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51. Missed Signals: Analyzing the Failure of Intelligence Cooperation in ASEAN in Preventing the Jolo Cathedral Bombings 2019

Author:
Rachel Kumendong and Ali Abdullah Wibisono
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This research examines the failure of ASEAN Our Eyes (AOE) to face the 2019 Jolo Cathedral bombings. ASEAN's first intelligence cooperation initiative, known as AOE, was established in 2018 in response to the growing threat of transnational terrorism (ISIS) in the region. The Jolo Cathedral bombing was one of the deadliest suicide bombings in the Philippines, demonstrating the inability of AOE as a counterterrorism mechanism to face the threat of transnational terrorism. The findings of this research shed light on the two major factors - the absence of an agreed standard of procedure and the lack of early warning systems - that contributed to the failure of the AOE. The gaps identified highlight areas for improvement in intelligence cooperation and underscore the need for standardized procedures and robust early warning mechanisms to enhance ASEAN's collective response to transnational terrorist threats.
Topic:
Intelligence, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, Islamic State, ASEAN, and Intelligence Sharing
Political Geography:
Philippines and Asia-Pacific

52. Identity and Foreign Policy: Comparative Studies of Indonesian and Malaysian Foreign Policies in Relation to Israel

Author:
Ali Muhammad, Ilham Agustian Candra, and Ahmad Sahide
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article compares the foreign policies of Indonesia and Malaysia towards Israel. Through the use of social constructivism, the study examines the extent to which the identity of the state plays a critical role in the foreign policy of both Muslim-majority countries. It argues that Malaysia's anti-Israeli policy and refusal to establish diplomatic relations with Israel is mainly due to its Muslim identity and pressure from Muslim constituencies. In the case of Indonesia, the main factors stem from its national identity, which is strongly anti-colonialist and antiimperialist, as enshrined in its national constitution. Although Muslim identity is also important in Indonesia, it is not the primary determining factor in the country's foreign policy towards Israel.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Constructivism, and Identity
Political Geography:
Indonesia, Malaysia, Middle East, Israel, and Asia-Pacific

53. The Rodrigo Duterte Policy to Bangsamoro in the Southern Philippines

Author:
Ali Maksum, Diar Abdi Hindiarto, and Reevany Bustami
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The restive Bangsamoro minority's struggle for rights is part of the enduring Muslim South - Christian North political conflict in the Philippines. The Philippine government's efforts to negotiate a peace agreement with the Muslim minority have hit deadlocks and mismatches between the goals of the two parties. Specifically, this study used content analysis to examine the Philippine government's strategy during the Rodrigo Duterte era in realising peace for this protracted conflict with the Bangsamoro minority group. The results showed that Rodrigo Duterte as achieved peace in the Bangsamoro through mediation and negotiation, tools used by the previous government. In addition, Rodrigo Duterte's commitment became more significant by granting regional autonomy rights to Bangsamoro. The critical element enabler of Duterte's strategy was the dual-track negotiations.
Topic:
Minorities, Conflict, Rodrigo Duterte, Muslims, and Bangsamoro
Political Geography:
Philippines and Asia-Pacific

54. Australia-Indonesia Cooperation in Natural Disasters Management in Indonesia through the AIFDR Program 2009-2015

Author:
Nur Azizah and Farhan Nafi'uddin
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The purpose of this research is to explain Australia's cooperation with Indonesia in managing Indonesian natural disasters through the Australia - Indonesia Facility for Disaster Reduction (AIFDR) programme during 2009-2015. Australia is one of the countries that actively and sympathetically engage with Indonesia on a range of social and international issues, including disaster management. The establishment of the AIFDR was prompted by the weakness of Indonesia's disaster management system, as evidenced by the establishment of a disaster management legal entity with a coordination line under the President in 2008 after several disasters. This article contains three of the many results of AIFDR cooperation during this period.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Bilateral Relations, and Disaster Management
Political Geography:
Indonesia, Australia, and Asia-Pacific

