Search

Begin New Search Content Type Special Report

3501. Doubling Down on the U.S.-South Korea Alliance: Olympics Diplomacy Did Not Breach Trust, but TrumpMoon Confidence Is in Jeopardy

Author:
Leif-Eric Easley
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Korea Economic Institute of America (KEI)
Abstract:
The U.S.-ROK alliance faced a quickening pace of North Korean provocations in 2016-17, with Pyongyang violating UN Security Council resolutions dozens of times. Those violations included a fourth nuclear test in January 2016, fifth in September 2016, and sixth in September 2017, as well as numerous missile tests of various trajectories from different platforms. North Korea tested intermediate-range missiles overflying Japan and missiles of intercontinental range on lofted trajectories, while developing road-mobile and submarinelaunched ballistic missiles. As policymakers in Seoul and Washington coordinated responses to those provocations, changes in national leadership and domestic political preferences brought into question the bilateral trust the alliance needs to deter conflict, reassure publics, and promote regional cooperation. Elections have consequences, even before votes are cast. Enduring international security alliances are based on shared national interests and a track record of diplomatic commitments and military cooperation. For allies with highly integrated defense policies, such as the United States and South Korea, it is natural for policymakers and citizens to keenly observe the national elections of the other country. Will the next government be a reliable partner, or will it fail to honor existing agreements? Will the incoming leadership improve relations, or will it downgrade cooperation? These questions were being asked before Donald Trump and Moon Jae-in were elected. The search for answers inevitably involves speculation, feeding expectations that are often overly optimistic or pessimistic. Ahead of Trump’s election, his campaign rhetoric questioned the terms and intrinsic value of the alliance to an extent not seen since Jimmy Carter’s 1976 campaign promise to withdraw U.S. troops from the Korean Peninsula. President Moon came to power on the heels of conservative president Park Geun-hye’s impeachment and removal for corruption. Moon’s politics are notably more progressive than Park’s or Trump’s, including a record of pro-engagement policies toward North Korea. Against this backdrop, Kim Jong-un delivered his 2018 New Year’s Day address claiming that North Korea has the ability to hit any U.S. city with a nuclear-armed missile, but that Pyongyang is ready to re-engage Seoul via participation in the Winter Olympics.
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Elections, Alliance, Olympics, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:
Asia, South Korea, North America, Korea, and United States of America

3502. Salvaging the Sunshine Policy

Author:
David Straub
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Korea Economic Institute of America (KEI)
Abstract:
Shortly before his election as South Korea’s president in May 2017, candidate Moon Jaein issued his most detailed North Korea policy statement. As president, he declared, he would “inherit” the engagement-based, inducements-oriented Sunshine Policy approach of Korea’s only other progressive presidents, Kim Dae-jung (1998-2003) and Roh Moohyun (2003-2008)1. Moon judged the North Korea policies of his immediate predecessors a failure; Presidents Lee Myung-bak (2008-2013) and Park Geun-hye (2013-2017), both conservatives, had disagreed with key aspects of the Sunshine Policy and suspended the major inter-Korean projects undertaken by Kim and Roh. Moon’s emphasis on incentives to Pyongyang contrasted with United Nations Security Council resolutions adopted during the preceding decade; far from offering inducements, the UNSC had imposed increasingly stringent sanctions on the regime in response to its accelerating pursuit of a full-fledged nuclear weapons capability. Moon also struck quite a different tone than the new Trump administration in Washington, which had only recently concluded a North Korea policy review and characterized its approach as one of “maximum pressure and engagement. This chapter assesses Moon’s North Korea policy, its implementation during his initial year in office, and its prospects under difficult circumstances. It begins by reviewing the Sunshine Policy concept, its practice by previous progressive governments, and the significantly different approach of South Korea’s succeeding conservative administrations. It then argues that Moon and many progressives continue to believe in the basic Sunshine Policy approach, even though, unlike when the policy was first formulated, North Korea now already has a limited nuclear weapons capability and may soon be able to credibly threaten the United States homeland with nuclear attack. It reviews how Moon, as president, has attempted to salvage the policy and how North Korea and other concerned countries have responded. The chapter concludes by considering the prospects for Moon’s North Korea policy and offering recommendations to modify it to maximize the interests of both the ROK and the international community as a whole.
Topic:
Government, Politics, Governance, and Public Policy
Political Geography:
Asia, South Korea, North Korea, and Korea

3503. South Korea's Diplomatic Options Under Moon

Author:
Korea Economic Institute of America
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Korea Economic Institute of America (KEI)
Abstract:
During his first year as president, Moon Jae-in faced a challenging strategic environment and divergent advice on how to manage it. He could cater to his progressive base and act in accord with his political lineage by renewing the Sunshine Policy toward North Korea. Alternatively, he could strive for consensus at home by reconciling the differences with conservatives in foreign policy. In diplomacy with the great powers, he also had important choices to make. He could double down on the U.S. alliance or, going further, he could agree to trilateralism with Japan. Yet, he also could be tempted by the option of balancing dependence on the United States with a closer relationship with China. Impacting all of his choices was the question of how Kim Jong-un would focus in 2018, shifting from provocations aimed at military leverage to diplomacy linked to his outlook on Moon’s policies. In the following five chapters authors explore each of these options. This introduction reviews some of their findings and points to linkages among them as part of an overall assessment of how Moon has navigated among the choices he was facing. The following chapters set forth the options that Moon Jae-in has before him. Chapter 1 by David Straub seeks to grasp the appeal of a renewed Sunshine Policy to Moon, while spelling out the implications of taking that route, warning of a breach in trust with the United States if not a temporary welcome from Donald Trump eager for a Nobel Peace Prize. Leif Eric-Easley’s analysis in Chapter 2 assesses the prospects of Moon doubling down on the ROK alliance with the United States and argues that, so far, trust between allies has been sustained, including in 2018 as diplomacy intensified with summitry on the agenda. In Chapter 3 John Delury examines the domestic political environment, pointing to the impact of the Candlelight movement, which offers opportunities for Moon as well as constraints on policies he might adopt. Chung Jae Ho in Chapter 4 explores Sino-ROK relations and the prospects of Moon drawing closer to China with consequences for relations with the United States. A fifth chapter by Sheila Smith focuses on Japan-ROK relations, newly strained by different approaches to diplomacy with Kim Jong-un. Each chapter views Moon’s policies and proclivities in the context of the dynamics of bilateral ties, while following closely what has been happening to those ties during the tumultuous course of Moon’s first year in office, notably in the first third of 2018 as diplomacy intensified.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:
Asia, South Korea, and Korea

3504. Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board Organizational Assessment

Author:
Michael Dominguez
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The National Academy of Public Administration
Abstract:
Given the current strategic aim of the Department of Defense (DOD) to aggressively update the nation’s nuclear arsenal through DOE-operated defense nuclear facilities, and the aging infrastructure in the DOE’s nuclear complex, the Panel unequivocally concludes that the DNFSB’s safety oversight mission is as important today as it has ever been in its thirty-year history. The Panel, however, finds evidence confirming that the Board has recently underperformed in its essential mission.
Topic:
Defense Policy, Nuclear Weapons, Military Strategy, and Military Affairs
Political Geography:
United States and North America

3505. Global Terrorism Index 2018: Measuring and understanding the global impact of terrorism

Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
The GTI is produced by the Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP) based on data from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). Data for the GTD is collected and collated by the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) at the University of Maryland. The GTD contains over 170,000 terrorist incidents for the period 1970 to 2017. Deaths from terrorism fell for the third consecutive year, after peaking in 2014. The total number of deaths fell by 27 per cent between 2016 and 2017, with the largest falls occurring in Iraq and Syria. Iraq recorded over 5,000 fewer deaths from terrorism in 2017, while Syria recorded over 1,000 fewer deaths. The fall in deaths was reflected in scores on the GTI, with 94 countries improving, compared to 46 that deteriorated. This is the highest number of countries to record a year on year improvement since 2004 and reflects the increased emphasis placed on countering terrorism around the world since the surge in violence in 2013. The large falls in the number of deaths in Iraq and Syria is mainly the result of ISIL’s continuing decline. The number of deaths from terrorist attacks attributed to ISIL fell by 52 per cent in 2017, with total incidents falling by 22 per cent. There was a corresponding decrease in the lethality of attacks, highlighting the weakening capacity of the organisation. ISIL has now lost most of its territory and sources of revenue and is actively redirecting resources away from the Middle East and into North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia.
Topic:
Political Violence, Economics, Terrorism, and Peace
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, Southeast Asia, Global, and Sub-Saharan Africa

3506. Economic Value of Peace 2018: Measuring the global impact violence and conflict

Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
This report is the latest release by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) on the economic impact of violence and conflict to the global economy. It provides an empirical basis for understanding the economic benefits resulting from improvements in peace. Estimates of the economic impact of violence are provided for 163 countries and independent territories, covering over 99.5 per cent of the global population.
Topic:
Peace Studies, Peacekeeping, Conflict, Violence, and Peace
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3507. Positive Peace 2018: Analysing the factors that sustain peace

Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
The same factors that create peace also lead to many other positive outcomes that societies aspire to, such as thriving economies, better inclusion, high levels of resilience and societies that are more capable of adapting to change. Other factors positively associated with Positive Peace are better performance on ecological measures, well-being and happiness. Therefore, Positive Peace can be described as creating an optimum environment in which human potential can flourish. Through placing the emphasis on the positive, Positive Peace reframes our conceptualisation towards what works. The factors that create resilience are different to those needed to stop conflict. Positive Peace, when combined with systems thinking, also provides a theory of change. Changes in Positive Peace precede other major societal changes, either for better or worse. Through building the strength of a nation’s Positive Peace, the nation’s overall trajectory can also be improved. Stimuli have cascading effects, due to the feedback loops contained within national systems pushing societies into virtuous or vicious cycles. However, these cycles can be changed. Positive Peace provides a roadmap of what societies need to change to either improve or break vicious cycles.
Topic:
Peace Studies and Peace
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3508. Global Peace Index 2018: Measuring peace in a complex world

Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
This is the twelfth edition of the Global Peace Index (GPI), which ranks 163 independent states and territories according to their level of peacefulness. Produced by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), the GPI is the world’s leading measure of global peacefulness. This report presents the most comprehensive data-driven analysis to-date on trends in peace, its economic value, and how to develop peaceful societies. The GPI covers 99.7 per cent of the world’s population, using 23 qualitative and quantitative indicators from highly respected sources, and measures the state of peace using three thematic domains: the level of Societal Safety and Security; the extent of Ongoing Domestic and International Conflict; and the degree of Militarisation. In addition to presenting the findings from the 2018 GPI, this year’s report includes analysis of trends in Positive Peace: the attitudes, institutions, and structures that create and sustain peaceful societies. It looks at changes in indicators of Positive Peace that immediately precede deteriorations or improvements in peacefulness, which provides a framework for predictive analysis. The report also assesses the ways in which high levels of peace positively influence major macroeconomic indicators.
Topic:
Economics, Peace Studies, Violence, and Peace
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3509. Mexico Peace Index 2018:A comprehensive measure of peacefulness in Mexico

Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
The 2018 Mexico Peace Index (MPI), produced by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), provides a comprehensive measure of peacefulness in Mexico. The MPI is based on the work of the Global Peace Index, which is the leading measure of global peacefulness and has been produced by IEP every year since 2007. This is the fifth annual edition of the MPI, setting out the key trends, patterns and drivers of peace in Mexico, while also highlighting the most significant policy opportunities available to governments. The report analyses the dynamics of violence in Mexico and the strengths and weaknesses of the attitudes, institutions and structures, known as Positive Peace, needed to substantially lower the rates of violence. The report also estimates the significant economic impact of violence to the Mexican economy and the need to increase the level of investment in violence containment. Finally, the report provides strong quantitative evidence to aid in the development of policies to create a more peaceful society. The research is of assistance to policymakers, researchers, business leaders and the general public in building peace in Mexico.
Topic:
Economics, Peace Studies, Conflict, Violence, and Peace
Political Geography:
Central America and Mexico

3510. The People’s Liberation Army Strategic Support Force: Leadership and Structure

Author:
Rachael Burton and Mark Stokes
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:
The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Strategic Support Force (PLASSF) is one of the most significant components of the People’s Republic of China’s (China, PRC) ongoing military reform and reorganization. Based on limited sources available, the PLASSF appears intended to integrate the launch, tracking, and control of satellites with the operational units that apply the services that the satellites provide, such as command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. This paper aims to provide an overview of the Strategic Support Force’s role within the PLA, its leadership structure, and the biographies of its core decision makers. In addition, it examines how the PLASSF’s presumed ability to provide “cross-domain fusion” helps to augment synergies among PLA assets, which could enhance the PLA’s capacity to further project power in the Indo-Pacific region.
Topic:
Military Affairs, Leadership, and Army
Political Geography:
China and Asia

3511. White Warships and Little Blue Men: The Looming “Short, Sharp War” in the East China Sea over the Senkakus

Author:
James E. Fanell and Kerry K. Gershaneck
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:
China claims Japan’s Senkaku Islands and vows to seize them in a “short, sharp war,” if necessary. China’s successful seizure of the islands would shatter the Japan-America security alliance and severely undermine U.S. credibility. This study examines China’s attack campaign by tracing its territorial claims to the East China Sea and by addressing its Senkakus campaign doctrine, the military and paramilitary forces it will employ, how the campaign will unfold, the timing of the attack, how China might counter U.S. intervention, and steps the United States and Japan should take to deter it.
Topic:
Military Strategy, Territorial Disputes, Military Intervention, Alliance, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Japan, China, Asia, and United States of America

