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742. Constitutional Term Limits for African Leaders
- Author:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Publication Date:
- 09-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Abstract:
- African leaders’ adherence to constitutional term limits is a key component of institutionalizing predictable norms of democratic succession. Progress toward establishing this norm has been mixed, however. While a number of African countries have succeeded in upholding term limits over the past two decades, leaders in more than 20 countries effectively do not face restrictions on their time in power.
- Topic:
- Democracy, Political structure, Political stability, and Institutionalism
- Political Geography:
- Africa, North Africa, East Africa, Central Africa, and Southern Africa
743. Al Shabaab Remains Virulent as ISIS Shifts to Egypt
- Author:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Publication Date:
- 10-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Abstract:
- A quarterly update of a map tracking militant Islamic group activity in Africa as compiled by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies. Al Shabaab has been involved in over half of all violent events related to militant Islamist groups in Africa in the first three quarters of 2017 (987 of 1,827 total).
- Topic:
- Violent Extremism, ISIS, Militant Islam, and Al Shabaab
- Political Geography:
- Africa, North Africa, West Africa, and East Africa
744. South Sudan Conflict Drives Massive Population Movement
- Author:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Publication Date:
- 10-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Abstract:
- Mass atrocities, including unlawful killings, rape, torture, and destruction of property, have caused one in three people in South Sudan to flee their homes.
- Topic:
- Genocide, Human Rights, United Nations, Refugees, and Displacement
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Sudan, East Africa, South Sudan, and Central Africa
745. Dynamics of African Economic Migration
- Author:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Publication Date:
- 12-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Abstract:
- Migration continues to be a major issue affecting African societies. Here are three observations on how Africa’s economic migrants* affect security on the continent:
- Topic:
- Migration, United Nations, Diaspora, Refugees, and Displacement
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Libya, Egypt, Mediterranean, and Gulf of Aden
746. Is Kurdistan Independence Inevitable?
- Author:
- Yerevan Saeed
- Publication Date:
- 09-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Middle East Research Institute (MERI)
- Abstract:
- On 25 September, residents of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) will cast their votes in a referendum that may trigger an official process of separating Kurdistan from Iraq. International friends and foes alike have opposed the controversial Kurdish move, contending that the referendum will fuel further instability in Iraq, and cause repercussions across the Middle East. The Kurdish bid for independence is not unique, however. Ethnic groups in Asia, Europe, and Africa have in the past pursued their own dreams of statehood — some with success, while others ended in failure. Whatever the outcome, the process is often costly in terms of both its human toll and economically. For that reason, the secession of any region from its parent state has to be justified on strategic, political, and economic terms. For their part, Kurdish leadership asserts that Baghdad’s mentality of power monopoly has not changed and the long-term potential for future violence against Kurds remains high. For them, the only viable, albeit risky, path is to seek complete sovereignty. The stakes are high all round, and the international community could have a constructive role to play. Conversely, international disengagement leaves both Baghdad and Erbil exposed to greater uncertainty in the near future. Iraq and Kurdistan could follow the model of Kosovo, East Timor, or South Sudan, all of which realised their statehood but to varying degrees of stability; or, instead, the catastrophic pathways taken by the Biafra region of Nigeria and Katanga in Congo (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo). Though South Sudan is still reeling from its civil war and ongoing territorial disputes, international intervention has been key in preventing clashes between Khartoum and the new state. Some important steps included the signing of the North/South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005, and the active participation of the United Nations in the referendum process in 2011. Likewise, international support was a determinant in amicable separation of East Timor from Indonesia in UN-sponsored referendum in 1999, as well as the separation of Kosovo from Serbia in 2008. By the same token, instead of mounting further pressure on Erbil to cancel the poll, it could be more constructive for all stakeholders to assist Baghdad and Erbil to reach a mutually acceptable agreement. This is likely to be beneficial for all sides. A deal would mitigate the chance of violent conflict between Kurdish forces and the Iraqi army, and could save the UN and major powers from investing blood and treasure in case of a potential later conflict. It would also remove Kurdistan from international legal limbo and provide a more viable route for diplomatic recognition. In contrast to these experiences, the anticipated absence of international engagement means a unilateral declaration of independence by Erbil could prove costly for all sides. This is evidenced by the declaration of independence of the Biafra Region in Nigeria in 1967–1970. The Igbo-dominated region of Biafra did not hold a referendum to pursue its