Search

You searched for: Content Type Working Paper Remove constraint Content Type: Working Paper Topic Gender Based Violence Remove constraint Topic: Gender Based Violence
Number of results to display per page

Search Results

  • Author: Agatha Ndonga, Kelli Muddell
  • Publication Date: 01-2020
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
  • Abstract: In its primary findings, Kenya's Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission noted that women and girls have been subject to systematic, state-sanctioned discrimination in all spheres of their lives, and that the state has failed to take measures to end the practices that restrict women’s political involvement. This paper highlights the need to overcome the political challenges Kenyan women face: their exclusion from political life, the continued violence against them during electoral contests, and their inability to rise to leadership positions in the country.
  • Topic: Political Violence, Gender Issues, Elections, Gender Based Violence , Inclusion
  • Political Geography: Kenya, Africa
  • Author: Suzie Dunn
  • Publication Date: 12-2020
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Centre for International Governance Innovation
  • Abstract: As digital technologies become more sophisticated, so does technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV). This type of violence can take many forms, from the release of personal information and private images without consent, to online stalking and death threats. For perpetrators of TFGBV, the internet is their weapon of choice — it allows them to monitor and control their targets from anywhere in the world. Victim-survivors have little recourse against the many forms of online gender-based violence, including threats of harm, some of which have been carried out. The resulting mental and physical health effects of TFGBV, among other impacts, have forced many victim-survivors out of online spaces and silenced their voices.
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Science and Technology, Gender Based Violence , Mental Health
  • Political Geography: Global Focus
  • Author: Dereje Feyissa
  • Publication Date: 12-2020
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Danish Institute for International Studies
  • Abstract: Violence against Women (VAW) is among the human rights violations that women face globally every day. The roots of VAW lie in historically unequal power relations between men and women and pervasive discrimination against women in both the public and private spheres. VAW is a global phenomenon that is not limited to certain cultures or countries. However, the form it takes is context-specific. In Ethiopia VAW is pervasive, occurring at three levels as identified by the UN: family; community; and the state. Despite policy pronouncements and the implementation of some practical measures, VAW is still prevalent in Ethiopia. This new Working Paper by Dereje Feyissa, adjunct associate professor, Addis Ababa University, offers a political interpretation to explain the gap between policy and practice on VAW in Ethiopia. Specifically, it argues that the gap between policy and practice lies in the type of regime in Ethiopia, which has undermined the political will and limited the space for gender activism. Historically, this has been evident ideologically (the Marxist frame of the ‘women question’ and the vanguardism connected with it), but also in respect to political legitimacy (ethnic federalism and the priority given to cultural rights), entrenched authoritarianism and the limited space available for gender activism by women’s right groups. The Working Paper is published as part of the international research programme GLOW – Global Norms and Violence Against Women in Ethiopia – financed by the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
  • Topic: Development, Diplomacy, International Organization, Poverty, Women, Inequality, Gender Based Violence
  • Political Geography: Africa, Ethiopia
  • Author: Garcia Isabella
  • Publication Date: 09-2019
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Centre for Global Political Economy, University of Sussex
  • Abstract: In 2018/2019 the CGPE launched an annual Gender & Global Political Economy Undergraduate Essay Prize competition, open to all undergraduate students within the School of Global Studies. The winner of the 2018/2019 competition is Isabella Garcia for the essay “How do global supply chains exacerbate gender-based violence against women in the Global South?” Isabella graduated with a BA in International Relations and Development in July and will join the MA cohort in our Global Political Economy programme for 2019/2020. Given the very strong field of submissions, the award committee further decided to award a second-place prize to Yume Tamiya for the essay “Does the rise of the middle class disguise existing inequalities in Brazil?”. Yume graduated with a BA in International Development with International Education and Development. We are delighted to publish both of these excellent essays in the CGPE Working Paper series.