3512. U.S.-Taiwan Relations in a Sea of Change

Author:
Ian Easton, Richard L. Armitage, and Mark Stokes
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Project 2049 Institute
Abstract:
Concerned about a potential drift in the relationship, The Project 2049 Institute conducted a series of working-level dialogues, resulting in the production of a study addressing the medium to long-term challenges that appear likely in Taiwan and across the Taiwan Strait. The objective of this report is to make detailed policy recommendations for Washington as it endeavors to strengthen relations with Taiwan, while at the same time mitigating tensions that are emerging in relations across the Strait.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:
China, Taiwan, Asia, and United States of America

3513. 2017-2018 Global Resources Report: Government & Philanthropic Support for LGBTI Communities

Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
Global Philanthropy Project and Funders for LGBTQ Issues are pleased to present the 2017-2018 Global Resources Report: Government and Philanthropic Support for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex Communities, a comprehensive report on the state of foundation and government funding for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) issues. This report documents over 19,764 grants awarded by 800 foundations, NGO intermediary funders, and corporations and by 15 donor government and multilateral agencies over the two-year period of 2017-2018. The report provides detailed data on the distribution of LGBTI funding by geography, issue, strategy, and population focus, offering a tool for identifying trends, gaps, and opportunities in the rapidly changing landscape of LGBTI funding. This report draws from six years of data on global LGBTI funding, documented in three editions of the Global Resources Report including grants awarded from 2013 to 2018.
Topic:
Government, LGBT+, and Philanthropy
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3514. Religious Conservatism on the Global Stage: Threats and Challenges for LGBTI Rights

Author:
Juan Marco Vaggione, José Manuel Morán Faúndes, and María Angélica Peñas Defago
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
In the past few decades, the religious landscape underwent a series of changes throughout the world. Whether due to migrations or the strategic policies of religious institutions, some religions have modified their range of influence. These movements rekindle debates about the geopolitical influence of religion on societies in general, and on sexual politics specifically.
Topic:
Religion, Conservatism, LGBT+, Sexuality, and Philanthropy
Political Geography:
Africa, Eastern Europe, Latin America, and Global Focus

3515. Funding for LGBTI Activism in Europe and Central Asia: Comparing the Priorities of LGBTI Organisations and Funders

Author:
David Scamell
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
In October 2018, Global Philanthropy Project and ILGA-Europe launched a new report comparing the key findings from ILGA Europe’s 2018 Funding for LGBTI Activism in Europe and Central Asia: Priorities and Access to Resources report with a deeper-dive analysis of European and Central Asian grantmaking data from the 2015-2016 Global Resources Report:
 Philanthropic and Government Support for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex Communities. This new report provides a compelling challenge to assumptions about the funding landscape in Europe and Central Asia, with new data and recommendations for resourcing LGBTI movements at the forefront of progress and the frontlines of resistance. The report is a first-of-its-kind gap analysis made from two sets of complementary data providing clear pathways and opportunities for new grantmakers and additional resources to support this large and complex region. This research was presented and analyzed during the October 2018 ILGA-Europe Donor Pre-Conference in Brussels, Belgium. The research will also be presented in a wider webinar for grantmakers in February 2019, with joint advocacy between activists and funders to increase resources to the region taking place over 2019.
Topic:
Government, Political Activism, LGBT+, Philanthropy, and Funding
Political Geography:
Europe and Central Asia

3516. Sudan/Russian Nuclear Power Cooperation Poses Proliferation Risks

Author:
David Albright, Sarah Burkhard, Allison Lach, Bridget Leahy, and Andrea Stricker
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
Reuters reported on March 13, 2018 that Russia has agreed to sign a “roadmap” with Sudan on building nuclear power stations.1 However, Sudan has poor export controls, no adherence to nuclear power safety or nuclear terrorism conventions, and weak safeguards standards. Its neighbors also maintain poor implementation of these preventions against nuclear material and commodity theft or diversion. Russia should not build nuclear reactors in Sudan. Sudan should instead bolster its infrastructure so that it can at some point in the future underpin a well safeguarded nuclear power program backed by robust, internationally-acceptable strategic export controls. After reviewing data from the Institute’s Peddling Peril Index (PPI) for 2017,2 which ranks the efforts of 200 countries, territories, and entities to implement export controls and prevent trafficking in strategic commodities, Sudan and its bordering countries, such as the Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Libya, and South Sudan, are seen to pose a high proliferation and safety and security risk.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, International Cooperation, Bilateral Relations, and Nuclear Power
Political Geography:
Africa, Russia, Sudan, and Eurasia

3517. Iran Nuclear Deal Procurement Channel Update: Is it being bypassed?

Author:
David Albright and Andrea Stricker
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
The procurement channel set up under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), or Iran nuclear deal, appears to be considering fewer proposals than expected and is altogether unused by a traditionally illicit conduit to Iran’s nuclear, missile, and non-nuclear programs, namely China. The procurement channel was designed to regulate Iran’s imports of nuclear and nuclear-related dual-use goods for nuclear or non-nuclear use. Given that Iran’s non-nuclear industries have often imported nuclear dual-use goods, this finding raises the question of whether the procurement channel, and its associated Procurement Working Group (PWG), is simply not being used, but illicit, nuclear dual-use supplies are still going to Iran. Although no evidence has emerged of banned sales going from the United States, Europe, or Japan, which have often been targets of Iranian illicit procurement networks, there is concern that banned sales could be going from parts of Asia. In particular, Chinese entities may be continuing to make sales of nuclear dual-use goods to Iran without using the channel. The United States and its allies should augment efforts to detect and intercept the flow of any strategic goods from China to Iran and from other potentially illicit supplier countries to Iran. China needs to reach out to suppliers or distributors of dual-use goods operating on its territory and ensure that they are informed about China’s export control laws and PWG requirements governing the sale of nuclear dual-use goods to Iran’s industries, whether they be nuclear or non-nuclear.
Topic:
Nuclear Weapons, Treaties and Agreements, Nuclear Power, and JCPOA
Political Geography:
Japan, China, Iran, Middle East, and United States of America

3518. Correlating a Country’s Economic Output with its Level of Export Controls

Author:
David Albright, Sarah Burkhard, Allison Lach, Bridget Leahy, and Andrea Stricker
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
The Peddling Peril Index (PPI) for 2017 is a strategic export control ranking of 200 countries, territories, and entities produced by the Institute.1 It evaluates states as to the effectiveness of their strategic export control systems. In this report, we evaluate the countries ranked in the PPI according to their Volume of Exports and Gross Domestic Product (GDP), both absolute and per capita2. This evaluation uses data on volume of exports and GDP, measured in U.S. dollars, as published by the United Nations and the World Bank. The nature of the exports for each country was not evaluated. The report focuses on the top and bottom 25 percent of countries by export volume (100 countries), GDP (100 countries), and GDP per capita (100 countries). It finds that six countries in particular deserve additional scrutiny due to their weak export controls and high volume of exports. They have very low PPI scores, meaning they do not have adequate export controls in place.3 They are: Indonesia, Nigeria, Kuwait, Viet Nam, Iraq, and Iran (Islamic Rep. of). Two additional countries, Colombia and Egypt, are identified as having relatively high GDP or GDP per capita, but exceptionally low PPI rankings. In general, countries with lower GDP per capita did worse in PPI performance, which highlights the need to tailor export controls in these countries to their resources. Chapter 12 of the PPI report describes several ways in which to do so, ensuring that the countries would have basic but adequate strategic export controls in place.
Topic:
GDP, Economy, Exports, and Illegal Trade
Political Geography:
Iraq, Iran, Indonesia, Colombia, Egypt, and Nigeria

3519. What is new in the Iran Nuclear Archive?

Author:
David Albright
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
The Nuclear Archive seized by Israel in Iran contains much new information not previously available to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) or Western governments about Iran’s past work on nuclear weapons under the so-called AMAD project. I have reviewed much of the information gathered by the IAEA about Iran’s past nuclear weapons programs and it is compelling, but this information has many gaps and is unable to allow for conclusions about the current program and its intentions. The archive fills in many of these holes, and overall, according to the Israelis, it presents a relatively complete and alarming picture of Iran’s nuclear weapons efforts, and in far more detailed than previously available.
Topic:
Energy Policy, Nuclear Weapons, and Science and Technology
Political Geography:
Iran and Middle East

3520. Pakistan Security Report 2017

Author:
Muhammad Amir Rana, Safdar Sial, Anam Fatima, Muhammad Mumtaz Ali Khan, Shahzada Irfan Ahmed, Maaz Khan, and Najam U Din
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS)
Abstract:
Despite a 16% decline in terrorist attacks in 2017, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and its associated groups remained the most potent threat; they were followed by nationalist-insurgent groups, especially Balochistan Liberation Army and Balochistan Liberation Front. What has been quite alarming is the increasing footprints of Daesh, especially in Balochistan and northern Sindh, carrying out the deadliest attacks. These realities require concerted effort and a revision of the National Action Plan, country’s counter-terror plan for yet ambiguity remains about who is responsible for NAP. It will be much better that parliament provides oversight to not only NAP, help revise it in light of new realities, but also lay down criteria for mainstreaming militants – which drew debate in 2017. These are some of the major findings of the Pakistan Security Report 2017.
Topic:
Security, Terrorism, Violent Extremism, and Countering Violent Extremism
Political Geography:
Pakistan

3521. How Can Evidence Bolster Citizen Action? Learning and Adapting for Accountable Public Health in Guatemala

Author:
Walter Flores
Publication Date:
02-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Accountability Research Center (ARC), American University
Abstract:
Most theories of change in the field of transparency and accountability assume that scientifically rigorous evidence increases the possibility of influencing officials and decision-makers. Generating this evidence has been the work of academic experts. Over the last decade, the Centro de Estudios para la Equidad y la Gobernanza de los Sistemas de Salud (the Center for the Study of Equity and Governance in Health Systems, or CEGSS) has considered the question of how to use evidence to influence authorities and promote participation by users of public services in rural indigenous municipalities of Guatemala. Our initial approach relied on producing rigorous evidence through the surveying of health care facilities using random samples. However, when presented to authorities, this type of evidence did not have any influence on them. In the follow-up phases, we gradually evolved our approach to employ other methods to collect evidence (such as ethnography and audiovisuals) that are easier to grasp by the non-expert public and the users of public services. The involvement of users of services in evidence collection was accompanied by civic action strategies to engage with authorities in the resolution of problems. Throughout a decade of work, we learned that methods for gathering evidence that draw in participation from the wider community, that help communities to tell their stories, and that facilitate collective action among service users tend to be the most powerful to influence responsiveness from authorities at local and regional levels of government. In addition, using participatory approaches to generating and interpreting evidence fosters pedagogical processes of civic action that empower service users by activating their roles as citizens and voters. This process has been used to open space for negotiating the allocation of public resources with authorities at different governance levels.
Topic:
Governance, Accountability, Transparency, and Public Health
Political Geography:
Central America and Guatemala

3522. How a Community-Led Response to Sexual Exploitation in Uganda Led to Systemic World Bank Reform

Author:
Elana Berger
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Accountability Research Center (ARC), American University
Abstract:
How can demands for accountability and redress for harm suffered in a particular case contribute to new institutional measures to prevent future abuse? This note describes how the small Ugandan community of Bigodi, together with local, national, and international allies, mobilized to demand redress for harm done by a World Bank-funded infrastructure project, and in doing so, catalyzed changes at the World Bank aimed at preventing similar abuses in the future. The Bigodi community’s 2015 request to the World Bank’s Inspection Panel, bolstered by international media coverage, led Bank management to respond both to the specific harms and to the underlying policy failures that made them possible. The community called for the World Bank to address cases of sexual exploitation of teenage girls by construction workers employed by a Bank-funded project, the Uganda Transport Sector Development Project (TSDP). This case is significant not only because World Bank funding for the project was cancelled, affected community members received needed support services, and a corrupt government agency was purged, but because the institutional changes made may prevent similar harms across future World Bank projects. The World Bank promotes a discourse of accountability, and yet obtaining redress when problems result from World Bank projects is difficult. This is often because, rather than treating requests from communities to the Inspection Panel as an opportunity to learn lessons and improve development outcomes, World Bank management generally responds defensively and treats the Panel investigation as an adversarial process in which they seek to prove the requestors wrong. As this case demonstrates, however, when management responds constructively to Panel investigations, genuine reform can take place. For this to happen, pressure from outside the Bank is needed to provide reformers within the Bank with the opportunity to make needed policy changes both at the project level and Bank-wide. The factors that led the Bank to respond constructively with a comprehensive response in the TSDP case included: – a strong community–NGO partnership which pursued justice for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse – sustained advocacy from national and international civil society – high-profile media attention on a topic that caused embarrassment for the Bank – a strong report from an independent accountability mechanism within the World Bank (the Inspection Panel) – pressure from the Bank’s Board of Directors, in particular frequent engagement from the US government with all levels of Bank management – high-level individuals within the Bank, including President Kim, were committed to making policy changes that would reduce the risk of gender-based violence in the future. This case embodies the potential for specific instances of harm to provide the necessary catalyst for improved accountability structures and system-wide change.
Topic:
Civil Society, World Bank, Reform, Sexual Violence, Accountability, Exploitation, and Community Engagement
Political Geography:
Uganda and Africa