55. Human Rights Issue in Papua: A Systematic Literature Review

Author:
M. Syaprin Zahidi and Muhammad Fuad Bin Othman
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The issue of human rights in Papua has received considerable scholarly attention in recent years. Therefore, this study uses the comprehensive Scopus database to evaluate global trends in publications related to human rights in Papua. Through bibliometric analysis, the study covers the period from 1981 to 2023. The data was visualised and analysed using VOSviewer software. The results showed that international publications on human rights in Papua covered various topics such as Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, indigenous peoples, West Papua, violence, human rights, geopolitics, foreign policy, investigative journalism, indigenous peoples and local communities, collaborative journalism, pregnant women, separatism and malaria. Australia emerged as the leading country of publication, with many authors associated with its institutions. The classification of human rights issues in this study is divided into three dimensions, namely: a) International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; b) International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; c) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
Topic:
Human Rights, Violence, Indigenous, and Literature Review
Political Geography:
Papua and Asia-Pacific

56. Australia and South Korea: Leveraging the strategic potential of cooperation in critical technologies

Author:
Afeeya Akhand and Angela Suriyasenee
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:
Cooperation between Australia and the Republic of Korea (hereafter South Korea or the ROK) in a range of critical technology areas has grown rapidly in recent years. Underpinned by the Australia – South Korea Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Cyber and Critical Technology Cooperation signed in 2021, collaboration is currently centred around emerging technologies, including next-generation telecommunications, artificial intelligence (AI) and quantum computing. Such technologies are deemed to be critical due to their potential to enhance or threaten societies, economies and national security. Most are dual- or multi-use and have applications in a wide range of sectors.1 Intensifying geostrategic competition is threatening stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. Particularly alarming is competition in the technological domain. ASPI’s Critical Technology Tracker, a large data-driven project that now covers 64 critical technologies and focuses on high-impact research, reveals a stunning shift in research ‘technology leadership’ over the past two decades. Where the United States (US) led in 60 of the 64 technologies in the five years between 2003 and 2007, the US’s lead has decreased to seven technologies in the most recent five years (2019–2023). Instead, China now leads in 57 of those technologies. Within the Indo-Pacific region, some countries have responded to those shifts in technology leadership through the introduction of policies aimed at building ‘technological sovereignty’. The restriction of high-risk vendors from critical infrastructure, the creation of sovereign industrial bases and supply-chain diversification are examples of this approach. But a sovereign approach doesn’t mean protectionism. Rather, many countries, including Australia and South Korea, are collaborating with like-minded regional partners to further their respective national interests and support regional resilience through a series of minilateral frameworks. The Australia – South Korea technological relationship already benefits from strong foundations, but it’s increasingly important that both partners turn promise into reality. It would be beneficial for Australia and South Korea to leverage their respective strengths and ensure that collaboration evolves in a strategic manner. Both countries are leaders in research and development (R&D) related to science and technology (S&T) and are actively involved in international partnerships for standards-setting relating to AI and other technologies. Furthermore, both countries possess complementary industry sectors, as demonstrated through Australia’s critical-minerals development and existing space-launch capabilities on one hand, and South Korea’s domestic capacity for advanced manufacturing on the other. This report examines four stages common to technological life cycles — (1) R&D and innovation; (2) building blocks for manufacturing; (3) testing and application; and (4) standards and norms. For each, we examine a specific critical technology of interest. Those four life-cycle areas and respective technologies—spanning biotechnologies-related R&D, manufacturing electric-battery materials, satellite launches and AI standards-setting—were chosen as each is a technology of focus for both countries. Furthermore, collaboration through these specific technological stages enables Australia and South Korea to leverage their existing strengths in a complementary manner (see Figure 1). Supporting the analysis of these four stages of the technological life cycle and selected critical technologies is data from ASPI’s Critical Technology Tracker and the Composite Science and Technology Innovation Index (COSTII) jointly released by South Korea’s Ministry of Science and ICT (MSIT) and the Korea Institute of Science & Technology Evaluation and Planning (KISTEP). Informed by that examination, this report identifies a set of recommendations for strengthening cooperation that is relevant for different stakeholders, including government and industry.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Bilateral Relations, Cybersecurity, Artificial Intelligence, and Strategic Cooperation
Political Geography:
South Korea, Australia, and Asia-Pacific