  • Topic: Economics, Gender Issues, Women, Gender Based Violence , Global South
  • Political Geography: Africa, Latin America, Mexico, Democratic Republic of Congo
  • Author: Henrietta Johanssen
  • Publication Date: 05-2019
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Middle East Research Institute (MERI)
  • Abstract: With Iraq’s displacement crisis, violence against women and girls has reached new levels of cruelty. However, with a forthcoming transition into stabilisation and the signed commitment to implement UNSCR 1325 for Women, Peace, and Security, both Iraq and Kurdistan Region now have the momentum to pave a new route to safeguarding and promoting women. This policy brief discusses the sexual and gender based violence in Iraq, and the centrality of ‘honour’ and ‘shame’, to tackling legal, structural, and communal barriers to women empowerment.
  • Topic: United Nations, Women, Gender Based Violence , Feminism, Sexual Violence
  • Political Geography: Iraq, Middle East
  • Author: Gabrielle Bardall, Terry Ann Rogers
  • Publication Date: 04-2019
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: International Foundation for Electoral Systems
  • Abstract: iolence against women in politics is a substantial threat to the integrity of the electoral process, affecting women’s participation as voters, candidates, election officials, activists and political party leaders and undermining free, fair and inclusive democratic processes. Elections in Papua New Guinea (PNG) are characterized by violence and tribal politics that contribute to a high prevalence of violence against women in elections (VAWE). A new report from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) assesses VAWE in PNG following the 2017 national elections, drawing on fieldwork, research and IFES’ experiences operating in PNG. The analysis is organized into three key factors that influence the incidence and impact of VAWE
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Elections, Women, Gender Based Violence
  • Political Geography: Papua New Guinea, Oceania
  • Author: Beth English
  • Publication Date: 12-2019
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination, Princeton University
  • Abstract: This volume is a sampling of research conducted by student fellows in the Project on Gender in the Global Community (GGC) at the Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination at Princeton University. Over the course of the 2018-19 academic year, GGC fellows pursued independent, academically rigorous research around a topic of their choosing. The papers in this volume represent a variety of disciplines and methodologies, and the range of work undertaken by students throughout the year—some in connection to course work, junior policy seminars and senior theses, others as stand-alone research papers, and still others as short framing essays intended to serve as starting points for larger long-term research projects. The volume is divided into three sections focusing on 1) gender and domestic political contexts, 2) violence against women and women in conflict, and 3) policy and political leadership.
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Law, Leadership, Gender Based Violence , Conflict
  • Political Geography: Global Focus
  • Author: Sarah Ferbach, Audrey Reeves, Callum Watson, Léa Lehouck
  • Publication Date: 01-2018
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
  • Abstract: Since 2007, the NATO Parliamentary Assembly has pursued an original and ground-breaking approach of mapping the distinctive contribution of its member parliaments to advancing the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda. Following on from previous reports in 2013 and in 2015, this study provides an up-to-date analysis of the 28 national responses to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly WPS survey in 2018. The main findings are as follows: 1. There was an increase in parliaments’ reported activity in the field of WPS, from 81% of respondents reporting some degree of involvement in 2015 to 100% in 2018. Countries with a National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security remain twice as active as countries without a NAP. 2. Of all participating delegations, 91% report that women recently occupied prominent functions related to peace and security in their parliament, thus contributing to enhancing women’s leadership in public debate on peace and security. 3. Parliamentary reports suggest that their engagement as legislative and oversight bodies has remained stable or slightly decreased in quantitative terms. Encouragingly, this engagement has nonetheless diversified in qualitative terms. Parliaments now report the development of legislation and resolutions on a greater variety of WPS themes and 36% mention using two or more monitoring mechanisms in overseeing the implementation of the WPS agenda, an increase from 24% in 2015. 4. Parliaments of NATO member countries have taken up NATO policy recommendations regarding dialogue with civil society organisations and cooperation with other NATO member states, with 17 delegations (61% of respondents) now reporting some activity in this area. The report includes full details and analysis of the survey responses as well as recommendations for parliaments in NATO member countries going forward.