3523. Learning to Sustain Change: Mitanin Community Health Workers Promote Public Accountability in India

Author:
Samir Garg and Suchi Pande
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Accountability Research Center (ARC), American University
Abstract:
Can community health workers (CHWs) act as agents of change in enhancing the public accountability of government, despite being state-funded actors themselves? CHW programs worldwide face challenges in achieving public accountability. They face a tension between upward accountability (to higher officials within the health system) and public accountability (to the people who access and use public health services), especially with respect to their potential to play a role as agents of public accountability (Schaaf et al. 2018). This Accountability Note illustrates how the CHW program of the Chhattisgarh state government in central India— known as Mitanin—has, over time, developed a learning strategy that permits CHWs (Mitanins) to enable sustained action on public accountability, whilst simultaneously providing health services and education, and linking communities with government healthcare services. The main proposition of this note is that this evolving learning strategy enabled state and civil society actors to design institutions and processes appropriate for accountability. Our focus is on understanding how learning has lent the program the ability to evolve ways for continuously managing the essential tensions inherent in its design, and how this has been key to developing sustainable accountability strategies. We discuss examples of how the Mitanins’ evolving learning strategy has contributed to their efforts to ensure public accountability of the health system to people who use public health services. These examples are grouped under five propositions about the roles CHWs can play in sustainable public accountability: 1. Community health workers can simultaneously act as service providers and agents of public accountability. 2. Community health workers can set agendas for advocacy on issues of accountability by building virtuous cycles of action and learning. 3. Community health workers can build countervailing power at multiple levels. 4. Community health workers can demand both rights for communities, and better working conditions for themselves. 5. ‘Action-strategists’ can create an appropriate state-civil society organization to facilitate community health workers’ action. This note offers insights from the Mitanin experience on these five ways that CHWs can build and sustain accountability, and illustrates how the program has taken a movement-building approach to public health, and thus avoided becoming a narrow technocratic intervention.
Topic:
Civil Society, Health, Accountability, Public Health, and Community Engagement
Political Geography:
South Asia and India

3524. Working to Empower Girls in Nigeria: Highlights of the Educating Nigerian Girls in New Enterprises (ENGINE) Program

Author:
Jeni Klugman, Jennifer Parsons, and Tatiana Melnikova
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
The Coca-Cola Company, together with the UK Department for International Development and local partners, undertook a multifaceted effort to educate and economically empower marginalized Nigerian girls, who face significant social and cultural barriers to realizing their potentials. The program offered training, mentoring, and support to girls aged 16-19 in four Nigerian states who were out of school or at risk of dropping out of school or facing an early marriage. An important component involved efforts to shift traditional norms among community leaders and others, to help open up opportunities for girls. This report from Georgetown’s Institute for Women, Peace and Security – which reviewed evaluations of the program – concluded that the results were encouraging on a number of fronts. More than 10,000 out-of-school participants (out of 13,024) were linked to employment as a result of the program, with more than half joining the Coca-Cola value chain. Program participants were more likely to run their own business or manage a business, hold a savings account, and report higher levels of self confidence and better knowledge of the skills required to run a small business compared to non-participants. “The results highlight the potential to empower girls, even in very challenging circumstances, with the support of partners that deliberately address overlapping constraints,” said Dr. Jeni Klugman, managing director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. “We also welcome the focus on rigorous evaluation of the program, to better understand what works, as well as persistent constraints.” The Educating Nigerian Girls in New Enterprises (ENGINE) program is part of The Coca-Cola Company’s 5by20 program, designed to leverage the company’s resources and reach to empower five million female entrepreneurs along its value chain by 2020. “Women and girls are a central pillar in global development,” said Ambassador Melanne Verveer, executive director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. “Many companies, including The Coca-Cola Company, have been playing leadership roles to improve the status of women, to accelerate economic opportunities, and to enhance sustainable development.” The ENGINE program ran from 2014-2016 and involved multiple partners: The Coca-Cola Company, Nigerian Bottling Company, Mastercard Foundation, Nike Foundation, and the UK Department for International Development’s Girls’ Education Challenge. Mercy Corps led the implementation of ENGINE, with support from Girl Effect Nigeria, d.light solar social enterprise, Action Health Incorporated, Community Action for Popular Participation, and Society for Women and Development and the Empowerment of Nigeria. Reports and data were collected by Preston Health Care Consulting Ltd.
Topic:
Development, Education, Women, Girls, Empowerment, and Schools
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

3525. Lessons from the Past: Women, Political Violence, and CVE

Author:
Kelly M. McFarland
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
In the Malaysian jungles in the mid-1950s, it would have been conceivable for a Malayan Communist Party insurgent – battling the Malayan government and British counter-insurgency forces – to hear the voice of his mother. During 1956, over “600 separate voice messages were recorded and more than 2,200 flights were made by aircraft broadcasting” messages to insurgents calling on them to surrender. Often, the wives or mothers of insurgents recorded these messages. Years later, in 1985 “the first female suicide bomber, a seventeen-year-old Lebanese girl named Sana’a Mehaydali, was sent by the Syrian Socialist National Party…to blow herself up near an Israeli convoy in Lebanon,” leading to the death of five Israeli soldiers. These disparate events reveal the long and often forgotten history of women’s engagement with violent extremism – a history that can provide key lessons for current attempts to formulate and enact countering violent extremism (CVE) policies. Over the past decade, CVE has become a key component of broader counterterrorism initiatives, and, increasingly, of academic research agendas. As Owen Frazier and Christian Nunlist point out, “The idea underpinning CVE is that violent extremists should not be fought exclusively with intelligence, police, and military means. The structural causes of violent extremism must also be tackled, including intolerance, government failure, and political, economic, and social marginalization.” Yet the roles women play in relation to CVE have been vastly overlooked and understudied. Most research in this area focuses heavily on the most recent examples of political violence and terrorism and few focus on women’s roles specifically. Indeed, while CVE as a distinct tool of policy and research is recent, political violence, terrorism, and efforts to combat these forces are not. This study engages with historical case studies of political violence and terrorism and their concurrent counter-insurgency and CVE programs to bring a grounded historical perspective into CVE policy-making. This study aims to better understand how women participate in, counteract, and prevent violent extremism by examining the historical evidence for how they have previously done so. Ultimately, this study seeks to find ways for those working on CVE to use historical evidence in their work in order to create more effective CVE policies.
Topic:
Political Violence, Terrorism, History, Women, and Countering Violent Extremism
Political Geography:
Malaysia, Philippines, Colombia, Cyprus, and Northern Ireland

3526. Rebuilding Nepal: Women's Roles in Political Transition and Disaster Recovery

Author:
Briana Mawby and Anne Applebaum
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
April 25, 2018 – Today marks three years since a massive earthquake and violent aftershock leveled Nepal, killing 9,000 people, injuring an additional 22,000 people, and affecting roughly one quarter of the country’s population. The earthquake struck while Nepal was attempting to implement a political transition and rebuild following the resolution of its ten-year civil war in 2006. Following both the earthquake and the conflict, Nepali women played a crucial yet underappreciated role in relief efforts, and many continue to help the country as it moves into long-term recovery initiatives. This study and video by Georgetown’s Institute for Women, Peace and Security explore how gender-based discrimination and legal barriers amplified the adverse impacts of the conflict and the earthquake on women. In spite of these challenges, the report illuminates how women and women’s organizations led relief efforts and met the needs of marginalized communities—including women—following the conflict and disaster. Their work helped to save lives, preserve communities, and rebuild livelihoods. Finally, the study details how Nepali women continue to advocate for policy and humanitarian changes that better address women’s needs and open opportunities for marginalized groups, ultimately helping communities become stronger and more resilient. “This report ties together two fields of study that are often seen as discrete, but are actually intertwined: post-conflict transitions and disaster risk reduction,” said Briana Mawby, who co-authored the research study. Of the 15 countries with the highest vulnerability to disasters, 14 are among the top 50 most fragile states. “Given the increasing effects of climate change, understanding the intersection of post-conflict recovery and disaster response will be even more important in the years to come,” added co-author Anna Applebaum.
Topic:
Natural Disasters, Women, Recovery, Transition, and Disaster Management
Political Geography:
South Asia and Nepal

3527. The Use of UN Sanctions to Address Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

Author:
Sophie Huvé
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
The United Nations has recognized that sexual violence, when used as a tactic of war or as a widespread practice, can exacerbate armed conflict and hinder peace. The UN Security Council can use sanctions—specifically the designation criteria and the subsequent listing of sanctioned individuals—to prevent and curb sexual violence in armed conflict and address the impunity of perpetrators. Georgetown University’s Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) conducted the first review of how the UN Security Council has used targeted sanctions to address sexual violence in conflict to date. A review of eight sanctions regimes reveals the current approach is characterized by inconsistency across sanctions regimes, delayed focus on sexual violence, and weak implementation of sanctions. We conclude that the sanctions tool offers significant—and as yet largely unexploited—potential to advance women’s protection from sexual violence in situations of armed conflict, and make a series of recommendations for the Security Council and other stakeholders to improve the effectiveness of sanctions as a tool against sexual violence. In particular, the Security Council should systematically and immediately incorporate sexual violence as a stand- alone criterion when adopting a new sanctions regime, and should not hesitate to list perpetrators when there is repeated evidence of their conduct.
Topic:
United Nations, Sanctions, Women, Conflict, Impunity, and Sexual Violence
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3528. Kosovo's Foreign Policy and Dialogue with Serbia - Special Edition of Kosovo Security Barometer

Author:
Donika Marku and Donika Emini
Publication Date:
02-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
The Kosovo Security Barometer (KSB) is a specific programme of Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) designed to serve as an annual publication. The primary focus of the KSB is to measure the public opinion perceptions towards security and justice institutions. It also measures the public perception on the internal and external security threats to Kosovo, perceptions on Kosovo’s foreign policy and dialogue with Serbia. In general, the KSB targets a wide variety of actors interested in the public opinion trends in Kosovo in the field of security and justice. It targets the following stakeholders: policymakers in Kosovo as well as the western Balkans; the international organizations in Kosovo and their headquarters; local and international civil society organizations; academia and the media.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Public Opinion, and Dialogue
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Serbia

3529. Citizens perception and community response on returned foreign fighters - Special Edition of Kosovo Security Barometer

Author:
Vesë Kelmendi
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
The report is divided in three parts. The first part of the report consists of a general description of public perception on violent extremism based on the 2017 data-gathering efforts. This is categorized on ethnically-motivated threats, religiously-based violent extremism and politically motivated violent extremism. In addition, the report analyzes respondents’ attitudes toward national and religious causes.
Topic:
Public Opinion, Violent Extremism, Survey, Community, Foreign Fighters, and Repatriation
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Kosovo

3530. Beyond the triggers: new threats of violent extremism in Kosovo

Author:
Skender Perteshi
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
The aim of this report is to identify the new trends and threats of terrorism and violent extremism in Kosovo in the aftermath of IS defeat. The challenges identified in the report are instances of domestic terrorism, lone wolf terrorists,11 vulnerable communities, reintegration of the returned former fighters and their families.
Topic:
Security, Violent Extremism, Islamic State, Foreign Fighters, and Repatriation
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Kosovo

3531. Kosovo Security Barometer: Eighth Edition

Author:
Donika Marku
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
Kosovo Security Barometer (KSB) is a distinctive tool through which Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) measures public perceptions. The eighth edition of the KSB report consists of two main chapters. The first chapter measures citizens trust toward Kosovo’s security, justice and central state institutions and the second chapter recordsc itizens perceptions regarding Kosovo’s main internal risks and threats.
Topic:
Security, Public Opinion, Institutions, Justice, and Survey
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Kosovo

3532. KSB Special Edition - De-constructing public perceptions: Kosovo’s foreign policy and dialogue with Serbia

Author:
Donika Emini
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies continues to narrow down the results of public opinion on the broader issues of foreign policy and dialogue with Serbia in a form of Special Edition of Kosovo Security Barometer Programme. For the purpose of the trends, the main survey questions remained unchanged. KCSS continues to measure the way regional and international strategic partners of Kosovo are seen in the eye of it’s citizens, how does an average citizen of Kosovo perceive the pool of external influences in the Western Balkans and Kosovo specifically and what is the opinion toward the EU and NATO memberships. Similarly to the previous editions, KCSS has given a special focus to the EU facilitated dialogue with Serbia. However, following the debates over the potential epilogue of the dialogue, KCSS has included additional questions related to the legally bindings agreement and the leading negotiator on Kosovo’s side.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Public Opinion, Survey, and Dialogue
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Serbia

3533. China Maritime Report No. 3: China’s Distant-Ocean Survey Activities: Implications for U.S. National Security

Author:
Ryan D. Martinson and Peter A. Dutton
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
China Maritime Studies Institute, U.S. Naval War College
Abstract:
Today, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is investing in marine scientific research on a massive scale. This investment supports an oceanographic research agenda that is increasingly global in scope. One key indicator of this trend is the expanding operations of China’s oceanographic research fleet. On any given day, 5-10 Chinese “scientific research vessels” (科学考查船) may be found operating beyond Chinese jurisdictional waters, in strategically-important areas of the Indo-Pacific. Overshadowed by the dramatic growth in China’s naval footprint, their presence largely goes unnoticed. Yet the activities of these ships and the scientists and engineers they embark have major implications for U.S. national security. This report explores some of these implications. It seeks to answer basic questions about the out-of-area—or “distant-ocean” (远洋)—operations of China’s oceanographic research fleet. Who is organizing and conducting these operations? Where are they taking place? What do they entail? What are the national drivers animating investment in these activities?
Topic:
Military Strategy, Military Affairs, Geopolitics, Navy, Oceans and Seas, Seapower, Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and People's Republic of China (PRC)
Political Geography:
United States, China, and Asia

3534. Echelon Defense: The Role of Sea Power in Chinese Maritime Dispute Strategy

Author:
Ryan D. Martinson
Publication Date:
02-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
China Maritime Studies Institute, U.S. Naval War College
Abstract:
On April 10, 2012, two Chinese law-enforcement cutters on joint patrol in the South China Sea received orders to proceed immediately to Scarborough Shoal, a disputed cluster of rocks 140 nautical miles west of Subic Bay, the Philippines. Earlier that day, a Chinese fisherman aboard one of several boats moored in the lagoon had transmitted an alarming message to authorities in his home port in Hainan: “Philippine Navy ship number 15 heading this way.” Ship number 15 was BRP Gregorio del Pilar, an elderly former U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) cutter now serving as a frigate in the Philippine navy. Not long after the first message arrived in Hainan, sailors operating from the ship entered the lagoon and approached the Chinese boats. At this point, the fisherman sent a final message: “They’re boarding.”
Topic:
Military Strategy, Military Affairs, Geopolitics, Navy, Oceans and Seas, Seapower, and Port
Political Geography:
United States, China, and Asia

3535. Disrupted: The Post-Colonial Issue

Author:
Katie Washington
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for Feminist Foreign Policy
Abstract:
The aim of this journal is to disrupt the ‘single-story’ of mainstream foreign policy. Through highlighting both experienced and emerging voices from across the globe, we seek to understand, challenge, and critique foreign policy. This issue focuses on the theme of post-colonialism and foreign policy, which was chosen by our members and supporters. Through a post-colonial analytical lens, our contributors challenge the unquestioned objectivity of elitist, Western-centric foreign policy, and unpack the complex connections between gender, race, ethnicity, sexuality that are embedded in the everyday actions and politics of people from across the world. Alongside our written contributions, you will find artwork and poetry engaging with this theme. A feminist foreign policy brings all voices to the table, through whichever medium they choose to express themselves, challenging the academic and un-inclusive paradigm it is embedded in. Thank you for supporting this publication. CFFP is a non-profit volunteer-run organisation and we are proud to lead the way in making foreign policy more feminist, more transparent, and more intersectional. With your support, we’re amplifying a different and more nuanced conversation that can better inform policy decisions and begin to alleviate global inequality. We hope you enjoy and learn from this journal, but we also encourage you to consider contributing to our next issue. From articles to artwork, we are always looking for new contributors and we are eager to hear (and see) new voices and fresh perspectives.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Gender Issues, Post Colonialism, Political Theory, Women, Feminism, LGBT+, and Indigenous
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3536. Overcoming the Democratisation Deficit in the Western Balkans: A Road to (No)Where?

Author:
Vedran Dzihic
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Austrian Institute for International Affairs (OIIP)
Abstract:
The internal weaknesses of the process of democratisation in the Western Balkans ensue from reinforcing a system where (ethno)politics and (ethno)political entre-preneurs use all available strategies to deprive citizens of any political agency, thus working towards obedient democracies while keeping real political power within closed circles. The conscious deepening of differences, maintaining negative tensions and instrumentalising – predominantly ethnic – identities for political or other particular purposes are some of the crucial features of (ethno)politics in the Western Balkans. The promise of Europeanisation is losing its ability to mobilise citizens as it faces a two-fold challenge: 1) No Push – while it is clear that progress in the accession process is extremely slow, even those steps which have been completed with success are left without meaningful recognition that could revive the ambition to join the EU; 2) No Pull – The support of political leaders displaying all the characteristics of illiberal and even authoritarian rule is maintained for the sake of stability in the region. The trend of strengthening right-wing and even extreme organisations of civil society adds another worrying dimension to the Western Balkans’ complex, socio-political situation. Illiberal NGOs nowadays use a different vocabulary and new strategies to disguise their illiberal claims and policies as human rights discourse. An increasing mainstreaming of their image and key messages builds on the lessons learnt exactly from liberal civil society. They flourish in the context of the apparent weakness of the leftist political forces which are seeking inspiration and possible mass mobilisation in the new community-based social movements.
Topic:
Democratization, Human Rights, and Social Movement
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Balkans

3537. Explaining Globalization Scepticism

Author:
Erik Lundsgaarde
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
Critical public attitudes toward economic globalization reflect a response to different facets of globalization and varied consequences of international market integration for individuals. The distribution of benefits and losses related to globalization provides a starting point for numerous studies of attitudes toward economic integration. Individuals perceive globalization’s benefits differently depending on their sector of employment or level of educational attainment, among other factors. In addition to these explanations, attention to the institutions and policies that influence how governments engage with globalization and manage its domestic consequences can also inform the analysis of why scepticism to economic integration varies across national settings. This report reviews academic literature dealing with attitudes toward globalization and the linkages between globalization and national political processes to situate the extent of globalization scepticism in Denmark alongside experiences in France and Germany. It provides an overview of trends in attitudes toward globalization in these countries and examines possible drivers of the trends.
Topic:
Globalization, Governance, Global Markets, and Global Political Economy
Political Geography:
Europe, France, Germany, and Denmark

3538. Mosaics of Power: Fragmentation of the Syrian state since 2011

Author:
Helle Malmvig
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
After years of war, the Syrian state apparatus has fragmented into a loosely knit network of overlapping and competing authorities that hold sway over different areas. Multiple groups are enacting and performing what are perceived to be key state tasks, sometimes living side by side, and sometimes fighting, competing and negotiating in overlapping networks of power. These cross-cutting ties defy any easy dichotomies between rebels and government of the sort we have become all too familiar with from military control maps. This does not imply that theSyrian state is on the verge of collapse or sectarian ethnic division. Rather the Syrian government has continued to function internationally as a sovereign state, and it has been able to draw on its administrative and institutional capacities, and even to nurture new and old local power elites in the form of prominent families, business leaders, clans and sheiks. In order to survive, the Assad regime has paradoxically outsourced or co-shared key state functions – the means of violence, border control, taxation and service provision – to or with a multiplicity of foreign and local actors, whether foreign Shia militias, the Kurdish YPG or Local Defense Forces. Many of these foreign powers and militias are likely to remain in Syria after the war in order to secure so-called strategic depth, and they thrive on a certain degree of ‘controlled state chaos’. Similarly, the multiplicity of local actors and intermediaries that have been empowered during the war will not easily relinquish their new found autonomy, and may, just like the Syrian opposition, push the Syrian state towards greater localization and decentralization.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Diplomacy, International Organization, Politics, Science and Technology, Terrorism, Power Politics, Non State Actors, and Fragile States
Political Geography:
Middle East and Syria

3539. China's Engagement in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Xinjiang: Will China's Root Cause Model provide regional stability and security?

Author:
Lars Erslev Andersen and Yang Jiang
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
In the latest policy report in DIIS’s Defence and Security Studies series, Lars Erslev Andersen and Yang Jiang discuss the potential of China’s approach to stabilising security conditions in Pakistan and Afghanistan through development. The report explores China’s westward policy by analysing the opportunities and obstacles related to its flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in South Asia, in particular the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). One aspect of the philosophy behind the CPEC is that lifting people out of poverty by providing them with better opportunities for jobs and incomes and hence improved living conditions will reduce the attractions of violent extremism and the inclination to indulge in it, thereby enhancing stability. This so-called Root Cause model draws on China’s experience of successfully lifting more than 600 million of its own citizens out of poverty due to the reform policy that has changed China rapidly over the past forty years, especially in the big cities in eastern China. However, the model has had mixed results in western China, especially in Xinjiang province. As this issue can shed light on the kinds of problems that China will face in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the report explores the situation in Xinjiang by investigating how it is conducting its policy there. The report outlines this development, which brings the Root Cause model into question to some extent, thus identifying some of the challenges that China will face in trying to stabilise conflict-torn parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan ‘the Chinese way’. Following these observations, the report takes a closer look at China’s economic diplomacy in Afghanistan. The last section discusses China’s increasing role in mediating between Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Taliban. Whether the Chinese approach to the situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan proves to be a sustainable way of providing stability and achieving results is the question addressed in the report’s conclusion.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Democratization, Development, Emerging Markets, Migration, Oil, Power Politics, Non State Actors, Gas, Fragile States, Economy, Conflict, Investment, Peace, and Land Rights
Political Geography:
Pakistan, Afghanistan, China, South Asia, and Asia

3540. Supporting Political Stability by Strengthening Local Government: Decentralization in Ukraine

Author:
Lily Salloum Lindegaard and Neil Anthony Webster
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
The government that followed the 2014 Maidan revolution in Ukraine has pushed a decentralisation agenda. After decades of Soviet style top-down governance, the status and role of local governments – hromadas – has been pushed to the fore. If implemented successfully, it could increase local development and political engagement, ultimately contributing to increased political stability in Ukraine and Europe. Yet the significance of decentralization reforms is often lost in the noise surrounding Crimea, the secessionist conflict in the east, and the political power struggles in Kiev. For legal reasons, the current decentralisation process is ‘voluntary’, with local communities having to agree to the changes. This has introduced unintended challenges, but also a bottom-up political dynamic to the process. At the same time, uncertainty and opposition to decentralisation reforms remain, perhaps understandable given a rapidly shifting political and legal landscape, the diverse political and personal interests involved, and the fear of political fragmentation that could benefit Russia. Denmark is one of several EU countries supporting the reform process. This DIIS Report focuses in on the processes unfolding in local communities and political arenas, affecting peoples’ lives, their hopes, and their relationship to the state from local to national level.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Development, Fragile States, and Peace
Political Geography:
Europe, Ukraine, Eastern Europe, and Denmark

3541. Europe and the Sahel-Maghreb Crisis

Author:
Rasmus Alenius Boserup and Luis Martinez
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
In this new DIIS report senior researcher at DIIS, Rasmus Alenius Boserup and Research Director at Sciences Po, Luis Martinez, analyse how European policy-makers have recently come to perceive the Sahel as a threat to Europe’s own security and stability. Marking the end of the Sahel-Maghreb Research Platform – a research project funded by the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and hosted by DIIS in collaboration with Voluntas Advisory – the report draws on input and analysis provided by an international team of experts and scholars associated to the project. Focusing on the most significant recent developments with trans-national jihadism and cross-border migration, the report argues that, although European powers spearheaded by France have succeeded in reducing a number of the most immediate threats to the survival of states and societies in some of the most vulnerable parts of the Sahel, the international community has failed to generate the conditions that would foster long-term peace and development. Hence, the report suggests that the European powers should look for ways to inject life into the strategic objective of bringing the North African powers into play when attempting to solve the crisis in the Sahel.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Migration, Terrorism, Power Politics, Non State Actors, Fragile States, Borders, and Peace
Political Geography:
France, Libya, Denmark, Mali, and Sahel

3542. Quarterly Review of the Georgian Economy (IV Quarter of 2017)

Author:
Merab Kakulia, Nodar Kapanadze, and Lela Bakhtadze
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgian Foundation for Strategic International Studies -GFSIS
Abstract:
The Quarterly Review of the Georgian Economy is an electronic publication of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies (Rondeli Foundation), which aims at informing readers about the ongoing processes within the country’s economy. The review is based on data of official statistics and on expert estimates.
Topic:
Debt, International Trade and Finance, Foreign Direct Investment, Budget, Employment, Economic Growth, Banks, and Inflation
Political Geography:
Eurasia, Caucasus, and Georgia

3543. Quarterly Review of the Georgian Economy ( I Quarter, 2018)

Author:
Merab Kakulia, Nodar Kapanadze, and Lela Bakhtadze
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgian Foundation for Strategic International Studies -GFSIS
Abstract:
The Quarterly Review of the Georgian Economy is an electronic publication of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies (Rondeli Foundation), which aims at informing readers about the ongoing processes within the country’s economy. The review is based on data of official statistics and on expert estimates.
Topic:
Debt, International Trade and Finance, Foreign Direct Investment, Budget, Employment, Economic Growth, Banks, and Inflation
Political Geography:
Eurasia, Caucasus, and Georgia

3544. Quarterly Review of the Georgian Economy ( II Quarter, 2018)

Author:
Merab Kakulia, Nodar Kapanadze, and Lela Bakhtadze
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgian Foundation for Strategic International Studies -GFSIS
Abstract:
The Quarterly Review of the Georgian Economy is an electronic publication of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies (Rondeli Foundation), which aims at informing readers about the ongoing processes within the country’s economy. The review is based on data of official statistics and on expert estimates.
Topic:
Debt, International Trade and Finance, Foreign Direct Investment, Budget, Employment, Economic Growth, Banks, and Inflation
Political Geography:
Eurasia, Caucasus, and Georgia

3545. America First: The Past and Future of an Idea

Author:
Melvyn P. Leffler and William Hitchcock
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR)
Abstract:
Like many historians, I was stunned a couple of years ago when Donald Trump started campaigning on the platform of America First. For me, America First was associated with the insularity, isolationism, unilateralism, nativism, anti-Semitism, and appeasement policies that President Franklin D. Roosevelt struggled to overcome in 1940 and 1941. Why, I asked myself, would anyone want to associate himself with that discredited movement, a movement that seemed eviscerated after the attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941? Did Trump understand or know about that movement?
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, History, and Diplomatic History
Political Geography:
United States

3546. Making cities in conflict areas more resilient

Author:
Stephan Slingerland, Michel Rademaker, Karlijn Jans, Paul Verhagen, Aster Boeschoten, and Hannes Rõõs
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
By 2050, the UN estimates that 70 percent of the global population will be living in urban areas. Therefore, understanding and anticipating the ability of cities to manage and avoid the negative effects of climate-related changes and events – for example, hurricanes, overpopulation or supply chain disruption – is of utmost importance. This paper presents a conceptual framework to empirically quantify the climate resilience of cities to guide policymakers and community leaders in identifying challenges and opportunities. This paper tests the framework for data analysis in three cities in conflict-prone territories: Bamako (Mali), Maiduguri (Nigeria, Lake Chad Region) and Baghdad (Iraq). The analysis of the three cases suggested that city resilience in those areas cannot be developed without addressing the root causes of conflict in the entire area, as city-level resilience in conflict areas is closely related to the national level. On the basis of the research, some important observations and recommendations are made. When tested, the analysis revealed that the level of resilience did not necessarily correspond to economic development; it also found that conflict significantly lowered overall urban resilience to climate-related impacts. Large sprawling cities typically score poorly on maintaining resilience. While recovery and learning capacities are usually present in urban areas, very dense urban areas are particularly vulnerable to climate disasters. Cities in the global north have built learning capacity; they have made efforts to share best practices (e.g., the Rockefeller Foundation’s Resilience initiative, efforts by UN CPI and CRI, etc); and they have considered the lessons learned and implemented guidance. Data analysis can help to bolster the learning capacity of cities to cope with climate impacts that could increase tensions in large urban areas. However, there is a significant difference in the availability of data between the developed and the developing world. Data collection in developing countries (and cities) should be strengthened to better estimate climate-related security risks in urban areas and bolster their capacity to maintain key functions and recover and learn from climate events in their own and comparable cities.
Topic:
Security, Climate Change, United Nations, Conflict, Cities, and Resilience
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3547. In the eye of the storm? (In)stability in Western Iraqi Kurdistan

Author:
Erwin van Veen and Hamzeh al-Shadeedi
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
Iraqi Kurdistan has done well for itself in recent decades by carving out a largely autonomous region free of most governance and security interference from Baghdad. The alliance of convenience between the two pre-eminent Kurdish parties (PUK and KDP) effectively seized a number of opportunities to consolidate and expand Iraqi Kurdistan, such as the international no-fly zone (1991), the US intervention (2003), the crafting of a new constitution for Iraq (2005) and, arguably, even the rise of the Islamic State (IS) (2014). Yet, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) also faces a triple crisis. Politically, this includes the exclusive and increasingly repressive rule of the KDP and PUK in a context of mediocre governance, as well as strained relations between Erbil and Baghdad over the disputed territories. Economically, it includes a general downturn combined with serious financial disputes with Baghdad. Socially, it includes deteriorating popular satisfaction with the quality of rule and life in Kurdistan. In this report Erwin van Veen and al-Hamzeh al-Shadeedi analyse four factors that could drive future (in)stability in western Iraqi Kurdistan: 1) geopolitical tensions; 2) further clashes over the disputed territories; 3) growing dissatisfaction with the KDP and 4) protracted displacement. On balance, it does not consider the risk of immediate crisis or violence as being very high, but the report does note that many elements are in place that could easily trigger violent incidents with the potential of escalation. For each factor, the report proposes restraining factors, developments to monitor and trigger events. While international influence on the domestic politics of Iraqi Kurdistan is limited, coupling an offer of international (UN) mediation to facilitate resolution of the disputed territories with the development, or strengthening, of a dedicated fund that can rapidly initiate the reconstruction of the Greater Mosul area (including some of the disputed territories) would be a valuable intervention to further the peaceful development of Iraqi Kurdistan.
Topic:
Governance, Political stability, and Autonomy
Political Geography:
Iraq, Middle East, and Kurdistan

3548. Under the gun: Resource conflicts and embattled traditional authorities in Central Mali

Author:
Anca-Elena Ursu
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
In the Mopti region of Mali, the livelihoods of most people depend on agriculture and pastoralism. Here, a variety of socio-professional groups - such as herders, farmers and fishers - coexist amidst the great natural richness of the inner Delta of the river Niger. Over recent years, poor resource management and subsequent conflict over access to these resources has threatened the livelihoods of virtually every community in central Mali. Formal and traditional justice mechanisms have each often proven incapable of mediating conflicts effectively and bringing justice to the victims and disputants. Moreover, the increase in communal conflicts in central Mali has created a fertile breeding ground for radical, armed groups. These groups have become actively involved in the regulation of access to natural resources, as well as in the mediation of related conflicts, to help create local legitimacy for their rule. That these groups could exploit conflicts to consolidate their power demonstrates that fighting them will not be enough to stop destabilisation in the Mopti region. Only solutions that address the underlying drivers of instability will enable sustainable peace to emerge. This report explores the lack of governance as a structural driver of resource conflict in the region and identifies a mix of short- and long-term measures to increase the legitimacy of the Malian state.
Topic:
Natural Resources, Non State Actors, Governance, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa and Mali

3549. Is there protection in the region? Leveraging funds and political capital in Lebanon’s refugee crisis

Author:
Ana Uzelac and Jos Meester
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
This report analyses the challenges of implementing a “protection in the region” agenda in Lebanon, a country that hosts the highest number of refugees per capita in the world, and which has been the recipient of one of the largest per capita aid and support packages since 2016. Our main finding is that EU diplomatic efforts and financial commitments to date have made very limited progress in ensuring protection for Syrian refugees in the country or improving their dismal socio-economic position. On the contrary, the main socio-economic indicators for Syrian refugees have remained very poor for the past three years, and the refugees’ continued presence in the country is increasingly questioned by parts of Lebanon’s political establishment. This report traces the reasons why donor efforts have had such limited success: restrictions created by Lebanese and European political narratives of displacement; the limitations imposed by Lebanon’s clientilistic economy; and the challenges of combining protection in the region with an economic reform agenda. Many donors have opted for predominantly technical approaches, based on cooperation with line ministries and state institutions. In our view, these approaches pay insufficient heed to the complex web of sectarian and personal interests that fuel Lebanese policy-making, with the result that limited progress is achieved for refugees.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Migration, European Union, and Refugee Crisis
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

3550. Multilateral Damage: The impact of EU migration policies on central Saharan routes

Author:
Jérôme Tubiana, Clotilde Warin, and Gaffar Mohammud Saeneen
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
This online report studies the effects of EU migration policies and the externalisation of EU border control on Saharan migration routes and on practices in the border regions connecting Niger, Chad, Sudan and Libya. Authors Jérôme Tubiana, Clotilde Warin and Gaffar Mohammud Saeneen find that, in response to the obstacles and opportunities that border externalisation policies present for migrants, migration routes diversify and move to other countries. Beyond the fact that migration is a transnational phenomenon not linked to one particular route or itinerary, this continuous moving of routes is made possible by cross-border Saharan trade and trafficking networks that have put in place the necessary logistics to facilitate migration and which often fall outside government control. Pushed by EU efforts to curtail migration, states such as Niger, Chad and Sudan have shored up border patrols and anti-smuggling operations in the border regions under study here. The report shows that this has been done in a manner that is often not conducive to stability in the region and which contributes to the ‘militia-isation’ – the growing power of militias whose presence undermines the state – of the countries at issue.
Topic:
Migration, Border Control, European Union, and Trafficking
Political Geography:
Sudan, Libya, Chad, Niger, Sahara, and Africa

3551. Innovation in EU migration policy: towards a truly comprehensive approach to migration

Author:
Willemijn Tiekstra and Wouter Zweers
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
The increased arrival of refugees and migrants in Italy in 2015 revealed that the EU was not prepared to cope with an increased inflow of refugees and migrants into its territory. In 2015, the year that saw an unprecedented number of irregular migrants and refugees crossing the Mediterranean, a comprehensive approach to migration was adopted in the Valletta Action Plan, acknowledging that the management of irregular migration is a responsibility for both African and EU leaders. This report holds that, three years after Valletta, serious challenges remain in implementing the building blocks of the EU’s migration approach. Whereas political positions among Member States are converging towards a mode of securitising borders, authors Willemijn Tiekstra and Wouter Zweers argue in their report that a more sustainable and comprehensive approach is needed, taking into account the interests and stability of countries of origin and transit. Based on field research in Senegal, Italy,and Poland, as well as complementary desk research, it seeks to identify best practices from national experiences and bilateral agreements that are feasible within the current European political landscape. Delivering on promised commitments is crucial for all actors involved to make the system work. A failure to implement the comprehensive approach to migration directly affects the EU’s external credibility, endangering the EU’s negotiating position with third countries. Similarly, a failure to resolve deadlock on the internal dimension negatively affects popular support for the EU, putting at risk the European project as a whole.
Topic:
Migration, European Union, and Refugees
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

3552. Connectivity Between Asia and Europe: ASEM Connectivity Inventory

Author:
Maaike Okano-Heijmans, Wouter Zweers, and Brigitte Dekker
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
In preparation for the 12th ASEM Summit and for taking the ASEM connectivity task forward, the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA) and the Clingendael Institute prepared the 'ASEM Connectivity Inventory' for the Asia Europe Meeting Pathfinders Group on Connectivity (APGC). The Report contains enumerations and qualitative analysis of ASEM connectivity activities since 2014, and gives recommendations on structure, processes, and coordination in the ASEM connectivity mechanisms. The report was presented to the APGC and the senior officials meeting in September, 2018.
Topic:
Connectivity and ASEM
Political Geography:
Europe and Asia

3553. Dealing with tools of political (dis)order: Coercive organisations in the Levant

Author:
Erwin van Veen and Feike Fliervoet
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
Militancy is a common method to exercise influence in a given political order. It has become a widespread tactic and necessity across the Levant, especially since 2011. While militancy is sometimes downright violent and destructive, it can also be a force for positive change and even emancipation. Much of the time it sits in between these extremes. But the use of confrontational methods almost always requires organisation and possession of coercive capabilities. This report examines the purpose, nature and development of five types of organisation through which coercion is exerted across the Levant - namely, governmental coercive organisations, quasi-governmental coercive organisations, hybrid coercive organisations, anti-regime coercive organisations and anti-state coercive organisations. The analysis focuses on hybrid coercive organisations because of their paradoxical tendency to work with and against the state at the same time. Consider Iraq's Peshmerga or Badr Corps, for example. The report makes a strong case for being more cautious with the near-automaticity of peacebuilding efforts to focus on coercive organisations representing 'the state'. More precisely, the evidence-base underpinning the report suggests that effective peacebuilding efforts should: Assess the demerits and merits of coercive organisations based on their interests, constituencies and behaviours in relation to the legitimacy of the political order they seek to realise. View the violence mobilised by coercive organisations as a manifestation rather than a cause of the breakdown of political order. Influence coercive organisations on the basis of their behavioural incentives. These incentives are grounded in the domestic political economy interests of coercive organisations, the nature and level of foreign support they receive, and the expectations of their social constituencies. Ensure that the aim of external interventions corresponds with the prevailing interaction dynamic between a particular hybrid coercive organisation and governmental coercive organisations (this point only pertains to hybrid coercive organisations). The report provides a range of basic ideas for how external parties might nudge the interaction between hybrid coercive organisations and the government in a direction that helps to reduce violence.
Topic:
Government, Non State Actors, and Violence
Political Geography:
Middle East and Levant

3554. Caught in the middle: A human rights and peace-building approach to migration governance in the Sahel

Author:
Fransje Molenaar, Jérôme Tubiana, and Clotilde Warin
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
In recent years, the Sahel region has attracted the attention of European policy makers aiming to prevent Europe-bound irregular migrants from reaching the Libyan coastline. Policies implemented under this approach propose to address the root causes of irregular migration from non-EU countries, such as through support for socio-economic development of countries of origin, the dismantling of smuggling and trafficking networks, and the definition of actions for the better application of return policies. Does this approach to mixed migration governance take sufficient stock of the larger development and stability contexts within which irregular migration and human smuggling takes place? Does migration governance suffciently address the human rights consequences and destabilising effects that migratory movements and the policies that address them may have? And how could human rights and peace-building principles – that is, processes and measures that contribute to a society’s capacity to address conflict in a constructive manner – be incorporated to achieve more holistic and conflict-sensitive migration governance? In their report authors Fransje Molenaar, Jérôme Tubiana and Clotilde Warin address these issues and find that the implementation of migration policies in the Sahel has contributed to an increase in human rights abuses and risks for migrants and refugees, as well as rises in human trafficking and forced labour. They argue that national and sub-national institutions and capacities be supported to take the lead in comprehensive and sustainable migration management and migrant protection presenting the following recommendations: Contribute to the development of (sub)national migrant protection frameworks and structures; Ensure that migration governance benefits local communities and addresses the (perceived) negative effects of migration on host communities; Strengthen community security and ensure that securitised migration policies do not harm local communities. In their conclusion, the authors also offer concrete pointers to implement these recommendations.
Topic:
Human Rights, Migration, Governance, Trafficking, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Libya, and Sahel

3555. A United Nations with Chinese characteristics?

Author:
Maaike Okano-Heijmans, Frans-Paul van der Putten, and Louise Van Schaik
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
As China’s role as a major power in international affairs is growing, the Chinese government is becoming more active and more influential in the United Nations (UN). This is likely to have – or, in the eyes of some, already has – a significant impact on the UN’s (future) functioning. Growing Chinese influence is important for all UN members, and particularly so for Western countries, including the Netherlands, which strives to maintain and strengthen the international legal order as a principal foreign policy aim. This report by Maaike Okano-Heijmans and Frans-Paul van der Putten, with contributions from Etienne Béchard, Louise van Schaik and Vishwesh Sundar, aims to provide a better understanding of the process currently underway. It does so, first, by analysing how and in which direction China’s involvement in the UN is evolving. Next, the discussion turns to the question of how China’s growing involvement is relevant to the setting and the developing of norms and standards within the UN. Finally, the authors explore where European countries and China have common interests, and where their interests are conflicting through presenting three case studies in three thematic areas, namely human rights, development finance and climate change.
Topic:
Diplomacy, United Nations, and International Affairs
Political Geography:
China, Asia, and Netherlands

3556. Women in the Middle East and North Africa: A Divide between Rights and Roles

Author:
Michael Robbins and Kathrin Thomas
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), most publics surveyed believe women should have equal rights to men in a variety of areas including access to university education (75 percent), employment (84 percent), and political oce (62 percent). • Yet, despite widespread support for women’s rights, majorities in many Arab publics favor limiting the roles women play in society. For example, one third believe women are as effective in public leadership compared with men. Six-in-ten believe that the husband should have the final say in decision making within the family. • Unsurprisingly, men are, in general, less supportive of women’s rights and more restrictive in their desired roles for women. Additionally, citizens with lower levels of education are often more likely to hold unequal views, suggesting that as educational attainment increases across MENA, attitudes toward women may also shift. • Overall, these results from nationally representative public opinion surveys carried out by the Arab Barometer imply that exports to improve women’s equality need to move beyond ensuring equal rights to focus on attitudinal shifts about the roles women should play in society.
Topic:
Gender Issues, Politics, Public Opinion, Women, Democracy, Equality, and Political Rights
Political Geography:
Middle East and North Africa

3557. Democracy in the Middle East and North Africa: Five Years after the Arab Uprisings

Author:
Natalya Rahman
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), eight-in-ten Arabs believe that democracy is the best system of government, even though it may have problems. This perception seems to have increased in most countries from 2013 to 2016. • There also appears to be consensus regarding the economic performance under democratic government: Less than one third across the region believe that economic performance is weak under democratic governance. • However, Arab views on the flaws of democracies are mixed: One third believe that democracy is ineffective in maintaining stability; four-in-ten think that democracy is indecisive; almost every other person says that the people of their country are not ready for democracy. • With the exception of Palestinians and Algerians, Arab publics predominantly evaluate their countries as more democratic in 2016. They seem to be more skeptical regarding the suitability of democracy to their countries in 2016.
Topic:
Economics, Government, Public Opinion, Authoritarianism, Democracy, and Arab Spring
Political Geography:
Middle East and North Africa

3558. Civic Engagement in the Middle East and North Africa

Author:
Kathrin Thomas
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Overall, approximately six-in-ten across the MENA region believe that freedom of expression, freedom of association in parties and organizations as well as the freedom of the press is guaranteed in their countries. However, only every other person thinks they also have a guaranteed right to protest. • Two thirds of Arabs also believe they have the ability to criticize their government without fear. • However, turnout is in decline – only every other person reports they have turned out in the last legislative election in their country. Only 15 percent across MENA report they attended a rally in the run-up to the last election. • Formal non-electoral participation also appears at to be at a low point with only one-in-ten stating they have taken part in protest action or attended a meeting and signed a petition at last once during the three years. • Disenchantment with politics may have a new outlet, however: Approximately four-in-ten Internet users across MENA say they use online channels and social media to obtain information about political events. Two-in-ten Internet users also state that they use the online channels to express their opinions about politics and society. • While seemingly disillusioned with politics, Arab publics have a heart for those not so well off: Almost 95 percent across the region say they help the poor even if it comes at a cost to themselves.
Topic:
Government, Public Opinion, Authoritarianism, Elections, Democracy, Internet, and Civic Engagement
Political Geography:
Middle East and North Africa

3559. Views of Non-Formal Education in Egypt

Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Egyptians are deeply concerned about the state of education in their country. The vast majority are dissatisfied with the current education system as well as government efforts to improve it. Perhaps as a result, most are worried that there is no possibility to provide their children with a good education. This combination means that youth non-formal education (NFE) programs hold a unique opportunity to yield significant gains in the academic achievement of students in Egypt in the near-term. However, if such programs are to address both the perceived weaknesses of the Egyptian education system and the concerns of the population, issues like cost, which limit participation, must be seriously considered. Across all demographics, cost is overwhelmingly cited as the biggest barrier to participation. The prevalence of programs organized by private institutions only exacerbates this challenge. In addition, programs must account for demographic differences. At present, the majority of youth who participate in NFE programs come from families with higher incomes, higher education levels and who live in urban areas. Expanding opportunities for accessing youth NFE programs requires special focus on targeting Egyptians who reside in rural areas, who have incomes below the median, and whose tend to have lower levels of education. Non-formal education programs provide unique potential for bridging the gap between the existing education system and what increasing educational opportunities for the country’s youth. However, careful consideration must be given to the types of programs most likely to be successful in the Egyptian context. Although youth NFE programs tend to be viewed positively across the country, a substantial portion of Egyptians are either unaware of such programs or do not look upon them favorably. Moreover, programs should target job-related skills as Egyptians consider these the most useful. NFE programs should be promoted to potential participants with this consideration in mind.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Egypt

3560. Views of Non-Formal Education in Morocco

Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Few Roughly half of Moroccans are dissatisfied with their country’s formal educational system, but, relatively speaking, Moroccans are more satisfied with the state of the formal education system than they are with other government-provided services such as health care. Nevertheless, findings from the Arab Barometer public opinion survey reveal there is significant concern about the effectiveness of the government’s efforts to address educational needs. Moreover, they also show that most Moroccans worry about the ability to provide children with a quality education. Given these sentiments, supplementary programs outside the formal system could play a role in improving educational outcomes in Morocco. At present, very few Moroccans participate in youth non-formal education (NFE) programs. However, among those who live in a household that includes a participant in such a program, levels of satisfaction are very high. Meanwhile, among households without a participant, a sizable minority hold a negative perception of these programs. Thus, it appears that participation and the perception of such programs are linked. Likely, if more Moroccan youth took part in such programs, views of NFE programs would improve in the Kingdom. Overall, the most salient barrier to participation is cost, meaning any efforts to increase participation must address the affordability of non-formal education programs. The types of NFE programs that are most preferred by Moroccans are those that provide youth with practical and tangible skills related to career development. However, citizens also appear open to programs that promote skills in critical thinking. For example, survey results show that Moroccans across all demographic backgrounds prefer an educational system that stresses critical thinking over one emphasizing rote memorization. While there remain a number of important barriers to consider in designing non-formal education programs focused on teaching these skills, such programs have potential to successfully address many of the needs of Moroccan youth.
Topic:
Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Morocco

3561. Views of Non-Formal Education in Algeria

Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Few Algerians are satisfied with the state of education in their country and a majority of the population is dissatisfied with the formal education system. However, a plurality approves of government efforts to improve the education system even though an overwhelming majority of Algerians are worried about the ability to provide children with a good education. Given these sentiments, supplementary education programs outside the formal curriculum could be used to help alleviate these concerns. Even though few Algerians participate in youth non-formal education programs, the country enjoys higher rates of participation than do many other countries in the Middle East and North Africa. Among those who have participated, rates of satisfaction with such programs are high overall. Nevertheless, the reputation of NFE leaves much to be desired, with over half of non-participants holding a negative view of such programs. To increase their viability, NFE programs need to improve their popular image in Algeria. Meanwhile, the primary barrier to participation is cost, indicating that efforts to increase enrollment in NFE must also address affordability. Algerians are most interested in NFE programs that emphasize job-related skills that in turn promote career development. Moreover, the results of the survey make clear that critical and analytical thinking in the education system are also highly valued by ordinary Algerians. This finding holds across a variety of demographic differences, indicating widespread support throughout the country. If barriers are limited and programs emphasizing skills of interest to Algerians are promoted, then youth non-formal education programs are more likely to be successful in addressing the needs of Algerian citizens.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, Algeria, and North Africa

3562. The Better Peace Tool

Author:
Sanam Naraghi-Anderlini
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)
Abstract:
The Better Peace Tool explores the history and evolution of peacemaking in modern times. It considers six common barriers to inclusion and how to overcome them. And it presents a four-part framework for the inclusion of women peacebuilders, offering proactive steps to broaden participation.
Topic:
Civil Society, Peacekeeping, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3563. Global Growth Projections for The Conference Board Global Economic Outlook 2019

Author:
Abdul Erumban and Klaas de Vries
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Conference Board
Abstract:
This paper presents the methodology for The Conference Board Global Economic Outlook 2019, which includes growth projections for 11 major regions and individual estimates for 33 mature and 36 emerging market economies for 2019-2023 and 2024-2028. The projections are based on a supply-side growth accounting model that estimates the contributions of the use of factor inputs—labor and capital—and total factor productivity growth to the growth of real gross domestic product (GDP). While labor input growth rates are estimated using data on demographic changes and participation rates—including an estimation to adjust for the change in the composition (or quality) of the workforce—capital input and total factor productivity growth are econometrically estimated using a wide range of related variables during past periods. The obtained trend growth rates for the period 2019-2023 are adjusted for possible deviations between actual and potential output in the short run.
Topic:
Labor Issues, Economy, and Capital Flows
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3564. After Crimea: The future of Nordic Defence Cooperation

Author:
Karsten Friis and Håkon Lunde Saxi
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO) was originally about cost-effectiveness. The Nordic states sought to work together when training and educating their soldiers, procuring new equipment, and logistically supporting their forces. Faced with a relevantly benign security situation at home, with Russia regarded in principle as a partner, operational military cooperation was primarily about expeditionary operations far from northern Europe. Even if NORDEFCO never became the beacon of Nordic cooperation that some political speeches sought to paint it as, it nonetheless provided the Nordics with a flexible and non-bureaucratic framework through which various forms of defence cooperation could be pursued. Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014, and the subsequent deterioration of Western-Russian relations, changed this. NORDEFCO today is much more about meeting pressing security challenges in the Nordic region. This policy brief explores the potential for further Nordic cooperation. What are the opportunities and constraints? The study is primarily based on seven recent interviews with civilian and military officials, as well discussions with independent security scholars, from all the Nordic countries except Iceland.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, Regional Cooperation, and Military Affairs
Political Geography:
Russia, Norway, Nordic Nations, and Crimea

3565. The Work Ahead: Machines, Skills, and U.S. Leadership in the Twenty-First Century

Author:
Edward Alden and Laura Taylor-Kale
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
The challenge facing the United States today is to rebuild the links among work, opportunity, and economic security for all Americans in the face of accelerating technological change.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Labor Issues, Employment, Innovation, Emerging Technology, and Machine Learning
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

3566. he Region of Central Asia: Introduction: Report on the ECMI Expert Workshop on Central Asia

Author:
Sergiusz Bober, Aziz Berdiqulov, and Craig Willis
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues
Abstract:
In 2018, the ECMI organised a workshop on Central Asia aiming to advance the knowledge and understanding on the region. The workshop covered mainly 4 countries – Kazakhstan (KZ), Kyrgyzstan (KG), Tajikistan (TJ) and Uzbekistan (UZ) and was attended by the ECMI staff. The discussions were organized along four cross-cutting topics: 1. Current Political Situation; 2. Human and Minority Rights; 3. National and Ethnic Minorities (including a sub-section on religion); 4. Border Issues. The present report will provide an overview of the discussions that took place during the workshop, highlight the key points and conclude with suggested follow-up actions by the ECMI. The structure of the report will follow the thematic order of the workshop.
Topic:
Human Rights, Nationalism, Minorities, Ethnicity, Discrimination, Borders, Civil Rights, and Identity
Political Geography:
Central Asia, Middle East, Kazakhstan, Asia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan

3567. Technical Note on a Timeline for North Korean Denuclearization

Author:
Institute for Science and International Security
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
On May 28, 2018, the New York Times reported on a technical roadmap for North Korean denuclearization written by Stanford University professor and scientist Siegfried S. Hecker and colleagues Robert L. Carlin and Elliot A. Serbin. While we greatly respect the work of Dr. Hecker and colleagues, we disagree on the up to 15-year timeline put forth for completing full denuclearization. Our assessments are based on verified dismantlement in other countries. If North Korea agrees to denuclearize and to cooperate fully, admittedly big “ifs,” then verified dismantlement of the key parts of its nuclear weapons program can happen in parallel and be accomplished in as little as about two years. Gaining assurance that North Korea is not hiding relatively small but significant amounts of plutonium, enriched uranium, or nuclear weapons will take longer than two years and will likely fall to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to handle as part of bringing North Korea into compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear weapons state. This whole process could take several more years, as the IAEA insists on accounting for even grams of nuclear explosive materials, as it should. Decommissioning operating reactors and plutonium separation plants will also take years longer. But within a few years, all the declared nuclear weapons and stocks of plutonium and enriched uranium could be verifiably eliminated, and all key facilities identified and rendered unable to operate. Moreover, the verification process can include a sufficient estimate of the amount of plutonium and enriched uranium North Korea has produced, allowing a first order check on whether North Korea has declared all its nuclear weapons. Of course, this process could take longer, but such a process should not be structured in a way that invites North Korea to go slowly and delays the date when North Korea demonstrates it intends to get rid of its nuclear weapons. The past two major negotiations with North Korea are a cautionary tale for avoiding a drawn-out process, where the most difficult decisions are left to the future.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Nuclear Power, and Denuclearization
Political Geography:
Asia and North Korea

3568. Rising to the Populist Challenge: A new Playbook for Human Rights Actors

Author:
César Rodríguez and Krizna Gómez
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Dejusticia
Abstract:
This book collects and analyzes a repertoire of responses by human rights organizations to the crackdown against civil society in the populist context. Written by scholars and advocates in challenging political settings from around the world, this book offers ideas and inspiration to their peers in the human rights community who are grappling with and resisting the erosion of democracy and rights. This collection takes two steps towards clearing the path for this civil society transformation. First, it clarifies the specific challenges to human rights raised by contemporary populist regimes and movements. What is the populist playbook against human rights? Second, it contributes to documenting and learning from a wealth of initiatives by human rights actors. What innovations are human rights actors introducing into their strategies and narratives to counter those of populist regimes? In short, what is the human rights playbook against populism?
Topic:
Human Rights, Democracy, and Populism
Political Geography:
Latin America and Global Focus

3569. The Inter-American System as a Tool for Ensuring Access to Pain Relief and Palliative Care

Author:
Diana Guarnizo Peralta
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Dejusticia
Abstract:
This document is aimed at medical personnel, civil society organizations, policy makers, and anyone interested in addressing the issue of palliative care from a human rights perspective. Although for years palliative care was confined to a strictly medical analysis, in recent times the international community and United Nations bodies have recognized palliative care as a human rights issue. This document seeks to demonstrate the many linkages between palliative care and human rights in terms of both the conception and the protection of palliative care. We hope this report serves as a useful tool for the medical community, patients, and patients’ families throughout the American continent who seek legal and human rights arguments to facilitate access to more humane end-of-life care, as well as for litigants and human rights activists who wish to protect and guarantee a life without pain for patients, including during their last days of life.
Topic:
Civil Society, Health, Health Care Policy, Public Policy, Public Health, and Medicine
Political Geography:
Latin America

3570. Transnational Advocacy Networks. Twenty Years of Evolving Theory and Practice

Author:
César Rodríguez and Peter Evans
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Dejusticia
Abstract:
Activists, particularly those based in the global South, have accumulated a wealth of experience in dealing with a range of transnational networks operating in diverse issue areas. New theoretical understandings have reflected this accumulating experience. As the twentieth century came to a close, the practice of global and transnational politics was undergoing a sea change. Understandings of its dynamics were changing along with the practice. Classic paradigms of international relations, which had focused almost exclusively on relations among nation-states, were being expanded to consider the impact of transnational civil society organizations. Recognition of the role of new nonstate actors in global politics was epitomized by the impact of Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink’s Activists beyond Borders in 1998. Their framework is a foundational reference point for the analyses of recent and future trends that are set out in this book. This volume brings together a set of ten essays by reflective activists who draw on their experience to provide new insights into what has been happening in the world of transnational advocacy, and by engaged academics who are committed to using the tools of their disciplines to contribute to the same agenda. The essays reflect not only the views of individual authors but also the collective dialogue among the authors at the workshop where the papers were originally presented in the spring of 2015.
Topic:
Civil Society, Non State Actors, Global Political Economy, Networks, and transnationalism
Political Geography:
Global South

3571. Strategic Litigation Manual: From Theory to Practice, Lessons from Colombia and Lebanon

Author:
Ana Jimena Bautista Revelo, Blanca Capacho Niño, Luis Felipe Cruz Olivera, Margarita Martínez, Isabel Pereira, and Lucía Ramírez Bolívar
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Dejusticia
Abstract:
This report explores the ways that rural norms, gender structures, the armed conflict, and illegal markets have played out in the lives of women coca growers in Colombia’s Andes-Amazon region, an area distinguished by the presence of illegal armed groups, violence, poverty, and weak state institutions. In this region of Colombia, coca cultivation has offered an important source of income for rural families, which in turn has affected women’s roles in society and has placed them in a vulnerable position vis- à-vis armed actors. The Andes-Amazon region is an area where the country’s war on drugs and its armed conflict converged and unmasked the gender structures dominating the countryside. These structures affected rural women in various ways: through everyday violence, the fumigation of illicit and licit crops alike, and women’s stigmatization due to their involvement in an illegal trade. But coca was also a source of livelihood that helped them attain economic independence and gave them the ability to improve their well-being and that of their families. The recent peace accord signed between the Colombian government and the country’s main guerrilla group represents a historic opportunity to learn from past mistakes in terms of the illicit crop problem and the social and political demands of coca-growing communities. Against this backdrop, it is time to recognize the contributions that women coca growers have made in both the public and the private spheres toward the construction of a peaceful countryside in the most remote and forgotten regions of the country.
Topic:
Agriculture, Development, Women, Rural, and Farming
Political Geography:
Colombia and Lebanon

3572. Whistleblowers for Change: The Social and Economic Costs and Benefits of Leaking and Whistleblowing

Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
The decision to be a whistleblower is not easy. Mental trauma, the risk of retaliation, the potential loss of employment or ostracization by work colleagues—not to mention the impact on one’s personal life—all weigh heavily on the individual who decides to speak out for the common good. But when potential whistleblowers feel too vulnerable to act, it's society itself which suffers. In this report, whistleblowers from eight European countries describe what they experienced after they took a stand. Additionally, civil society experts weigh in on how the EU can craft policies to better protect whistleblowers. The question of how to define whistleblowing—does it apply to sexual harassment, can NGOs be considered whistleblowers, and so on—is also explored. The report ultimately recommends an EU-wide directive on whistleblowing, which it argues would give whistleblowers the protection they need to step forward. The report also argues that a multi-level, multi-stakeholder approach would emphasize the value of whistleblowers and the crucial role they play in a healthy open society.
Topic:
Civil Society, Intelligence, NGOs, Transparency, Whistle Blowing, and Secrecy
Political Geography:
Europe

3573. An End to Manels II: Closing the Gender Gap at Europe’s Top Policy Events

Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
An End to Manels II is the second in a two-part series from the Open Society Foundations on closing the gender gap at Europe’s high-level policy events. The first brief, An End to Manels, examined the composition of panels, highlighting the dramatic underrepresentation of women. Manels II, scrutinizes this data further, taking a closer look at 23 European conferences, over the course of five years and analyzing discussion topics, their frequency, and speakers’ gender in an effort improve the quality of debate in Europe. The report reveals the dramatic underrepresentation of women engaged in speaking roles for six topics at Europe’s top conferences: foreign policy; the European Union; crime, terrorism and security; economic situation; environment, climate, and energy issues; and technology. Likewise, men are underrepresented as speakers on gender. Having quantified the gender gap at 23 conferences in Europe, the report offers a range of pragmatic solutions that conference organizers should consider to close this gap. These range from a broadening the range of topics discussed to speaker recruitment and better monitoring.
Topic:
Gender Issues, European Union, Women, Representation, Sexuality, and Domestic Policy
Political Geography:
Europe

3574. An End to Manels: Closing the Gender Gap at Europe’s Top Policy Events

Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
The number of women who speak at key policy-shaping conferences across Europe is far below that of their male peers. Looking at five years of high-level conferences in Europe, this report finds that a woman has only one opportunity to speak for every three times a man speaks. The situation is not improving, but it can. Two conferences of the 23 conferences included in the report have shown that, with a concerted effort, they can drastically increase the number of female speakers and move toward gender parity. The onus is now on governments, businesses, and conference organizers to ensure they are sending and receiving representative delegations at these events. Conference organizers are the gatekeepers to the stage. This is a big responsibility. They make decisions about who will have the opportunity to share their views with heads of state, policymakers, and business leaders. Journalists report the statements of these speakers to audiences around the world. Prioritizing gender balance over seniority can stop help counter inequality in our societies by allowing women a fair say on policy and allowing female role models to come to the fore.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Gender Issues, Women, Men, Domestic Policy, and Equality
Political Geography:
Europe

3575. KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY PYRAMID: Transforming Knowledge Value in Increasing Productivity and Competitiveness

Author:
Octavian Serban
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:
The global economy’s landscape needs a new economic model where knowledge is used as a valuable resource to stimulate innovation, creativity, and entrepreneurship in order to increase productivity and competitiveness for sustainable growth as a premise for social welfare. The policymakers have to design the new public policy for productivity and competitiveness considering the Knowledge Economy frontier and to establish the institutional capacity to manage the knowledge perspective of development. The Knowledge Economy Pyramid model is a catalyst of knowledge ecosystems from education, research, technology, business, innovation, government and local communities, capable to create a collaborative environment with synergy effect: transforming knowledge value in increasing productivity and competitiveness. The Knowledge Economy Pyramid is a robust framework based on the four pillars of Knowledge Economy with three effective and powerful structures build upon: Knowledge Triangle, Triple Helix, and Smart Specialization. The main axis which unifies these structures is education-business and all the other stakeholders from research, science, technology, government, administration, clusters, and community are equal contributors to process the knowledge along the central shaft. Considering the Knowledge Economy Pyramid model, this research work is defining the coordinates of the public policy for productivity and competitiveness which will be implemented by the institutional capacity – Productivity and Competitiveness Center. This institution is a concrete and accurate representation of the Knowledge Economy Pyramid model with the scope to implement the principles of Knowledge Economy to increase productivity and competitiveness as outputs of the process. Moreover, the capacity building will provide the premises to conclude the new public policy into outcomes: standard of living, well-being, quality of life, and green growth. Knowledge Economy Pyramid provides a toolkit for policy/decision- makers to take action in order to improve the activity at any stage of development or maturity for an economy or institution related with productivity and competitiveness and it is able to measure the gap between actual development level and the knowledge edge. From an economic perspective, to analyze the concepts of productivity and competitiveness in Knowledge Economy, this study is a very complex work where the tangible is mixed with the intangible, human with technology, economic growth with people prosperity. This study is a “one-stop shop” for all the policy/decision-makers, leaders, representatives, officials, professors, researchers, specialists and practitioners, all engaged in the work to transform the traditional economic model into a new one, according to the Knowledge Economy Pyramid framework.
Topic:
Economic Growth, Innovation, Strategic Competition, Knowledge Production, Productivity, Knowledge Economy, and Specialization
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3576. Checkpoint America

Author:
Institute Cato
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Cato Institute
Abstract:
In April, Cato’s Patrick Eddington introduced his new online initiative Checkpoint America: Monitoring the Constitution-Free Zone.
Topic:
International Affairs
Political Geography:
America

3577. Indispensable Remedy: The Broad Scope of the Constitution’s Impeachment Power

Author:
Gene Healy
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Cato Institute
Abstract:
Presidential impeachments are vanishingly rare in American constitutional history: in the 230 years since ratification, only three presidents have faced serious attempts to remove them from office. And yet, as President Donald J. Trump’s tumultuous tenure continues, it seems increasingly plausible that we’ll see a fourth.
Topic:
International Affairs, Democracy, and Constitution
Political Geography:
America

3578. Tax Reform and Interstate Migration

Author:
Chris Edwards
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Cato Institute
Abstract:
The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 was the largest overhaul of the federal income tax in decades. The law changed deductions, exemptions, and tax rates for individuals, while reducing taxes on businesses.
Topic:
International Political Economy and Immigration
Political Geography:
America

3579. Government and the Cost of Living Income-Based vs. Cost-Based Approaches to Alleviating Poverty

Author:
Ryan Bourne
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Cato Institute
Abstract:
Federal, state, and local governments seek to assist poor households financially using transfers, minimum wage laws, and subsidies for important goods and services. This “income-based” approach to alleviating poverty aims both to raise household incomes directly and to shift the cost of items, such as food, housing, or health care, to taxpayers. Most contemporary ideas to help the poor sit firmly within this paradigm
Topic:
International Political Economy
Political Geography:
America

3580. The Role of Natural Gas in Europe's Electricity Sector Through 2030

Author:
Tim Boersma and Tatiana Mitrova
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The developments underway in Europe’s natural gas sector are some of the most influential and closely watched in the global gas market. In the past decade, Europe has seen significant demand swings, falling domestic production, growing concerns about dependence on Russian gas, and the advent of US liquefied natural gas exports to the world. Just as important has been the emerging competition from renewable fuels. Indeed, questions are now arising about whether Europe needs new investments in natural gas infrastructure or if those investments would become stranded assets. However, suggesting that the EU does not need new investments risks underestimating the role—or the potential role—natural gas plays in various sectors of Europe’s energy economy, including industry, transportation, and commercial and residential usage.
Topic:
Energy Policy and International Political Economy
Political Geography:
America

3581. Emissions, Energy, and Economic Implications of the Curbelo Carbon Tax Proposal

Author:
Noah Kaufman
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
In July 2018 Representative Carlos Curbelo proposed legislation that would put a price on US carbon dioxide emissions (“Curbelo proposal”). A carbon price is widely viewed as a necessary part of a cost-effective national strategy to address the risks of climate change. This proposal is especially notable because Republicans, who currently control the US Senate, House of Representatives, and presidency, have not proposed national carbon pricing legislation in nearly a decade.
Topic:
Energy Policy, International Political Economy, and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3582. Guide to Chinese Climate Policy

Author:
David B. Sandalow
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
In 2017, China was the world’s leading emitter of heat-trapping gases by a wide margin. Its policies for limiting emissions will have a significant impact on the global climate for decades to come. From a historical perspective, China’s status as the world’s leading emitter is relatively recent. During most of the 19th and 20th centuries, Chinese emissions were modest. Then, in the early part of this century, as the Chinese economy boomed, Chinese emissions began to skyrocket, overtaking those from the United States around 2006. China’s cumulative emissions of carbon dioxide since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution are less than half those from the United States or Europe. (Carbon dioxide, the leading heat-trapping gas, stays in the atmosphere for many years once emitted.)
Topic:
Climate Change and Energy Policy
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3583. The Energy, Economic, and Emissions Impacts of a Federal US Carbon Tax

Author:
Noah Kaufman and Kate Gordon
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Climate change is a serious threat to global progress and stability. Actions to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and stabilize global temperatures can avoid impacts of climate change on human health, the economy, national security, and the environment. But without a strong federal-level climate policy response from the United States, chances of serious global climate action are slim.
Topic:
Energy Policy and International Political Economy
Political Geography:
America

3584. Energy and Environmental Implications of a Carbon Tax in the United States

Author:
Shashank Mohan, Peter Marsters, Whitney Herndon, and John Larsen
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
A price on carbon dioxide (CO2) and other greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions has long been a preferred instrument among economists and other academics for addressing the threat of climate change.[1] The idea is simple: putting a price on carbon internalizes the societal costs caused by consumption of fossil fuels and other activities that emit GHGs. The concept sits firmly in the tradition of Pigouvian taxation, which has been applied to address other “externalities”—from the health system costs of tobacco and alcohol use to the environmental cost of substances that deplete Earth’s ozone layer. The concept of pricing carbon by way of a tax has been gaining traction among economists as an efficient, market-based strategy for reducing GHG emissions in the United States. More recently, the idea has garnered the attention of prominent Republicans and Democrats within and outside of Congress as well as advocates on the left and right poles of the national political spectrum.
Topic:
Energy Policy and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3585. Distributional Implications of a Carbon Tax

Author:
Joseph Rosenberg, Eric Toder, and Chenxi Lu
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
A federal carbon tax in the United States would reduce greenhouse gas emissions and generate significant new revenue for the federal government. In this study, part of the Carbon Tax Research Initiative led by Columbia University’s SIPA Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center (TPC) estimates the effects of various potential carbon taxes on the tax burdens of US households across the income distribution.
Topic:
Energy Policy and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3586. The Effects of Carbon Tax Policies on the US Economy and the Welfare of Households

Author:
John Diamond and George Zodrow
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The potential for utilizing a federal carbon tax to address the risks of climate change has been discussed in U.S. policy debates on both sides of the aisle. Under a carbon tax, consumers and producers would account for the costs of climate change in their decision making. The policy would reduce greenhouse gas emissions without sacrificing the efficiency of private markets.
Topic:
Energy Policy, International Affairs, and Domestic Politics
Political Geography:
America

3587. New Realities, New Risks: Rethinking the Strategic Petroleum Reserve

Author:
Jason Bordoff, Antoine Halff, and Akos Losz
Publication Date:
07-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The last few years have offered a reminder, if any was needed, that oil markets are no stranger to volatility. From OPEC’s reported demise to OPEC’s resurgence, the rapid fall and rise again of US shale, and the ebb and flow of geopolitical risk, oil has been on a rocky ride. After industry leaders and experts declared that the days of cheap oil were over—“$100 per barrel is becoming the new $20,” explained one top oil CEO in 2014[1]—consensus shifted to a view that oil prices would remain “lower for longer”[2] before sharply rising again in the last few months. Each day brings yet another reminder of risks to oil prices, with oil markets tight, OPEC nations signaling they intend to continue supporting prices beyond $80 per barrel, President Trump canceling the Iran nuclear deal, Venezuelan production in freefall, and geopolitical risks rife from Syria to Libya and beyond.
Topic:
Energy Policy, Oil, and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3588. Asian LNG Trading Hubs: Myth or Reality

Author:
Mike Fulwood
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Almost every LNG conference has on its agenda nowadays the topic of Asian LNG trading hubs. Governments, regulatory authorities, academics, and market participants are all presenting on how a hub might be developed in Asia. There have also been a number of reports published in the last few years on the development of hubs in Asia.
Topic:
International Political Economy and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3589. Making Sense of the Trump Administration's Fuel Economy Standard Rollback

Author:
Jason Bordoff, Akos Losz, and Aaron Linn
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
On April 2, 2018, the EPA announced that planned fuel economy increases for cars and light trucks in model years 2022–2025 are too stringent and should be revised.[2] The EPA thus initiated a process to set new standards for 2022–2025, in partnership with the NHTSA. The standards were a central part of the Obama administration’s efforts to reduce US greenhouse gas emissions. The move to weaken the standards has been sharply criticized by many environmental groups, policymakers, and others. Supporters of the current standards argue that the standards would substantially reduce emissions at a modest cost. But the standards have been highly controversial, and the move has also received a great deal of praise from other groups. Supporters of weakening the standards—including those in the Trump administration—argue that the current standards would be excessively costly to consumers and automakers, while providing little or no benefit to the public. Many analyses have proclaimed that this announcement would have profound effects on consumers, oil consumption, oil imports, and greenhouse gas emissions. One think tank, for example, told the Financial Times that US oil consumption, which was nearly 20 million barrels per day (bpd) in 2017, would be 1.5 million bpd higher in 2025 if the 2022–2025 fuel economy standards were rolled back
Topic:
Energy Policy, International Political Economy, and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3590. Libya: Sanctions Removal Done Right? A Review of the Libyan Sanctions Experience, 1980–2006

Author:
Richard Nephew
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The diplomacy associated with Libya’s 2003 decision to abandon its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs and support for terrorism has been rightly held up as a model. After years of isolation and international sanctions, Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi decided to change course. He agreed to dismantle and repatriate most of his nuclear infrastructure, to eliminate his chemical weapon stocks and ballistic missiles, and to abandon the use of terrorism as a foreign policy instrument. Libya wanted to be largely normalized and was prepared to pay a price to achieve this end but also wanted to receive the benefits of this normalization.
Topic:
International Affairs and Geopolitics
Political Geography:
Libya

3591. U.S. Energy Diplomacy

Author:
Tim Boersma and Casey Johnson
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Over the preceding decade until November 2016, energy came to occupy a more central position in the United States’ foreign policy apparatus, and the term “energy diplomacy” became frequently used in policy circles and the media. The reasons for this are numerous, but a 2014 headline from the New York Times captures the essence: “Oil’s Comeback Gives U.S. Global Leverage.”[1] Indeed, the unleashing of massive amounts of US unconventional oil and gas transformed the country from a political and economic superpower that was relatively energy poor in relation to its consumption habits into an energy superpower in its own right. The US energy narrative shifted quickly from talk of scarcity and ever-increasing import dependence to one of abundance, in which the nation became a major global exporter. For US diplomats, this occasioned the rethinking of what role energy could play in advancing strategic interests abroad. In October 2012, then secretary of state Hillary Clinton gave a major address at Georgetown University on energy diplomacy in the 21st century, proposing that energy could be used to help solve territorial and maritime disputes, promote competition in Europe, get the Republic of Iraq back on its feet, bring peace in the South Sudan and Sudan conflict, and tackle energy poverty and climate change.[2] Secretary Clinton’s State Department stood up a Bureau of Energy Resources with dozens of diplomats devoted to these topics. At meetings abroad and in Washington, energy was literally on the agenda, assuming a more prominent role than at any time since the Carter administration.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Energy Policy, International Affairs, and Geopolitics
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3592. Reforming the Renewable Fuel Standard

Author:
James Stock
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The US Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS) was introduced in the Energy Policy Act of 2005 and expanded in both scope and duration in the Energy Independence and Security Act (EISA) of 2007. The policy goals of the RFS program are threefold: - enhance energy security through additional domestic production of biofuels, - support rural economies by expanding the demand for agricultural products, and - expand the development and production of second-generation low–greenhouse gas transportation fuels. The RFS requires the blending of increasing quantities of biofuels into the US surface vehicle transportation fuel supply. These quantities are specified in the EISA but are subject to modification by the US EPA under certain conditions (“waiver authorities”). The EPA issues annual rules specifying the overall fractions of renewable fuels in the fuel supply. The fractional requirements are specified by fuel category: cellulosic, advanced biomass-based biodiesel, other advanced fuels, and total renewable fuels. Compliance with the blending standards is demonstrated by obligated parties (petroleum refiners and importers) retiring electronic certificates, called renewable identification numbers (RINs), when they sell petroleum fuel into the surface transportation fuel supply. RINs, which become available when a renewable fuel is blended into the fuel supply, are tradable and bankable (with limitations). Thus obligated parties have the choice of either producing RINs themselves through blending operations or purchasing RINs on the open market.
Topic:
Energy Policy, International Affairs, and Climate Finance
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3593. US Carbon Tax Design: Options and Implications

Author:
Jason Bordoff and John Larsen
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
While there seem to be no immediate prospects for a national carbon tax in the United States, there is growing interest among some policymakers and thought leaders across the political spectrum. If and when a legislative opening emerges in the coming years, policymakers will need to grapple with a range of important design issues that will determine the effectiveness of a carbon tax in reducing carbon emissions.
Topic:
Energy Policy, International Affairs, and Climate Finance
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3594. "One of the Great Polar Navigators": Captain T.C. Pullen's Personal Records of Arctic Voyages, Volume 1: Official Roles

Author:
Elizabeth Elliot-Meisel and P. Whitney Lackenbauer
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies
Abstract:
Captain Thomas Charles Pullen (1918-1990), also known as “Pullen of the Arctic,” became a noted authority on and explorer of the Arctic after he took command of the naval icebreaker HMCS Labrador in 1956. After his thirty years of active naval service, Pullen served as an advisor and consultant to government and industry on arctic marine operations for another twenty-four years, earning the reputation as North America’s foremost expert on Arctic navigation and icebreaking. This volume reproduces key diaries and reports on Arctic operations that Pullen wrote in various official capacities over his career. The first part documents his role as the commanding officer of the Labrador during operations in the Canadian Arctic in 1956 and 1957. The second part reproduces his observations as the Government of Canada’s official representative onboard the icebreaking tanker Manhattan during its two transits of the Northwest Passage.
Topic:
International Affairs
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3595. Modernizing conventional arms control in the Euro-Atlantic region

Author:
Peter van Ham
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
Europe’s conventional arms control architecture requires a thorough makeover. Today’s arms control and confidence-building arrangements are based on two legally binding pillars: the Conventional Armed Forces Europe (CFE) Treaty of 1990 and the Open Skies Treaty of 1992. The Vienna Document on Confidence- and Security-Building Measures (CSBMs), originally adopted in 1990 and most recently updated in 2011, is politically binding and aims to increase the transparency of military postures and activities in Europe. Today, these arrangements are either blocked or in dire need of modernization.
Topic:
International Relations and International Political Economy
Political Geography:
Europe

3596. Take a different look at the neighbours

Author:
Luuk van Middelaar and Monika Sie Dhian Ho
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
The Netherlands shouldn’t dramatize Britain’s departure from the European Union. Sure, it’s a downer for the economy and a political blow, but not a catastrophe. Brexit may even help us to break the established patterns of our foreign policy. And that is urgently needed: Brexit and Trump require us to reset our geopolitical compass towards our neighbours and partners on the continent. In this Alert authors Luuk van Middelaar and Monika Sie Dhian Ho give four tips for a new Europe policy.
Topic:
International Political Economy and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Europe

3597. Multilateral Damage The impact of EU migration policies on central Saharan routes

Author:
Jérôme Tubiana, Clotilde Warin, and Gaffar Mohammud Saeneen
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
This report studies the effects of EU migration policies and the externalisation of EU border control on Saharan migration routes and on practices in the border regions connecting Niger, Chad, Sudan and Libya. The report finds that, in response to the obstacles and opportunities that border externalisation policies present for migrants, migration routes diversify and move to other countries. Beyond the fact that migration is a transnational phenomenon not linked to one particular route or itinerary, this continuous moving of routes is made possible by cross-border Saharan trade and trafficking networks that have put in place the necessary logistics to facilitate migration and which often fall outside government control. Pushed by EU efforts to curtail migration, states such as Niger, Chad and Sudan have shored up border patrols and anti-smuggling operations in the border regions under study here. The report shows that this has been done in a manner that is often not conducive to stability in the region and which contributes to the ‘militia-isation’ – the growing power of militias whose presence undermines the state – of the countries at issue.
Topic:
International Relations and Migration
Political Geography:
Global Focus

3598. Innovation in EU migration policy: towards a truly comprehensive approach to migration

Author:
Willemijn Tiekstra and Wouter Zweers
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
The increased arrival of refugees and migrants in Italy in 2015 revealed that the EU was not prepared to cope with an increased inflow of refugees and migrants into its territory. In 2015, the year that saw an unprecedented number of irregular migrants and refugees crossing the Mediterranean, a comprehensive approach to migration was adopted in the Valletta Action Plan, acknowledging that the management of irregular migration is a responsibility for both African and EU leaders.
Topic:
Migration and Refugee Crisis
Political Geography:
Europe

3599. Political Warfare by Russia

Author:
Kars de Bruijne(ed.)
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
Abstract:
The Global Security Pulse tracks emerging security trends and risks worldwide. This month the Global Security Pulse focuses on the subject of political warfare. It specifically assesses how it plays a role in the foreign relations of Russia
Topic:
International Relations and War
Political Geography:
Russia

3600. Trump, America and Eastern Europe

Author:
Pawal Kowal
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
Abstract:
What challenges does East Central Europe face today? Now fully sovereign, the countries of the region seek new partnerships globally, address new and old problems locally, and engage their neighbours to tackle issues of common interest. This, the eighth edition of the Warsaw East European Review (WEER) is the consequence of the 2017 Warsaw East European Conference, entitled “East Central Europe vis-a-vis Global Challenges”. Some ninety scholars met and presented their views over four days of meetings in Warsaw in July 2017. The editors invited those with particularly timely remarks to submit their essays for publication, and have included a discussion of the WEER editorial board
Topic:
International Relations and International Affairs
Political Geography:
Europe