dream of statehood. Instead, the 300 members of the joint Consultative Assembly of chiefs and elders voted in favour of secession from Nigeria on 26 May, 1967. The following day, the same Consultative Assembly passed a binding resolution, forcing the head of the Eastern region of Nigeria, Colonel Emeka Ojukwu, to declare independence unilaterally on 30 May, 1967. Despite some international support from African and European countries, the move was met with harsh military and economic warfare against the infant republic by the Nigerian government, leading to a three year conflict. One million people, including many civilians Biafrans civilians died, primarily from starvation. Further evidence of the potential danger can be found in the case of Katanga. When Moise Tshombe declared Katanga province as an independent republic from Congo on 11 July, 1960, the move was initially supported by Belgium, and came just two weeks after the Congo’s independence. Tshombe famously said, “We are seceding from chaos,” referring to the messy state of affairs of postcolonial Congo. However, the republic, located in the mineral heartland of Congo, failed to receive diplomatic recognition — even from Belgium, and faced strong opposition from Congo and the international community. The events descended into political turmoil, and forced the UN to deploy peacekeeping forces. In addition, the competing interests and support for different groups from the US, Soviet Union, Belgium, and other powers further complicated the crisis from 1960–1965. It took three years to defeat Tshombe and reintegrate Katanga into Congo, with a high human and economic toll . Beyond these examples and above all, the right of the Kurds to pursue statehood can be historically and legally justifiable. At the dawn of the last century when the Ottoman Empire crumbled, Kurds were deprived of statehood by the Great Powers. They were subject not just to marginalisation, but to genocide as well. Even so, following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Iraqi Kurdish leaders actively participated in the political processes in Baghdad, helping rebuild the Iraqi state and contributing to the defeat of terrorism. From their point of view, Baghdad has not lived up to its commitments to the 2005 constitution. Furthermore, the Kurds in Iraq believe they have strong grounds legal for a Kurdish state. Under the UN Charter, they have the right to self-determination. Finally, legal scholars argue that the principle of “territorial integrity” — enshrined in the UN Charter — is not unbreakable, should a country oppress a particular ethnic group and refuse to provide equal citizenship. International and regional powers have expressed understanding for the Kurdish aspirations for statehood, but are concerned the result could lead to violence. However, if instability is the concern, they are well-positioned to facilitate an amicable outcome between Erbil and Baghdad. Kurdish leaders have said that they have reached a point of no return with regard to their status quo within Iraq. Yet, they have shown flexibility in a willingness to postpone the referendum, should the international community offer alternatives or agree to officially support a legally binding referendum in the future. Indeed on 14 September, 2017, envoys of the US, UK and UN, in coordination with Baghdad, presented an ‘alternative to the referendum’ to the KRG President. Details of the ‘alternative’ is not known but short of providing political and economic incentives and security assurances, it is hard to see the current momentum for the referendum coming to an end
- Topic:
- United Nations, Election watch, Conflict, and Independence
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Iraq, Middle East, and Kurdistan
747. Bringing the sea back in: Towards a port-centric view of the Somali economy
- Author:
- Jatin Dua
- Publication Date:
- 12-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
- Abstract:
- Much of the existing scholarship on the Somali peninsula is informed by territorialized assumptions focusing on pastoralism or overland trading. In this working paper Jaitin Dua, an anthropologist and assistant professor at the University of Michigan, proposes a ‘maritime’ view on the Somali economy that highlights the role of ships, ports and seas. Comparing the three port cities of Benderbeyla, Bosaso and Djibouti the author provides insights into the nexus between violent capture, regulation and sovereignty across the Somali territories. What emerges are different modes of port-making that are closely related to global circulation. By bringing the sea back into Somali studies and contemporary anthropology, Dua offers an innovative interpretation of state formation dynamics. This DIIS Working Paper is part of the GOVSEA PAPER SERIES (Governing Economic Hubs and Flows in Somali East Africa) edited by Tobias Hagmann and Finn Stepputat
- Topic:
- Piracy, Economy, State Formation, Maritime, and Port
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Somalia
748. Institutions And Sustainable Industrial-led Development In Sub-Saharan Africa
- Author:
- Anointing Ogie Momoh and Uzochukwu Uchechukwu Alutu
- Publication Date:
- 02-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Centre for the Study of the Economies of Africa (CSEA)
- Abstract:
- In 2015, economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) slowed to 3.4 percent from 4.6 percent the previous year. The economic slowdown in the region was the result of an interplay of several external and domestic factors such as lower commodity prices, slowdown in the economies of major trading partners, tightening borrowing conditions, political instability and conflict, electricity shortages and other infrastructure deficiencies (World Bank, 2016). This sluggish growth trends is in contrast to the impressive growth recorded in the region, over the past decade.
- Topic:
- Development, Economics, Institutions, Sustainability, and Industry
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa
749. Consequences Of School Resources For Educational Achievement
- Author:
- Joseph Ishaku
- Publication Date:
- 06-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Centre for the Study of the Economies of Africa (CSEA)
- Abstract:
- This paper examines the determinants of educational achievement in a developing country context, Burkina Faso. We deviate from the extant literature by constructing an aggregate index of school quality from the observable school resources. Also, we account for school choice constraints, faced by children especially in rural areas, as it relates to the geographical inequalities in the distribution of quality schools. These treatments provide an unbiased estimates of the relevance of school resources for academic performance. The empirical approach is based on a two-stage procedure that accounts for supply constraints in school choice.
- Topic:
- Development, Economics, Education, and Schools
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Burkina Faso
750. Electrification in Nigeria: Challenges and Way Forward
- Author:
- Joseph Ishaku
- Publication Date:
- 06-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Centre for the Study of the Economies of Africa (CSEA)
- Abstract:
- Although electricity has been generated in commercial quantities in Nigeria for over a century, the rate of electricity infrastructure development in the county is low and power supply remains inadequate. Prior to reforms, the central challenges of the Nigerian power sector was the vertically integrated monopoly of government in power generation, transmission and distribution. While the reforms was successful in privatizing the generation and distribution segments of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI), the overbearing problems in the sector persists –with privatization only changing the dimensions of the challenges. Financing remain a major problem across all the segments of the NESI partly due to non-cost reflective tariff. Yet each segment of the NESI also faces its unique challenges. The generation segment is riffed with the problems of energy security and inefficiencies in other segments. The challenges in the transmission segment lies in the lack of modern transmission lines and equipment, gross mismanagement, poor maintenance of available infrastructure and inefficient grid design. Distribution companies face the problem of huge Aggregate Technical, Commercial, and Collection (ATC&C) losses. In terms of electricity access, 46.09 percent of the Nigerian population remains unconnected to the national grid, representing 83.98 million people. Further, electricity demand is estimated at 24,380 MW as at 2015 compared to NESI’s available generation capacity of 7,139.6 MW. In terms of energy use, Nigeria has the lowest in the world – 80 percent below its energy use based on income levels. In a bid to tackle aforementioned challenges, the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) set ambitious targets for the country’s energy mix. This should allow Nigeria exploit its potential for coal, solar, wind, biomass, as well as small and large hydroelectric power electric generation, while reducing the prevalence of self-generation, which constitute two-thirds of present energy mix. By 2020, the FGN targets to achieve up to 75 percent access to electricity by connecting 1.5 million households annually. While Nigeria’s energy mix targets are desirable, the prospect of success remain bleak on account of financial constraints, pricing policy and lack of policy coordination. Improving electricity supply in Nigeria and addressing barriers to achieving the energy mix targets will entail: addressing payment risk, financing power sector investment, as well as improving the pricing and tariff structure, gas pricing and allocation, and market regulation.
- Topic:
- Development, Markets, Infrastructure, Regulation, and Electricity
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Nigeria
751. Can there be benefits from competing legal regimes?: the impact of legal pluralism in post-conflict Sierra Leone
- Author:
- Pedro Naso, Erwin Bulte, and Tim Swanson
- Publication Date:
- 10-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Centre for International Environmental Studies, The Graduate Institute (IHEID)
- Abstract:
- We investigate the impact of competition between legal regimes on the number of authoritative acts and amount of fines occurring in rural Sierra Leone. We model state and traditional legal systems as competing authorities with a potential for overlap in their jurisdictions. We are interested in the sign and magnitude of the legal pluralism externality in this region of overlapping authority. We then test the model and estimate the size of the externality coefficient in the context of post-conflict Sierra Leone. Our results show a negative externality between regimes for civil disputes—that is, an increase in the cost of apprehending a person. We also show that there is a reduction in the amount of fines per dispute collected in this shared space. Overall, this indicates that a potential benefit to the local people from multiple competing regimes is a reduction in expected authoritative expropriation.
- Topic:
- Civil War, Post-Conflict, and Legal Dualism
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Sierra Leone
752. Discrimination and Favouritism Among Workers: Union Membership and Ethnic Identity
- Author:
- Chiara Ravetti, Mare Sarr, Tim Swanson, and Daniel Munene
- Publication Date:
- 10-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Centre for International Environmental Studies, The Graduate Institute (IHEID)
- Abstract:
- This paper analyses how labour institutions and ethnic identity shape favouritism and discrimination among workers. We conduct an experiment with union and non-union South African mineworkers from various ethnicities. We examine in-group and out-group behaviour, emphasizing the relative ranking of these groups and their interaction. We find that unions create both in-group and out-group favouritism towards co-ethnic members and members of ethnic majorities. This favouritism is however undermined by unionised subcontract workers who experience precarious conditions. Furthermore, union members discriminate against non-unionised ethnic minorities. Finally, non-union members (primarily subcontract workers) discriminate against union members, particularly after negative shocks.
- Topic:
- Ethnicity, Discrimination, Mining, Labor Market, and Trade Unions
- Political Geography:
- Africa and South Africa
753. Assessing the Impact of National Marketing Boards on Consumers and Producers’ Welfare
- Author:
- Thembumenzi Diamini, Mangaliso Mohammed, and Thabo Sacolo
- Publication Date:
- 11-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Eswatini Economic Policy Analysis and Research Centre (ESEPARC)
- Abstract:
- Food production in Swaziland has historically been insufficient, even after the introduction of National Marketing Boards. This is despite their mandate emphasised in the National Development Strategy (NDS) and Agriculture Sector Policy to develop smallholder agriculture through commercialisation, value addition and market access. The low food production coupled with high food prices and dependency on food imports increases the food-insecure population in the country. Hence, the study uses a Partial Equilibrium Model to assess the welfare impact of National Marketing Boards, in particular the National Maize Corporation (NMC) and Swaziland Dairy Board (SBD), on consumers and producers. The results show that over the five-year period, on average, the loss in maize per consumer was E94.22 per year, resulting in an average consumer loss of E116,975,312.30 per year. However, the average producer gains were E35,651,178.21; indicating that highly commercialised maize producers were benefiting from the NMC while consumers were losing through higher maize prices compared to what they would have received in a competitive environment. In the same period, on average, the milk producer gains were E35,545,181.85 while the consumer losses were E243,676,441.51 per year. This implies that commercial farmers are gaining at the expense of consumers. The average individual maize consumer losses amount to E197.90 per year. The study concludes that National Marketing Boards do contribute to low food production, high consumer prices, and economic losses. Therefore, it is recommended that policy makers need to design policies and strategies that comply with the heterogeneous markets in order to benefit consumers and producers.
- Topic:
- Agriculture, Food, Food Security, Welfare, and Service Marketing
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Eswatini
754. Comparative Continuismo: Presidential Term Limit Contravention Across Developing Democracies
- Author:
- Kristin McKie
- Publication Date:
- 12-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Kellogg Institute for International Studies
- Abstract:
- Since presidential term limits were (re)adopted into many constitutions during the third wave of democratization, 207 presidents across Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia have reached the end of their terms in office. Of these, 30% have attempted to contravene term limits whereas 70% have stepped down in compliance with tenure rules. Furthermore, of the presidents who have attempted to alter tenure restrictions, some have succeeded in fully abolishing term limits, others have only managed a one-term extension, while a minority have failed in their bids to secure any additional terms in office. What explains these divergent trajectories? On the basis of a series of statistical analyses, I argue that trends in electoral competition over time are the best predictor of the range of term limit contravention outcomes across the board, with the least competitive elections permitting full term limit abolition and the most competitive elections saving off attempts at altering executive tenure rules. Furthermore, results show that failed contravention attempts are true borderline cases, rather than instances gross miscalculations of success by the president and her party, in that they feature less competitive elections than non-attempt cases but more competitive elections than successful contravention cases. These findings suggest a linkage between political uncertainty and constitutional stability more generally.
- Topic:
- Democratization, Democracy, Institutions, and Political Parties
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Middle East, Asia, and Latin America
755. Collective Regional Image: Logics of Consciousness and Modes of Management in Post-Cold War Africa and Southeast Asia
- Author:
- Brooke Coe
- Publication Date:
- 04-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- The Kolleg-Forschergruppe (KFG)
- Abstract:
- One distinguishing feature of the “new” regionalism is its outward orientation – the increased importance of the external dimension of regional cooperation. It makes sense, then, that efforts to manage external perceptions of a region, on the part of policy-relevant actors in that region, might contribute to important changes to regional norms and institutions. By and large, though, existing accounts of normative and institutional change at the regional level do not explicitly conceptualize and theorize collective image consciousness and management. This paper offers an initial attempt to address this conceptual gap, making use of two cases of regional image crisis (post-Cold War Africa and post-1997 Southeast Asia) in order to draw out logics of regional image consciousness and to distinguish among types of regional image management efforts. As regional communities of states, Africa and Southeast Asia promoted and adhered to a relatively strict interpretation of the principle of non-interference during the Cold War period. In the post-Cold War era, the non-interference norm has eroded in both regions. In each, these developments constituted – in part – a collective image management strategy, aimed at external audiences. Reforms to regional institutions were promoted in part as efforts to ameliorate negative international perceptions.
- Topic:
- Regional Cooperation, Institutionalism, Regionalism, and Post Cold War
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Asia, and Southeast Asia
756. Collective Regional Image: Logics of Consciousness and Modes of Management in Post-Cold War Africa and Southeast Asia
- Author:
- Brooke Coe
- Publication Date:
- 04-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- The Kolleg-Forschergruppe (KFG)
- Abstract:
- One distinguishing feature of the “new” regionalism is its outward orientation – the increased importance of the external dimension of regional cooperation. It makes sense, then, that efforts to manage external perceptions of a region, on the part of policy-relevant actors in that region, might contribute to important changes to regional norms and institutions. By and large, though, existing accounts of normative and institutional change at the regional level do not explicitly conceptualize and theorize collective image consciousness and management. This paper offers an initial attempt to address this conceptual gap, making use of two cases of regional image crisis (post-Cold War Africa and post-1997 Southeast Asia) in order to draw out logics of regional image consciousness and to distinguish among types of regional image management efforts. As regional communities of states, Africa and Southeast Asia promoted and adhered to a relatively strict interpretation of the principle of non-interference during the Cold War period. In the post-Cold War era, the non-interference norm has eroded in both regions. In each, these developments constituted – in part – a collective image management strategy, aimed at external audiences. Reforms to regional institutions were promoted in part as efforts to ameliorate negative international perceptions.
- Topic:
- Regional Cooperation, Institutionalism, Regionalism, and Post Cold War
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Asia, and Southeast Asia
757. Pathways to Media Reform in Sub‐Saharan Africa Reflections from a Regional Consultation
- Author:
- Herman Wasserman and Nicholas Benequista
- Publication Date:
- 12-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- National Endowment for Democracy
- Abstract:
- When Mali in 1991 ended more than two decades of one-party rule, it embraced media freedom and pluralism as an essential part of its democratic transition. For two decades the country was considered a success story of democracy in Africa. The greater freedom enjoyed by the media and the flourishing of radio stations in the country was seen as part of a wider growth of independent and plural media in Africa during the 1990s, following earlier periods of control over the media by post-colonial governments. Unfortunately, the link between media and democracy in Mali works both ways: reversals to Mali’s democratization have frequently been accompanied by setbacks to media freedom. In 2000, the government passed a law allowing journalists found guilty of defamation to be fined or imprisoned, and journalists came under pressure to self-censor reports on sensitive topics. And when a coup d’état in 2012 and conflict in the country’s north threatened the country’s democracy, the space for media was further constrained. According to Freedom House, in the country’s north, it is dangerous for journalists, bribery of journalists is commonplace, and working conditions for journalists have worsened. Everywhere in the world, democracy and press freedom have been natural companions, but as the case of Mali illustrates so well, the relationship between the two has been closely entwined in sub-Saharan Africa. In the struggles for independence from colonial rule, in the wave of post-colonial movements that ended military regimes and dictatorships, and in the efforts today to keep governments accountable, the demands for press freedom, citizen voice, and pluralism have frequently been at the vanguard. Conversely, as democratic institutions in the region have been slowly hollowed out in recent years by colluding political and economic elites, so too have we seen media pluralism eroded by the influence of the powerful: authoritarians have left standing the facade of democratic institutions and press freedoms in the region, while disabling them from within. This report lays out a vision for how the continuing struggle for vibrant, independent, and plural media systems in the region might more effectively bolster efforts of democratic revitalization. The report draws on the input of 36 experts in media and governance from 15 countries in sub-Saharan Africa who met in Durban, South Africa, in July 2017, and it deepens the insights and ideas that came from this group by documenting previously successful media reforms in sub-Saharan Africa.
- Topic:
- Reform, Media, Journalism, and Freedom of Press
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Mali, and Sub-Saharan Africa
758. For how long will the peace treaty with Egypt be robust?
- Author:
- Efraim Inbar
- Publication Date:
- 01-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS)
- Abstract:
- Everything must be done by Jerusalem to preserve the peace treaty with Egypt, but Israel should still prepare itself for worst-case scenarios.
- Topic:
- Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, Conflict, and Peace
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Middle East, Israel, and Egypt
759. Women and Transitional Justice
- Author:
- Peace and Security (GIWPS) Georgetown Institute for Women
- Publication Date:
- 08-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
- Abstract:
- This volume attempts to share some of the ideas outlined in a Bridging Theory and Practice Symposium on the topic of women and transitional justice. In the following pages, Jennifer Moore presents a useful framework for how to conduct qualitative research that focuses on the work of women-led, community-based organizations in Uganda, Sierra Leone, and Burundi, and in doing so helps construct a research model that can be adapted across contexts. Rebekka Friedman provides reflections on women’s experiences in culturally mediated grieving and recovery processes in northern Sri Lanka. Anna Applebaum and Briana Mawby discuss the opportunities and challenges to engendering transitional justice processes in Kenya after the 2007-2008 post-election violence, paying particular attention to the ongoing and yet-to-be fully implemented Restorative Justice Fund.
- Topic:
- Elections, Women, Transitional Justice, Violence, and Community-based Organizations
- Political Geography:
- Uganda, Kenya, Africa, Sri Lanka, Sierra Leone, and Burundi
760. Dilemmas and experiences of international support for inclusive peacebuilding
- Author:
- Clare Castillejo
- Publication Date:
- 09-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- The issue of inclusive peacebuilding has moved up the international agenda in recent years. There is now unprecedented policy-level commitment among the international community to promote inclusion in conflict-affected contexts; growing evidence of the importance of inclusion for sustainable peace and development; emerging lessons on best approaches for promoting inclusion; and a recognition among international actors of the need to learn from past weaknesses in this area. This report examines the current policy context for providing international support to inclusive peacebuilding. It identifies how international actors can strengthen their efforts to promote inclusion by learning from previous experience and drawing on new knowledge and approaches. It goes on to look at how international actors have supported inclusion in three very different conflict-affected contexts, Afghanistan, Somalia and Nepal, and asks how international actors have engaged on issues of inclusion in these contexts, what factors shaped this engagement, and what the results have been.
- Topic:
- Diplomacy, International Cooperation, Conflict, and Peace
- Political Geography:
- Afghanistan, Africa, Middle East, Asia, Nepal, and Somalia