  • Topic: Security, Defense Policy, Development, Gender Issues, Refugee Issues, Peacekeeping, Women, Gender Based Violence
  • Political Geography: Geneva, Europe, United Nations
  • Author: Eileen Pittaway, Linda Bartolomei
  • Publication Date: 08-2018
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Centre for International Governance Innovation
  • Abstract: This paper addresses the international refugee regime’s failure, despite significant international law and policy developed over the past 30 years, to address the protection needs of refugee women and girls and to promote gender equality in policy and service provision. This failure results in serious human rights abuses and squanders the enormous potential and social capital that women and girls can bring to achieving solutions. Refugee women and girls continue to suffer endemic sexual violence and discrimination and to be marginalized, their voices and capacities ignored. The current negotiation of a global compact on refugees by UN member states, led by the UN Refugee Agency, provides an opportunity to look at the reasons for this failure and its implications for women and girls, men and boys, youth, families and communities, in host countries and countries of asylum. The issue is both humanitarian and political, and includes the contentious debate about whether refugees are “burdens” or “responsibilities,” an argument mainly between the governments of the Global South, who host the majority of refugees, and those of the Global North, who provide resources. These tensions, and ideological positions held by stakeholders, all adversely impact refugee women and girls. The increased movement of refugees and the scarcity of resources have decreased the protection available for all refugees and made the plight of women and girls even more acute. The authors outline seven key barriers to refugee women and girls’ achieving gender equality in policy and practice. They explore the ways in which each barrier exacerbates and compounds the others, and recommend approaches to bring about the structural and operational changes urgently needed.
  • Topic: Gender Issues, United Nations, Refugee Issues, Gender Based Violence , Sexual Violence
  • Political Geography: Global South
  • Author: Mariel Bedoya, Karen Espinoza, Alan Sanchez
  • Publication Date: 03-2018
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Group for the Analysis of Development (GRADE)
  • Abstract: Resarchers used longitudinal data from a cohort of Peruvian children (n=1,720) tracked starting at the age of 1 year old to test the association between alcohol-induced physical IPV (intimate partner violence) against the mother during the child’s first two years of life, and the child’s cognitive, socio-emotional and schooling outcomes between the ages of 5 and 8. Multivariate regression techniques are used to estimate the relationship of interest, as they allow for controlling of child, household, and community characteristics. The authors find that early life exposure to IPV is negatively associated with cognitive outcomes (vocabulary and math test scores) for all children, and with self-efficacy for girls. We find no association with child’s self-esteem and age of school enrollment indicators. The effects are larger among children whose mothers are better educated and live in urban areas. Results remain robust across different specifications and after isolating changes in relevant variables over time.
  • Topic: Development, Children, Gender Based Violence , Violence, Intimate Partner Violence
  • Political Geography: Latin America, Peru
  • Author: Doris H. Gray
  • Publication Date: 12-2018
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
  • Abstract: This report focuses on “indirect victims” of human rights violations in Tunisia, namely, the wives, sisters, and children of political prisoners in Tunisia, who suffered discrimination, social exclusion, police violence, and harassment as a result of their relatives’ incarceration during the dictatorship, as well as mothers of the martyrs. Though they may not have suffered incarceration, physical torture, or even death like their relatives, these victims were persecuted and discriminated against and experienced severe economic hardship and isolation after a family member was detained for political and/or religious activities. They were dismissed from work, expelled from school, and/or subjected to random police searches and harassment. Some women fled the country to escape a painful life of isolation and harassment, in many cases with their children, carrying nothing but the clothes on their back. Until now, there has been no substantive, systematic study of these victims, who suffered economic blacklisting, denial of due process, as well as other social and economic rights violations. The aim of this report is to shed light on this population of victims that is often overlooked or silenced in the process of transitional justice and post-uprising nation building. Accurate data on the number of people who were detained for political reasons during Tunisia’s dictatorship period (1955–2011), including women activists, has been nearly impossible to collect. What is known is that the immediate and extended family members of these prisoners, who also suffered human rights abuses, continue to live with the consequences of those violations today. Their fate raises important questions in the human rights discourse because the violations they suffered do not fit neatly within typical human rights narratives, which tend to prioritize civil and political violations and violations of physical integrity. The findings in this report are based on extensive interviews conducted with more than 250 women family members of detainees and mothers of martyrs from nine regions and Tunis in July, August, and December 2017. For many victims, the most pervasive and sustained consequences of the human rights violations they suffered have been the break-down of the family and lost confidence in the judicial and political system, coupled with the sowing of mistrust among family members and communities who feel betrayed. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, families are the building blocks of a society; thus, the destruction of the family unit has serious consequences for individuals and society. In most cases, the forced separation of family members—wives from husbands, mothers and fathers from sons and daughters—has led to permanent estrangement or domestic strife. For example, when husbands were incarcerated, the pressure on their wives was sometimes so great that they were compelled to give their children away to be raised by members of their extended family. Further, women who had not previously worked outside the home or who lost their job as a result of being related to an “enemy of the state” had to generate an income and/or depend heavily on the financial and social support of relatives. Women relatives of political prisoners were also harassed by Tunisia’s system of pointage (which required the relatives of prisoners to report daily to different police stations) and having to travel long distances to deliver couffins (traditional baskets) containing food, clothing, blankets, and/or medicine to their incarcerated relatives, who were often relocated to far-away prisons to increase the burden on families. Many women experienced sexual harassment and violence, sometimes at the hands of police officers during their pointage-mandated check-ins, other times by neighbors or others in the community who took advantage of their heightened vulnerability in the absence of male family members. This type of harassment and violence further enhanced these victims’ sense of shame, estrangement, and self-loathing, especially considering the highly conservative religious communities most lived in. Detainees, once released from prison, were often incapable of resuming their normal family relationships with their loved ones, returning from torture chambers to their homes. An inability to engage in healthy marital relations led, in some cases, to violent interactions with their family members. Though many wives, sisters, and mothers feel a need to stand by their persecuted men, interviews revealed that some children resent their father’s political choices, which they blame for destroying their hope for a decent life. In some cases, women were even forced by their family to divorce their husband while he was in prison and marry a man from the police or security forces, in order to lift the weight of alienation and harassment from the extended family. It is essential that this array of consequences be examined in a systematic way, in order to begin to understand the full impact of the state’s willful destruction of families on indirect victims. Many Tunisians have spent a majority of their life living under repressive rule, and from interviews, it seems clear that some of the effects of such a life have not only persisted for the women but in some cases have transferred to their families. The deeply entrenched and justifiable lack of trust in state institutions expressed in interviews with victims (both direct and indirect) can only be repaired with efforts on the part of the state to highlight the human rights violations experienced, address the needs of victims and ensure non-repetition. After the 2011 revolution, Tunisia embarked on a process to address past human rights violations under the comprehensive framework established by the Organic Law on Establishing and Organizing Transitional Justice. The process has faced numerous challenges, including a difficult political terrain, and victims have expressed frustration with the lack of results. The Truth and Dignity Commission was plagued by internal divisions, while the Specialized Chambers has faced slow implementation. The other elements included in the law – reparations, memorialization and institutional reform – are still forthcoming. This report offers documentation and analysis that aims to enhance the current understanding of the experiences of this population of victims. It underscores the importance of actively involving victims in the process of societal transformation. The transitional justice process in Tunisia must recognize the experiences of indirect victims and seek to address the consequences of the violations they faced. This report highlights that this goes beyond ensuring their participation in the process, which is important, to contributing to their ability to exercise agency in their lives and make
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Women, Gender Based Violence , Transitional Justice, Victims
  • Political Geography: Africa, Tunisia
  • Author: Simone Lombardini
  • Publication Date: 05-2018
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Oxfam Publishing
  • Abstract: This evaluation is presented as part of the Effectiveness Review Series 2016/17, selected for review under the women’s empowerment thematic area. The evaluation took place in November 2016 in Tunisia, and intended to evaluate the success of the ‘AMAL: Supporting Women’s Transformative Leadership’ project in increasing women’s empowerment. The project ‘AMAL: Supporting Women’s Transformative Leadership’ is a multi-country programme operating in Morocco, Tunisia, the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Yemen, with regional coordination from Lebanon. The results coming from this Effectiveness Review are not meant to be indicative of the overall impact of AMAL, but more a focused assessment for the Tunisia component. The AMAL project operating in Tunisia started in 2012, following the revolution of 2011, with the objective to increase women’s awareness of their political and socio-economic rights, and support women to play a more active role in the political and socio-economic life of their community and country.
  • Topic: Civil Society, Gender Issues, Gender Based Violence , Feminism
  • Political Geography: Africa, Tunisia
  • Author: Isabella Esquivel Ventura
  • Publication Date: 05-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs
  • Abstract: This document is a synthesis of a Master's thesis titled “Public Policy analysis to enable women to access a life free from violence in Mexico City: an intervention proposing to work with young men for the prevention of masculine violence”, developed over the course of 2013-14, as part of the Master's program in Public Policy and Gender offered by the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences based in Mexico, and which was defended in front of an academic panel in August 2014. The investigation is a policy analysis, using the conceptual and argumentative framework of gender theory, and involves the analysis of a social problem of inequality between men and women, with the end to propose recommendations for a solution using public policy. Thusmasculine gender violence against women is the public problem of gender inequality which is the object of this policy analysis, a problem which is present in Mexican society both historically and structurally. Current prevention policies in Mexico City have been analyzed and this document includes public policy recommendations regarding said policies. The investigation is structured as an introduction and four chapters. The first detailed the public problem and the design of this research, and in the following chapters the conceptual and theoretical frameworks, methodology, analysis and recommendations were outlined. What follows here is a summary of this work.
  • Topic: Women, Inequality, Gender Based Violence , Masculinity
  • Political Geography: North America, Mexico, Mexico City
  • Author: Vanessa Ochs, Denise Walsh, Swati Chawla, Dannah Dennis, Paromita Sen, Catalina Vallejo
  • Publication Date: 03-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Institute of International Education
  • Abstract: In 2016, USAID’s Center of Excellence on Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance launched its Learning Agenda—a set of research questions designed to address the issues that confront staff in USAID field offices working on the intersection of development and democracy, human rights, and governance. This literature review—produced by a team of UVA professors and graduate students representing the academic disciplines of anthropology, history, political science, religious studies, and sociology—synthesizes scholarship from diverse research traditions on the following Learning Agenda question: What are the most effective ways to encourage women’s civic (e.g., volunteer, advocacy, etc.) and political (e.g., voting, running for office) participation? What are the risks to women of these strategies in contexts where resistance to changing gender norms is strong? Building on an ODI report, “Women’s Voice and Leadership in Decision-Making: Assessing the Evidence” (2015) that identified seven strategies to support women’s civic and political representation, the UVA team focused on the second half of the research question, using a flexible systematic review process that included defining and operationalizing strong resistance. Overall, the team found that 1) research on resistance that aims to limit or end challenges to the status quo is under-theorized and in need of concept-building before researchers can make the analytical distinctions necessary to assess resistance fully and 2) where the literature does exist, it has an almost exclusive focus on female politicians. With these limitations in mind, key findings include: Resistance—which may include physical and sexual violence; social and familial censure; ostracization by the religious community; and various overt or subtle forms of restriction, deprivation, and exclusion—varies according to multiple factors, including by not limited to gender norms, the broader cultural context, regime type, local power structures, economic opportunities, and the form of participation sought. All women do not experience the same levels of risk, and are not vulnerable to the same types of resistance. For example, even within a single socio-cultural context, women who are marginalized (economically, racially, linguistically, religiously, or otherwise) are likely to bear greater burdens of risk. Strong resistance in response to the seven strategies identified in the ODI report is not pervasive but does occur, and that it can discourage women’s participation. Low to moderate resistance is ubiquitous, but generally has less deleterious effects. Sites where strong resistance occurs vary within countries and even among local areas within a single country, suggesting that a country-level analysis of gender norms is inadequate and ineffective for assessing and understanding women’s risk of strong resistance. The implications of these findings are that practitioner risk assessments should be: Routine and done prior to engaging in any intervention, and require information extending far beyond local gender norms. Focused on low to moderate forms of resistance in situations of backlash, and attentive to the possibility of strong resistance in situations of entrenched resistance. Designed for the specific site where the intervention occurs, while remaining attentive to national- and individual-level factors that shape resistance.
  • Topic: Politics, Women, Gender Based Violence , Participation
  • Political Geography: North America, Global Focus
  • Author: Jessica Huber, Lisa Kammerud
  • Publication Date: 02-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: International Foundation for Electoral Systems
  • Abstract: The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) recognizes that violence against women in elections is a threat to the integrity of the electoral process – it can affect women’s participation as voters, candidates, election officials, activists, and political party leaders, and it undermines the free, fair, and inclusive democratic process. In an effort to better understand and address the ways in which electoral violence creates a barrier to women’s participation, IFES has developed the Violence Against Women in Elections (VAWIE) Framework to specifically identify and address the unique issues related to gender-based election violence. Through analysis and program implementation focused on increasing women’s participation and leadership in democracy assistance, the VAWIE Framework makes narratives of violence against women in elections in their homes, political arenas and public spaces more visible. This is part of IFES’ overall approach to electoral security, which is human-centered, in line with IFES' mission to support citizens' right to participate in free and fair elections, allows for a more holistic approach to security that covers all phases and activities of the electoral process and adheres to international standards and norms governing elections.
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Elections, Women, Gender Based Violence
  • Political Geography: Global Focus
  • Author: Silja Paasilinna, Sue Palmer-Wetherald, Megan Ritchie
  • Publication Date: 04-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: International Foundation for Electoral Systems
  • Abstract: Women in Bangladesh are uniquely impacted by pervasive violence in the country’s electoral process, as voters, candidates, political party supporters and activists. To explore the effect of electoral violence on women’s meaningful participation, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) convened seven focus groups of Bangladeshi women in 2013 and 2015 to discuss electoral violence they have experienced both in the home and in the public sphere. Under the “Bangladesh Election Support Activities” (BESA) Program, IFES has worked through two key channels to engage interested stakeholders in preventing electoral violence, sharing information on the causes of conflict and promoting peaceful political processes:
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Elections, Women, Gender Based Violence , Participation
  • Political Geography: Bangladesh, South Asia, Asia
  • Author: Jamille Bigio, Rachel Vogelstein
  • Publication Date: 10-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Council on Foreign Relations
  • Abstract: Armies and armed groups often subject noncombatants—particularly women and children—to conflict-related sexual violence, such as rape, sexual slavery, and forced marriage. Despite international recognition of this devastating abuse as a crime against humanity, sexual violence continues to plague conflicts from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to Syria. This practice has also proliferated among extremist groups, including Boko Haram in Nigeria and the self-proclaimed Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. Additionally, sexual violence has tarnished the operations of peacekeepers charged with protecting civilians, thereby undermining the integrity and effectiveness of international peacekeeping institutions across the globe. Sexual violence in conflict is not simply a gross violation of human rights—it is also a security challenge. Wartime rape fuels displacement, weakens governance, and destabilizes communities, thereby inhibiting postconflict reconciliation and imperiling long-term stability. Combating conflict-related sexual violence merits a higher place on the U.S. foreign policy agenda. Although the U.S. government has taken modest steps to address sexual violence in conflict under successive Republican and Democratic administrations, more action is needed. To counter such violence, the Donald J. Trump administration should require training on conflict-related sexual violence in U.S. security cooperation efforts; expand the number of women serving in militaries, police, and peacekeeping forces around the world; increase accountability for the crime of sexual violence; and undermine terrorist financing streams raised through the abduction of women and children. These steps will help the United States and its allies respond effectively to the security threat posed by conflict-related sexual violence and advance U.S. interests in peace and stability.
  • Topic: Human Rights, Gender Based Violence , Conflict, Sexual Violence
  • Political Geography: United States, Iraq, Syria, Nigeria, Congo
  • Author: Jessica Ruch
  • Publication Date: 04-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Center on Human Rights Education, University of Denver
  • Abstract: A wife must listen to man and do as he says. She belongs to him now,” my colleague quietly translated as the young couple held hands before the priest. This wedding was just one personal experience of a Peace Corps volunteer in a southeast village, however, research shows systematic discrimination against women and a widespread prevalence of gender based violence (GBV) in Ukraine. The UN reports that 90% of violent cases are against women and though the government has introduced initiatives and ratified laws to prevent and protect against GBV, the country faces major obstacles inhibiting prevention and survivor protection. Domestic violence (DV) and intimate partner violence, sexualized violence, sexual harassment, and human trafficking are the four most pervasive types of GBV in Ukraine. Like many other countries, DV and IPV are taboo and veiled from public and private discussions in Ukraine. The myths encouraging victim blaming in family violence and normalization of violence is still widespread in society. Comprehensive DV data was not collected until the EU and UNDP’s 2009 study, which revealed that nearly 1/3 of adults experienced DV as children and 44% of women experienced DV in their lifetime. Men were more likely to experience DV as children, and women as adults. Seventy-five percent of DV survivors never sought help and only 1-2% contacted NGOs or social services. Information on the status and response to sexualized violence is vague and unsubstantiated. The Ukrainian government reports that service providers are trained to deliver physical and psychological care to sexual assault survivors, but the EU’s Gender Equality Commission concludes that there are no services which ensure immediate care, trauma support or counseling, nor are services free or accessible to all survivors. The NGO, Women Against Violence in Europe reports that there are no permanent centers supporting survivors of sexual assault.
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Gender Based Violence , Sexual Violence, NGOs
  • Political Geography: Europe, Ukraine, Eastern Europe
  • Author: Lauren Palarino
  • Publication Date: 10-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Center on Human Rights Education, University of Denver
  • Abstract: In the Denver Metro Area out of 3336 people who are homeless surveyed, 30.2% are women and nationally, single women are the fastest growing population of homeless in the United States and face unique challenges regarding healthcare, safety, and childcare. These needs are often unaddressed by shelters and instead can alienate women who are unable to find the help they need. The reasons women are homeless are as diverse, but one in four women report domestic violence as the main factor in their current homeless situation resulting in health disparities and trauma left unaddressed. Lack of education prevents women from finding employment and gaining income and rising costs of living. Understanding women’s specific problems associated with being homeless can help us empathize with them and to try and help.
  • Topic: Gender Issues, Poverty, Gender Based Violence , Homelessness
  • Political Geography: United States, North America, Colorado
  • Author: Bukola Adeyemi Oyeniyi
  • Publication Date: 03-2017
  • Content Type: Working Paper
  • Institution: Social Science Research Council
  • Abstract: Using testimonies of child soldiers and amputees from Sierra Leone, accounts from survivors of the Rwandan genocide, and recollections of survivors of rape and sexual violence from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this essay explores the intersection between pain, its recollection, and post-conflict recovery in Africa. Between 1991 and 2002, unprecedented violence gripped Sierra Leone, leading to the death of an estimated 50,000 people. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) set up after the civil war reported that a rebel group, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), orchestrated “indiscriminate amputations, abduction of women and children, recruitment of children as combatants, rape and sexual slavery, cannibalism, gratuitous killings, and wanton destruction of villages and towns” against ethnic groups believed to be loyal to President Joseph Saidu Momoh and the All People’s Congress (APC), the party that had ruled Sierra Leone since 1968
  • Topic: Children, Gender Based Violence , Conflict, Sexual Violence
  • Political Geography: Africa, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo