Cornelius Friesendorf
Publication Date:: 06-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Connections
Institution:: Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:: Serious crime poses major obstacles in peace operations. International actors intervening in war-torn countries face the challenge of putting pressure on suspected war criminals, members of organized criminal groups, those who instigate interethnic violence, and corrupt officials. While it is widely acknowledged by now that serious crime and public security gaps cause lasting damage to international stabilization efforts, international and domestic policing structures remain weak. This article examines the law enforcement role of international military forces. It shows that in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, military support for crime-fighting efforts has been unsystematic, although it has improved over time. Practical, political, and normative reasons stand in the way of employing the military for law enforcement tasks. However, under conditions of weak policing, preparing the military for law enforcement is necessary in order to better protect citizens against serious crime.
Topic:: Security
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Balkans

58. From Bosnia to Baghdad the Case for Regulating Private Military and Security Companies.

Author:: Ruta Nimkar
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:: School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:: On September 16, 2007, violent gunfire erupted in Nisoor Square, Baghdad. When the smoke cleared, officials confirmed that 28 innocent Iraqi civilians had died in the incident. Guns had been fired – not by coalition troops, nor by insurgents – but by employees of Blackwater, a private company selling military services.
Political Geography:: Iraq, Bosnia, and Baghdad

59. (Re) Covering the Past, Remembering the Trauma: The Politics of Commemoration at Sites of Atrocity.

Author:: Lisa M. Moore
Publication Date:: 05-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:: School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:: A recent survey of victims of violence reported that memorialization was prioritized as the second most valuable form of state reparations following monetary compensation (Brett, et al 2008, 2). In part, it is perhaps this impetus to bear witness to the suffering of victims that has given rise to a proliferation of memorials in recent decades, including those marking genocide in Rwanda, Cambodia, and Bosnia, violent repression in Argentina and Chile, wars of liberation in Bangladesh and Palestine, nuclear disaster at Chernobyl, and terrorism in Madrid and New York. As a form of transitional justice, memorials have too often been relegated to the domain of artists and architects whereas they represent a strategic resource in conflict and peace.
Topic:: Genocide, Terrorism, and War
Political Geography:: Bangladesh, New York, Bosnia, Argentina, Palestine, Cambodia, Rwanda, and Chile

60. Getting Back on Track in Bosnia-Herzegovina

Author:: Christopher S. Chivvis and Harun Dogo
Publication Date:: 10-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Washington Quarterly
Institution:: Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:: ''The international officials who have run Bosnia as a virtual protectorate since the West forced a peace deal in 1995 are eager to scale back their presence here soon,'' reported the New York Times eight years ago. Sadly, not much has changed since. Bosnia was Europe's first major post—Cold war tragedy. Its bloody collapse attracted global attention and shaped our understanding of the security dilemmas posed by the post—Cold War world. Peace has held since the 1995 Dayton Accords, but in spite of over $15 billion in foreign aid as well as the sustained deployment of thousands of NATO and EU troops, the country still struggles to achieve the political consensus necessary to cement its stability and break free of international tutelage. To make matters worse, the situation has deteriorated, especially over the last four years. Circumstances on the ground are polarized and increasingly tense. Meanwhile, Bosnia's problems are contributing to rifts between the United States and Europe.
Topic:: Cold War
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, and Bosnia

61. Preventing Media Incitement to Violence in Iraq

Author:: Theo Dolan
Publication Date:: 04-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: The monitoring of Iraqi media reveals that inflammatory coverage does not • necessarily consist of a direct call to violence, but instead takes the form of indirect or coded terminology that still has dangerous potential to foment conflict. Current regulatory and self-regulatory efforts designed to prevent media incitement to violence have, thus far, been insufficient. Lessons learned from post-conflict Bosnia, Kosovo and Sri Lanka can assist Iraqis in creating their own legal and self-regulatory mechanisms to limit inflammatory media coverage. There are a wide range of measures to mitigate inflammatory media coverage, including targeted training for media and government officials, broad support for a professional code of conduct, a full review of existing legislation relating to incitement, and the creation of a lexicon of inflammatory terms with guidelines for the proper use of these terms.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Political Violence, and Mass Media
Political Geography:: Iraq, Bosnia, Sri Lanka, and Kosovo