57. Persuasive technologies in China: Implications for the future of national security

Author:
Daria Impiombato, Nathan Attrill, Albert Zhang, Fergus Ryan, and Bethany Allen
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:
The rapid adoption of persuasive technologies—any digital system that shapes users’ attitudes and behaviours by exploiting physiological and cognitive reactions or vulnerabilities—will challenge national security in ways that are difficult to predict. Emerging persuasive technologies such as generative artificial intelligence (AI), ambient technologies and neurotechnology interact with the human mind and body in far more intimate and subconscious ways, and at far greater speed and efficiency, than previous technologies. This presents malign actors with the ability to sway opinions and actions without the conscious autonomy of users. Regulation is struggling to keep pace. Over the past decade, the swift development and adoption of these technologies have outpaced responses by liberal democracies, highlighting the urgent need for more proactive approaches that prioritise privacy and user autonomy. That means protecting and enhancing the ability of users to make conscious and informed decisions about how they’re interacting with technology and for what purpose. China’s commercial sector is already a global leader in developing and using persuasive technologies. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tightly controls China’s private sector and mandates that Chinese companies—especially technology companies—work towards China’s national-security interests. This presents a risk that the CCP could use persuasive technologies commercially developed in China to pursue illiberal and authoritarian ends, both domestically and abroad, through such means as online influence campaigns, targeted psychological operations, transnational repression, cyber operations and enhanced military capabilities. ASPI has identified several prominent Chinese companies that already have their persuasive technologies at work for China’s propaganda, military and public-security agencies. They include: Midu—a language intelligence technology company that provides generative AI tools used by Chinese Government and CCP bureaus to enhance the party-state’s control of public opinion. Those capabilities could also be used for foreign interference (see page 4). Suishi—a pioneer in neurotechnology that’s developing an online emotion detection and evaluation system to interpret and respond to human emotions in real time. The company is an important partner of Tianjin University’s Haihe Lab (see page 16), which has been highly acclaimed for its research with national-security applications (see page 17). Goertek—an electronics manufacturer that has achieved global prominence for smart wearables and virtual-reality (VR) devices. This company collaborates on military–civil integration projects with the CCP’s military and security organs and has developed a range of products with dual-use applications, such as drone-piloting t
Topic:
National Security, Science and Technology, Cybersecurity, Artificial Intelligence, and Persuasion
Political Geography:
China, Asia, and Asia-Pacific

58. Stepping up military support to humanitarian assistance in the Pacific

Author:
Blake Johnson and Adam Ziogas
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:
On October 3 the South Pacific Defence Ministers Meeting (SPDMM) endorsed the establishment of the Pacific Response Group (PRG), a novel multinational military cooperation initiative that will seek to address the need for more efficient and effective cooperation between Pacific militaries to deliver military support to Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR). In the coming years, the PRG will have to address challenges surrounding the potential expansion of the group and its mission, including into areas like stability operations, and Australia will need to commit greater resources to ensuring that it successfully adapts to the region’s needs. It is important that the thinking, consultation and some of the planning for that starts now. Any decisions regarding the PRG will be made by SPDMM members as a collective, but each member state will have its own perspectives on the group’s development. This report provides 12 recommendations focused on areas including resourcing, encouraging a whole-of-government support, and expansion of the group in size and in scope. The report is intended to inform policymakers in Australia as a contributing member of the PRG, but many of the recommendations could also be valuable for, and hence adopted by, other members of the group. A summary of the recommendations contained in the report are as follows: Recommendation 1: PRG members states should consider the need for an expansion of the PRG beginning as soon as the 2025/2026 high risk weather season and must be able to deal with concurrent disasters. Recommendation 2: The end goal of the HADR component of the PRG should be dedicated forces from each military able to be readily deployed in immediate response to natural disasters in the region. Recommendation 3: PRG member states should consider ways it can guarantee capabilities for PRG use in the high-risk season from Australia, New Zealand and France for much needed transport, including maritime and air assets. Recommendation 4: The Australian government should acknowledge that the PRG is not designed to address all of Australia’s domestic HADR demands so should consider other solutions to bolster its domestic disaster response. Recommendation 5: The Australian government should consider how a whole-of-government approach can actively coordinate across departmental initiatives so that the PRG, and other initiatives, can make the best contribution to regional environmental security concerns. Recommendation 6: SPDMM member states participating in the PRG should address the potential for the inclusion of police units or paramilitary from countries such as Solomon Islands and Vanuatu in the future. Recommendation 7: The PRG should think ahead and consider outlining a role for SPDMM observers such as Japan, the UK and the US in supporting the group without changing its core makeup. This could include financial support for transport, maintenance or infrastructure and supplies. Recommendation 8: Australia should be willing and ready to support the expansion the PRG mission as desired by its member states to address instability through a coordinated multilateral response, provided this is desired by other members of SPDMM. Recommendation 9: If there is an expansion of the mission to include stability operations, Australia should lead the way in the development of a multilateral security agreement that formalises the PRG’s approach to stability operations in any SPDMM member state. Recommendation 10: Together, PRG members should publicly push-back against any narratives that suggest this initiative is competition driven and remind other states that successful security initiatives inevitably lead to a reduced need for other external support. Australia should also be more transparent about its concerns with a greater Chinese security presence in the region. Recommendation 11: Australia should encourage some of the region’s key partners to support the PRG with supplies, funding and – if needed – additional vessels and aircraft for transport. Recommendation 12: If, in the future, the PRG is requested to support alongside Chinese security forces, Australia must combat potential narratives pushed by China of welcome cooperation and partnership between Australia as a PRG-member and China in the region that legitimise a Chinese security presence while respecting the sovereign decision making of recipient countries.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, International Cooperation, Armed Forces, and Humanitarian Assistance
Political Geography:
Australia and Asia-Pacific

59. Lessons in leadership: Interviews with 11 of Australia’s former Defence Ministers

Author:
Brendan Nicholson
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)
Abstract:
In a time of growing strategic uncertainty, 11 of Australia’s former defence ministers have shared valuable lessons they learned over decades running one of the toughest portfolios in government. In this compendium, the former ministers from both sides of politics give their views on topics ranging from the complexity of dealing with a massive department, to the grief they shared with families at the funerals of slain soldiers. The pieces are drawn from interviews with former ASPI executive director Peter Jennings and links to the original video interviews are available in the posts on The Strategist site.
Topic:
Defense Policy, Government, Leadership, Interview, and Defense Industry
Political Geography:
United Kingdom, Australia, Asia-Pacific, and United States of America

60. SOVEREIGNTY OVER THE PARACEL ISLANDS IN 1884-1945: AN APPROACH FROM THE RIVALRY BETWEEN FRANCE, CHINA, AND JAPAN

Author:
Quyet Luu and Nguyet Nguyen
Publication Date:
07-2023
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:
Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:
The Paracel Islands are situated in the South China Sea geographic center and have an important strategic location for the military and the economy. Since 1884, France has represented the Vietnamese state as a protectorate to manage the archipelago. In the context of France seeking to expand its influence into the Asia-Pacific region, disputes over sovereignty over the Paracel Islands occurred during the colonial period between France (representing Vietnam), China, and Japan. The article aims to analyze the importance of the Paracel Islands in the policies of France, China, and Japan in general. Moreover, the specific activities of France in the struggle with China and Japan to affirm and protect sovereignty over the Paracel Islands would also be analyzed. Based on primary and secondary data, along with historical research methods, research methods in international relations, and other interdisciplinary research strategies, the article concludes that the Paracel Islands play an important role in the strategies of France, China, and Japan. Hence, the Paracel issue in this period has gone beyond the framework of traditional territorial disputes, becoming "internationalization” with consequences that persist to the present day. France's policy to exploit and administer the Paracel Islands was persistent, thorough, and systematic in the military, economic, political, and diplomatic spheres.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Sovereignty, History, Territorial Disputes, and Internationalization
Political Geography:
Japan, China, France, Asia-Pacific, South China Sea, and Paracel Islands