62. The EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Powers, Decisions and Legitimacy

Author:: Bart M. J. Szewczyk
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:: This Occasional Paper analyses the issue of the Bonn Powers in Bosnia – whereby the Office of the High Representative (OHR) can enact laws and remove elected officials – by comprehensively assessing the legitimacy of past OHR decisions. Adopting an established theory of legitimacy developed by Harold Lasswell and Myres McDougal, it argues that empirical legitimacy is best conceived as serving common interests of effective actors within an authorised process, and normatively prescribes that such process should be shaped to maximise values of human dignity. Given this theoretical framework, it examines the process authorised under the Dayton Agreement, which created the political structure that currently exists in Bosnia. It discusses the origins of the Bonn Powers and surveys the various criticisms that have been levelled against them. It then develops an overall analysis of all OHR decisions to date and provides a critique of those categories of decisions that appear inconsistent with the Dayton order and its proclaimed organising principles. Moreover, it provides a focused assessment of a sample of the most problematic decisions, e.g. the removal of elected officials, to show how their empirical legitimacy can be analysed. Finally, the paper concludes with policy recommendations, focusing on the issue of whether the Bonn Powers should be renounced or retained in the future.
Topic:: Government, Treaties and Agreements, International Affairs, and Political Theory
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Balkans

63. A New Kind of Balkans Drama

Author:: Daniel Serwer
Publication Date:: 06-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: The Balkans face more trouble in Kosovo as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina unless the United States and European Union take dramatic steps to get both back on track towards EU membership. In Bosnia, the international community needs to reconstitute itself as well as support an effort to reform the country's constitution. In Kosovo, Pristina and Belgrade need to break through the barriers to direct communication and begin discussions on a wide range of issues. This brief proposes specific diplomatic measures to meet these needs.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, International Relations, Diplomacy, and Ethnic Conflict
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia, and Balkans

64. Adjusting to Stabilization and Reconstruction Operations

Author:: Robert Hoekstra and Charles Tucker Jr.
Publication Date:: 03-2010
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: PRISM
Institution:: Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:: Drawing on the lessons learned from coalition interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere, by mid-2004, a consensus developed within the executive branch, Congress, and among independent experts that the U.S. Government required a more robust capacity to prevent conflict (when possible) and (when necessary) to manage “Stabilization and Reconstruction Operations [SROs] in countries emerging from conflict or civil strife.”
Topic:: Conflict Resolution and Government
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United States, Iraq, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Kosovo

65. Supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Challenge of Reaching Self-Sustainability in a Post-War Environment

Author:: Predrag Jureković
Publication Date:: 01-2010
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:: Progress has been lacking for more than three years in the peace-building process, since the Bosnian and Herzegovine (BiH) parliament failed in April 2006 to decide on a new constitution which would make "Dayton-Bosnia" a more viable state, with rational institutions compatible with future EU and NATO membership. As a consequence, BiH remains a dysfunctional state, with frequently blocked decision-making mechanisms, nationalistic rhetoric and policies, as well as a lack of cross-entity and cross-ethnic cooperation.?
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, and Fragile/Failed State
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

66. Pious Words, Puny Deeds: The "International Community" and Mass Atrocities

Author:: Rajan Menon
Publication Date:: 09-2009
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: Most of the large-scale violence in the world will continue to occur within societies rather than between or among states. Yet the international community still has not developed the ethical-legal consensus or the institutions required to manage this terrible problem.
Political Geography:: Iraq, Bosnia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cambodia, and Rwanda

67. Democracy in Slow Motion

Author:: Bryan N. Groves
Publication Date:: 02-2009
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Department of Social Sciences at West Point, United States Military Academy
Abstract:: Bosnia-Herzegovina's democratization is in slow motion. On the outside it appears that the framework for democracy is in place. A closer look reveals that it lacks the civil society to under gird its political institutions. As Piotr Sztompka points out, "building a house is not the same as establishing a home. The former is only the shell, the empty framework ... it is a concern for architects. The latter is the living arena of social actions and interactions ... it is the concern for sociology. The more or less explicit recognition of that distinction between the institutional and the cultural-civilizational spheres is also indicated by other terms, i.e. public sphere versus civil society" (Sztompka, 1996 in Chandler, 2000). Bosnia-Herzegovina-from here forward Bosnia-lacks the inner workings that distinguish a home from a house.
Topic:: Democratization, Development, Regional Cooperation, Treaties and Agreements, and International Affairs
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Balkans

68. What to do about Bosnia and Herzegovina?: The Case for Accelerated NATO Membership and OSCE Coordination of Constitutional Reform

Author:: Edward P. Joseph
Publication Date:: 05-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: The policy choice in Bosnia revolves around one question: how much time does the country have? If one believes that the country is reasonably stable, that another election will produce more cooperative leaders, and that Bosnia's "EU future" is assured, then the way forward is clear: cede international leadership in Bosnia from the U.S. to the European Union.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, NATO, and Democratization
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

69. Unfinished Business in Bosnia and Herzegovina: What Is To Be Done?

Author:: Kurt Bassuener and James Lyon
Publication Date:: 05-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: This is the first of three papers USIP will publish this month on Bosnia, each with a different analytical perspective on what is happening in Bosnia and what needs to be done there to prevent a return to violence. We do this in the hope that these papers will generate a fuller debate on options that might be pursued by the U.S. government (USG), Europe and Bosnians.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Democratization, Peace Studies, and War
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

70. U.S. Policy and Bosnia-Herzegovina: An Assessment

Author:: David Binder, Dr. Steven Meyer, and Obrad Kesic
Publication Date:: 06-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: This is the final of three papers (read the first and second papers) USIP will publish on Bosnia-Herzegovina, each with a different analytical perspective on what is happening in Bosnia and what needs to be done there to prevent a return to violence. We hope that these papers will generate a debate on options that might be pursued by the U.S. government (USG), Europe and Bosnians. These papers will be discussed at a public forum at the United States Institute of Peace on June 25, 2009.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Foreign Policy, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: United States, Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

71. Bosnia: A Test of Political Maturity in Mostar

Publication Date:: 07-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: The administration of Mostar is collapsing, a warning sign for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). There has been no mayor, budget or functioning city council since an October 2008 election; tension threatens to poison relations between the leading Bosniak and Croat parties, which are coalition partners throughout BiH. The crisis is rooted in ethnic demographics, recent conflict history and a city statute that replicates many of the power-sharing rules that govern the state. Mostar's Croat majority, much like the state's Bosniak majority, chafes against these rules, considering them illegitimate and foreign-imposed, and seeks to force the Office of the High Representative (OHR – the international community's peace implementation body) to impose a solution on its behalf. Yet, a fair solution is within the council's competence and, like the city's chronic grievances, can best be handled without the High Representative using his extraordinary (Bonn) powers. The international community should deliver the message that fourteen years after the end of their war, it is time for the Bosnians to take responsibility for their own futures.
Topic:: Politics and Governance
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

72. The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Turkish Parliamentary Debates (1992-1995): A Constructivist Approach

Author:: Didem Ekinci
Publication Date:: 09-2009
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Abstract:: While fully engaged in efforts of suppressing the armed violence in the former Yugoslavia at the turn of the century, Ankara could foresee the coming events, repeatedly called for immediate multilateral action, and argued adamantly about who the aggressor and victim were as opposed to the relevant ambiguity in the West. Central to policy formulations at political parties were Turkey's Balkan heritage/identity, stance against aggression, and the significance of Balkan routes for Turkey. Drawing upon detailed empirical data obtained from parliamentary discussions in three frames, this study examines under which circumstances the Turkish 'state', its identity, interests and intersubjectivities we re at work shaping Turkey's foreign policy towards Bosnia. Finally, it is emphasized that Ankara's foreign policy towards the war was competent despite coalition governments composed of different political mainstreams.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Turkey, and Serbia

73. A New Agenda for Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Jim O'Brien
Publication Date:: 08-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: USIP has circulated several papers analyzing the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Collectively, they offer diverse but insightful portraits of developments in Bosnia. This short note takes a different approach. I focus on what can be done, not on causes or description. Because there is attention or money for only a few things to be done in Bosnia, we should pick our initiatives carefully.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, and War
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

74. Bosnia: A Cultural Mosaic of Great Potential

Author:: Thomas P. Melady
Publication Date:: 10-2009
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Council of American Ambassadors
Abstract:: Bosnia is a cultural mosaic of well-established Serb Orthodox, Catholic Croat and Bosnian Muslim communities. This nation can become, like Switzerland, an example of people with diverse cultures living in peace and harmony as neighbors.
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Switzerland

75. The Current Status of Religious Coexistence and Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Renata Stuebner
Publication Date:: 11-2009
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: This report is intended to examine the status of religious reconciliation and coexistence in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Bosnia and Herzegovina's centuries-old tradition of religious coexistence is rapidly disappearing. Memories of a time when people shared the same schools, office space and living conditions are slowly giving way to a fear of “the others.” Some positive interactions still take place due to family ties from mixed marriages, economic interdependence and old, enduring friendships. However, some efforts of top religious leaders, similar to those of the nationalistic politicians, seem to be driving society in the opposite direction.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Ethnic Conflict, and War
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

76. Military and civilian ESDP Missions: Ever Growing and Effective?

Author:: Nicoletta Pirozzi and Sammi Sandawi
Publication Date:: 06-2009
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:: Even if the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) seems for many observers a well-established field of activity of the European Union, it must not be overlooked that it is still a young and on many aspects quite unpractised endeavour of the EU. Only in 2003 – after a four-year period of institution building, strategic considerations and civil/military capability development – ESDP became officially operational, and started in Bosnia and Herzegovina its first field mission.
Topic:: Security and Defense Policy
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

77. The Death of Dayton

Author:: Patrice C. McMahon and Jon Western
Publication Date:: 09-2009
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Foreign Affairs
Institution:: Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:: After 14 years of intense international efforts to stabilize and rebuild Bosnia, the country now stands on the brink of collapse. For the first time since November 1995 -- when the Dayton accord ended three and a half years of bloody ethnic strife -- Bosnians are once again talking about the potential for war. Bosnia was once the poster child for international reconstruction efforts. It was routinely touted by U.S. and European leaders as proof that under the right conditions the international community could successfully rebuild conflict-ridden countries. The 1995 Dayton peace agreement divided Bosnia into two semi-independent entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, inhabited mainly by Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats, and the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska (Serb Republic, or RS), each with its own government, controlling taxation, educational policy, and even foreign policy. Soon after the war's end, the country was flooded with attention and over $14 billion in international aid, making it a laboratory for what was arguably the most extensive and innovative democratization experiment in history. By the end of 1996, 17 different foreign governments, 18 UN agencies, 27 intergovernmental organizations, and about 200 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) -- not to mention tens of thousands of troops from across the globe -- were involved in reconstruction efforts. On a per capita basis, the reconstruction of Bosnia -- with less than four million citizens -- made the post-World War II rebuilding of Germany and Japan look modest. As successful as Dayton was at ending the violence, it also sowed the seeds of instability by creating a decentralized political system that undermined the state's authority. In the past three years, ethnic nationalist rhetoric from leaders of the country's three constituent ethnic groups -- Muslims, Croats, and Serbs -- has intensified, bringing reform to a standstill. The economy has stalled, unemployment is over 27 percent, about 25 percent of the population lives in poverty, and Bosnia remains near the bottom of World Bank rankings for business development.
Topic:: Development
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Herzegovina

78. Xavier Bougarel, Elissa Helms, and Gerlachlus Duijzings, The New Bosnian Mosaic: Identities, Memories, and Moral Claims in a Post-War Society

Author:: Christine Zubrinic
Publication Date:: 12-2009
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Central European University Political Science Journal
Institution:: Central European University
Abstract:: Since the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the subsequent wars, Bosnia has become a symbol of emerging ethnic nationalism as well as a model for studies in peacekeeping and post- conflict reconstruction. The New Bosnian Mosaic: Identities, Memories and Moral Claims in a Post-War Society edited by Xavier Bougarel is a rich contribution to the study of post- conflict transition and reconstruction from an anthropological and ethnographic perspective that allows the reader to better understand the quandaries faced by Bosnia and those involved in post-Dayton reconstruction. The New Bosnian Mosaic is a collection of academic essays written by researchers in the fields of anthropology, ethnic studies and international relations between the most pivotal years of Bosnia's reconstruction between 1999 and 2003. The wealth of academic and field experience brought forth by the contributors gives the work a completeness often lacking in other works of the same subject matter. By incorporating these experiences this work succeeds in answering the large and daunting questions which surround Bosnia's past, present and future without falling victim to the generalizations which often plague academic research on the problems facing Bosnia.
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Yugoslavia

79. The Yugoslav Tragedy

Author:: L. Kerestejiyants
Publication Date:: 06-2008
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations
Institution:: East View Information Services
Abstract:: History of the Balkan Slavs can be described as never ending disunity and disagreements frequently developing into mutual repulsion and even enmity. Throughout the last six centuries the states of the Southern Slavs have not merely failed to consolidate - they distanced from one other. Slovenia was developing first under a strong German influence and, from the 13th century on, under the Austrian Habsburgs. Venice dominated over the Adriatic coast, mainly over what is now Croatia. In the 12th century, Hungary established its influence in the continental part of Croatia and later in Bosnia. By the mid-15th century, the Turks had captured Serbia, by the end of the century they established themselves in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Yugoslavia, Germany, Serbia, Balkans, Austria, and Slovenia

80. "We're all Smarter than Any One of Us": The Role of Inter-Agency Intelligence Organizations in Combating Armed Groups

Author:: Jeanne Hull
Publication Date:: 05-2008
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:: School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:: Non-state armed groups present a direct threat to U.S. national security at home and abroad. Their decentralized structures, informal and formal logistics networks, and ability to merge with and hide among the world's civilian populations make them extremely difficult targets for threatened states and their intelligence and security organizations to address. Joint interagency and international intelligence and security efforts are arguably necessary to respond to such threats; however, despite the obvious advantages of intelligence collaboration at all levels of a conflict, obstacles to inter-agency and international cooperation remain. These obstacles arise from lack of capability, a lack of will, or a combination thereof. This paper discusses three lack-of-will challenges related to collective action and two capability problems using as case studies tactical-operational joint-agency task forces in Bosnia and Northern Iraq Based on lessons learned from these cases, I recommend that Joint- Inter-Agency Task Forces (JIATFs) become integrated into U.S. joint doctrine, that lead agencies or personnel for these organizations be established at their inception, that JIATFs at the strategic level focus more on the importance of networking and cooperation than operations, and the incentive mechanisms for participants be restructured to promote teamwork over individual accomplishment. These recommendations address a variety of problems with inter-agency collaboration; other problems—personalities paramount among them—require a more long-term approach.
Political Geography:: Iraq and Bosnia

81. Facing the Future

Author:: Jamie Shea
Publication Date:: 03-2008
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: The Journal of International Security Affairs
Institution:: Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs
Abstract:: Preserving international security in the 21st century is harder than it was in the 1990s. In those days, following the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the international system as a whole seemed to be moving towards democracy and a free-market economy, even if it was ridiculously premature to proclaim “the end of history.” The problems which inevitably arose from time to time were not that difficult to manage. Intervening in the Balkans, for instance, was really a matter of political will. Once the NATO allies had overcome their hesitations about using air power against Milosevic in Bosnia and later on in Kosovo, military victories were achieved relatively quickly. In short, the NATO allies had the power to determine outcomes, even if common vision and will were often lacking. There were no major countervailing forces willing and able to frustrate the policy goals of the Alliance.
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Kosovo, and Balkans

82. North Caucasus Weekly: Ingushetia's Parliament Confirms New Presiden

Publication Date:: 11-2008
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: North Caucasus Weekly (formerly Chechnya Weekly), The Jamestown Foundation
Abstract:: Ingushetia's parliament on October 31 confirmed Yunus-Bek Yevkurov as the republic's president, replacing Murat Zyazikov, who resigned the previous day (North Caucasus Weekly, October 31). According to Itar-Tass, 16 legislators out of the 18 who attended the session voted to confirm the 45-year-old colonel, while one voted against and one ballot was invalidated. The news agency reported that Yevkurov was born into an ethnic Ingush family in North Ossetia and graduated from the Ryazan Higher School of Airborne Troops in 1989. In 2004, he graduated from the Academy of the Russian Armed Forces General Staff, Russia's highest military education institution. In 1999, Yevkurov commanded a unit of Russian paratroopers that entered Kosovo and took control of the international airport ahead of the forces of other countries. As the Moscow Times wrote on November 1, Russian media reported that Yevkurov led the 200-man contingent that caught NATO off guard by racing from Bosnia to Kosovo to occupy the airport in Kosovo's capital of Pristina, an operation at the end of the Kosovo war that “risked a dangerous confrontation with NATO troops, who were also heading to the airport.” According to the English-language newspaper, it was later revealed that an armed clash was only averted because the local NATO commander, British General Michael Jackson, refused to be involved in a conflict that could “start World War III.” However, Itar-Tass, in its description of the incident, wrote that the Russian race to occupy the airport in Pristina “went down in the history of the Russian Airborne Troops as one of the most successful peacekeeping operations.”
Topic:: Security, NATO, and Ethnic Conflict
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Bosnia, Asia, and Kosovo

83. Office of Security Sector Reform (OSSR): Joint Force Command Naples (JFCN)

Publication Date:: 06-2008
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Connections
Institution:: Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:: The Office of Security Sector Reform was established in the Joint Force Command Naples in March 2006, and is staffed by a mixture of military and civilian staff. This article explains the role of the Office and how it operates. Security Sector Reform (SSR) in the Western Balkans is now a major line of operation for the Joint Force Command Naples, a NATO operational headquarters. The Office of Security Sector Reform is focused geographically on the three Membership Action Plan countries (Albania, Croatia, and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) in the region and the three new Partnership for Peace countries (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Serbia).
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Yugoslavia, Serbia, Macedonia, Albania, Croatia, and Montenegro

84. Introduction. The Judge, the Historian, the Member of Parliament…

Author:: Isabelle Delpla, Xavier Bougarel, and Jean-Louis Fournel
Publication Date:: 03-2007
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Cultures & Conflits
Institution:: Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:: Le 11 juillet 1995, l'enclave et la ville de Srebrenica, en Bosnie orientale, tombaient aux mains des forces nationalistes serbes du général Mladic qui ont organisé le transfert forcé des femmes et des enfants, massacré plus de 7 500 Bosniaques et, dans les mois suivants, déterré et transporté les cadavres dans des fosses secondaires afin de dissimuler les traces du crime. L'enclave avait pourtant été officiellement déclarée « zone de sécurité » par les Nations unies en 1993, et ses habitants – dont des milliers de réfugiés venant de toute la Bosnie orientale – placés sous la protection de la communauté internationale, représentée en l'occurrence par un bataillon de casques bleus néerlandais. Le massacre de Srebrenica a été rapidement perçu comme le symbole des contradictions, erreurs et fautes, voire des crimes qui ont marqué la politique de « maintien de la paix » prônée par les grandes puissances et l'ONU en ex-Yougoslavie. L'horreur de ce dernier grand massacre de la guerre de Bosnie (1992-1995) a sans doute joué un rôle important dans l'intervention de l'OTAN contre les Serbes de Bosnie à la fin de l'été 1995 qui, à son tour, a conduit à la conclusion des accords de Dayton quelques mois plus tard. Le massacre de Srebrenica a ainsi été tristement fondateur pour l'Europe de l'après-Guerre froide, et notamment pour l'émergence d'une politique européenne de sécurité et de défense. A une échelle plus globale, l'issue tragique de la politique des « zones de sécurité » en Bosnie orientale a contribué à redéfinir les règles d'engagement et l'établissement des responsabilités nationales et internationales dans les opérations de type militaro-humanitaire.
Topic:: Security and Cold War
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Sochi

85. Beyond international trusteeship: EU peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Stefano Recchia
Publication Date:: 02-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: European Union Institute for Security Studies
Abstract:: The Dayton Peace Agreement on Bosnia successfully ended the war in late 1995. However, the price for peace was an extremely weak and dysfunctional postwar state that would probably not have survived without substantial international support over the following decade. This paper argues that things have begun to visibly change on the ground in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) only with the emergence of the EU as the main international peacebuilding actor in more recent years, and notably since 2003. The EU's increased peacebuilding role in BiH, carried out within the framework of the European Security Strategy, has allowed for critical progress towards making Bosnia's common state institutions increasingly self-sustaining. There is no doubt that the potential does now exist to turn postwar Bosnia into a sustainable multi-ethnic democracy.
Topic:: Development and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Herzegovina

86. Ending Wars and Building Peace

Author:: Charles Call and Elizabeth Cousens
Publication Date:: 03-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Peace Institute
Abstract:: Ending armed conflict has long been a concern of practitioners and scholars of international relations. Recent years have seen new attention to questions of “building peace” beyond the immediate termination of war, primarily driven by the experience of civil wars in the 1990s and the very mixed record of international involvement—from relative successes like Namibia, Mozambique, and El Salvador through partial successes like Cambodia, Bosnia, and East Timor to abysmal failures like Angola and Rwanda.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, Terrorism, and War
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Cambodia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Angola, and Namibia

87. Crime and Punishment: Holding States Accountable

Author:: Anthony F. Lang, Jr.
Publication Date:: 06-2007
Content Type:: Journal Article
Abstract:: Should states be held responsible and punished for violations of international law? The recent ruling by the International Court of Justice that Serbia cannot be held responsible for genocide in Bosnia reflects the predominant international legal position. But, such a position leaves open the possibility that states or non-state agents can never be held responsible for international crimes. This article argues that they can and should be. While most international ethicists and legal theorists reject the punishment of corporate entities such as states, this article argues that certain types of international violations can only be undertaken by states, and, as a result, states must be bear the responsibility for them. Drawing on some neglected strands in international law and political theory, the article sketches a potential institutional framework for the punishment of state crimes, particularly genocide and aggression.
Topic:: International Law
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Serbia

88. A Balkan divorce that works? Montenegro's hopeful first year

Author:: Paul Hockenos and Jenni Winterhagen
Publication Date:: 06-2007
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: World Policy Institute
Abstract:: Among old Balkan hands, it is said tongue-in-cheek that the surest way to start a war in former Yugoslavia is to hold a referendum on independence. Indeed, in Bosnia, Croatia, and Slovenia, armed conflict did follow popular votes and declarations of statehood in the early 1990s. But Montenegro, a mountainous republic of just 630,000 in the western Balkans, was and remains different, for a variety of reasons. One year after its declaration of independence, it boasts stability and macroeconomic growth. Yet the question of exactly what kind of democracy Montenegro will be still looms large. The newly independent country is in the process of making critical choices with implications that will impact its political culture for decades to come.
Topic:: Culture
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Croatia

89. Current Situation of Muslim Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Juan Carlos Antúnez
Publication Date:: 10-2007
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Athena Intelligence Journal
Institution:: Athena Intelligence
Abstract:: Tras el desmoronamiento de la antigua Yugoslavia el Islam en Bosnia se tuvo que enfrentar a dos grandes desafíos que le han marcado en gran medida y de los que todavía se recupera: 1.- El uso del Islam como factor de cohesión del sentimiento nacionalista de los musulmanes de Bosnia ha producido una cierta islamización de la sociedad, utilizándose el Islam como un elemento político; y 2.-La influencia de ideas radicales foráneas, diferentes a la versión tradicional del Islam en el país y, en la mayoría de los casos, totalmente incompatibles con el modo de sentir la religión de la mayor parte de los musulmanes de los Balcanes.
Topic:: Islam
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Balkans

90. Launch of the Western Balkans Parliamentary Forum

Publication Date:: 05-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:: On 01 November 2006, an initial exploratory meeting for a Western Balkans Members of Parliaments took place in Belgrade. The meeting was organised by SEESAC with the assistance of the Parliamentary Forum on Small Arms based in Sweden. Members of the European and EU member states' Parliaments, the Secretary General of the Parliamentary Forum for SALW, and UNDP technical advisors and project managers informed the parliamentarians from the Western Balkans about EU SALW strategies and engagement, the involvement of EU parliamentarians in SALW Control, the importance of a national SALW control strategy, and the need for co-ordinated action and increased parliamentary diplomacy, oversight and advocacy.
Topic:: Security, Arms Control and Proliferation, and Government
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia, Balkans, Macedonia, Albania, Croatia, and Montenegro

91. The Policies of Ankara and Berlin toward the Bosnian War: A Comparative Analysis

Author:: Birgül Demirtas-Coskun
Publication Date:: 03-2007
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Abstract:: This study analyses the foreign policies of Turkey and Germany toward the Bosnian War, that took place between 1992-1995, in a comparative perspective. Both states had to face an identity crisis in the wake of the phasing out of the bipolar system. Whilst Turkey, all of a sudden, lost its former status within the Western Bloc, Germany could be reunified in a relatively short period of time. The war in Bosnia took place at the very time when an important discussion was continuing about the new position of these aforementioned countries. In view of traditional International Relations theories Turkey, on the one hand, was expected to focus on its internal problems; Germany, on the other hand, was foreseen to pursue an active foreign policy thanks to the new dynamism acquired by reunification. However, what happened in the case of Bosnia was, in fact, the reverse. The main argument of this study is that one of the main factors shaping the foreign policies of Ankara and Berlin toward Bosnia was the ultimate intention to maintain their former state identities in the new era.
Topic:: Foreign Policy and War
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Turkey, and Germany

92. US Policy on Small Arms Transfers: A Human Rights Perspective

Author:: Susan Waltz
Publication Date:: 10-2007
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Human Rights Human Welfare (University of Denver)
Abstract:: From Somalia and Afghanistan to Bosnia, Haiti, Colombia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Congo, small arms and light weapons were a common feature of the human rights calamities of the 1990's. More than a hundred low-intensity conflicts flared across the globe in that final decade of the bloodiest century, and virtually all of them were fought with small arms and light weaponry. Hand grenades, rocket-propelled grenades and bazookas, mortars, machine guns, and shoulder-fired missiles were the common weapons of warfare, along with the ubiquitous AK- 47--as readily slung over the shoulder of a 14 year old boy as a 40 year old man. Human rights and humanitarian organizations pondered the evidence: there was an inescapable linkage between the abuses they sought to curb, and the prevalence of these easy to handle, durable, and imminently portable weapons. In many instances the weapons were used as direct instruments of repression and devastation. In others, armed groups and government-sponsored militia used them to facilitate assaults with cruder weapons, spread fear, and create insecurity that effectively deprived people of their livelihood. Ironically, none of the countries in turmoil produced their own small arms. Behind the plethora of weapons lurked shadowy arms dealers looking for a profit, indifferent to the public's moral outrage and UN-imposed arms embargoes.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Arms Control and Proliferation, Human Rights, Human Welfare, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, United States, Bosnia, Colombia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, and Somalia

93. The European Union, the United States and 'Liberal Imperialism'

Author:: Michael Brenner
Publication Date:: 01-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Center for Transatlantic Relations
Abstract:: The Iraq crisis has been a stress test for the transatlantic partners.1 It is the latest in a series that at once has been revealing and redefining their relationship since the Cold War's end. The first Gulf War, Bosnia, and Kosovo: each measured the ability of Americans and Europeans to continue working effectively together. Each highlighted distinctive habits of national mind and action obscured by the exigencies of the Cold War. Each raised pointed questions about the pattern of interaction between the United States and its major allies. Each provided insights into the capabilities, limitations, and internal strains of multilateral organizations: NATO, the European Union, and the United Nations. Each altered attitudes and images in ways that affected how the next crisis was handled.
Topic:: International Relations and International Cooperation
Political Geography:: United States, Iraq, Europe, Bosnia, Middle East, Kosovo, and United Nations

94. Bridging the Public Security Gap: The Role of the Center of Excellence for Stability Police Units (CoESPU) in Contemporary Peace Operations

Author:: Colonel Christine Stark and Michael Dziedzic
Publication Date:: 06-2006
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: International policing has undergone a profound transformation as a result of the introduction and widespread use of stability police units (SPUs). Since their initial deployment by NATO in Bosnia in 1998, demand for this heavy-duty policing capability has expanded to the point that SPUs now constitute almost half of international police personnel. This growth has been most dramatic in United Nations' missions. As of November 2005, the number of Formed Police Units (FPUs) fielded by the UN stood at 27, accounting for 3105 of its total of 7160 police personnel.
Topic:: International Relations, Security, International Organization, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:: Europe and Bosnia

95. Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina Observation Mission

Author:: Mastora Stanikzai, Zikria Barakzai, and Mohammad Hashim
Publication Date:: 12-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Academy of Political Science
Abstract:: After IEC establishment in 2005 the main objectives have been the capacity building of IEC staff. IEC is actively taking major steps toward this objective with cooperation of different international organizations (UNDP, IFES, TAF).
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Democratization, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

96. Remittances in Conflict and Crises: How Remittances Sustain Livelihoods in War, Crises and Transitions to Peace

Author:: Patricia Weiss Fagen and Micah N. Bump
Publication Date:: 02-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: International Peace Institute
Abstract:: Although migrant workers, refugees and immigrants have been sending money, goods and ideas home for millennia, until about a decade ago donors and international finance agencies paid little attention to the phenomenon. Interest has grown exponentially as statistics show what we now call migrant remittances to be among the most important contributing factors to national economies in several countries. Nearly all the countries in the conflict, war-to-peace transition, and crisis categories are highly dependent on remittances. The slow recovery of livelihoods and persistent violence or repression ensure high levels of migration and the need for remittances in such countries for several years after conflict and crises have ended. By all accounts, migrant remittances reduce poverty in important ways in developing countries. Research shows that migrants transfer funds and invest in their countries of origin at times when international investment has all but disappeared. By serving these purposes in countries emerging from or still experiencing conflicts (e.g., Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Somalia, Liberia, Côte d'Ivoire and others), remittances can be seen as a sine qua non for peace and rebuilding.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Development, Peace Studies, and War
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Sri Lanka, Kosovo, Liberia, and Somalia

97. International Peace Plans for the Balkans – A Success? 12thWorkshop of the Study Group „Regional Stability in South East Europe”

Author:: Dennis J.D. Sandole, Predrag Jureković, Christian Haupt, Petar Atanasov, Gordana Bujišić, Dušan Janjić, Savo Kentera, Matthew Rhodes, Erwin A. Schmidl, and Wim van Meurs
Publication Date:: 09-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:: More than 15 years after the end of the Cold War, it is clearer than ever that the 'New World Order' has failed to bring about eternal peace, and that we are nowhere near the 'end of history'. People are talking about third and even fourth generation peace operations (erroneously, in this author's opinion, by the way). So a historical perspective to this topic may be justified.
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Security, NATO, and International Cooperation
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Balkans

98. From Dayton to Brussels: Constitutional Preparations for Bosnia's EU Accession

Author:: Jason Crosby and Don Hays
Publication Date:: 10-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:: The citizens of Bosnia are united in wanting EU accession and its benefits. However, the constitution as it stands will greatly inhibit Bosnia's ability to move toward accession. Under the current constitution, ethnically based political parties still can thwart the state and prevent Bosnia from entering the EU. The constitution vests power in two entities, the Federation and the Republika Srpska, granting most governmental functions to them and only the most limited powers to the central government. Despite numerous state-building reforms, it is questionable whether the state can implement the broad range of measures the EU requires for accession. With the high representative's departure scheduled for June 2007, the state's capacity to implement the accession requirements becomes critical. A recent report by the Venice Commission outlines the reforms necessary to prepare the state for the accession process. Only Bosnia's politicians can undertake the fundamental changes required for accession. In response to this challenge the leaders of the major political parties undertook a consensus-driven process facilitated by representatives of the Institute, the Public International Law and Policy Group, and the Dayton Project. The goal was to produce a package of constitutional amendments by October 2005 to strengthen the state. Over twelve months, representatives developed amendments clarifying group rights, individual and minority rights, and mechanisms for protecting the “vital national interests” of Bosnia's constituent peoples. They also included reforms to strengthen the government and the powers of the prime minister, reduce the president's duties, and streamline parliamentary procedures. The parties presented their agreement to parliament, and on April 26, 2006, the package failed by two votes to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority. To answer the question of where Bosnia-Herzogovina (BiH) goes from here, the parties decided to wait until after elections in October 2006 to resubmit the package to parliament, in hopes that its political alignment will change enough to ensure passage.
Topic:: Development and Politics
Political Geography:: Bosnia and Eastern Europe

99. Changes in the Constitutional Structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:: Henry L. Clarke
Publication Date:: 02-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Wilson Center
Abstract:: The constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex, emerging as it did from a peacemaking process between Serb forces of Republika Srpska and a coalition of Bosniak (or Muslim) and Croat forces under the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Most of the fundamental obligations of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its two subordinate Entities, Republika Srpska (RS) and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH), arise from the General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its Annexes, often called the Dayton Accords, signed in Paris on December 14, 1995. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is Annex 4 of the General Framework Agreement.
Topic:: Democratization, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:: Europe, Bosnia, and Herzegovina

100. Sub-regional SALW Collection Seminar

Publication Date:: 07-2006
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:: Government, NGO and International Organisation representatives from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Montenegro participated in a sub-regional SALW (Weapons) Collection Seminar in Budva, Montenegro from 12 - 13 July 2006. The objective of the seminar was to discuss 'best practices' and share operational experience of SALW Collection activities within South Eastern Europe, in order to assist the Government of Montenegro in planning a possible SALW Collection process later this year.
Topic:: Government, Non-Governmental Organization, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Bosnia, Herzegovina, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Albania, and Croatia

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS