Search

Begin New Search Content Type Special Report Publication Year within 10 Years

301. Going Nuclear on Rosatom: Ending Global Dependence on Putin’s Nuclear Energy Sector

Author:
David Albright
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
Rosatom, its entities, and its senior personnel should be subjected to far greater sanctions by the United States and its allies. Sanction carveouts or waivers can be granted for nuclear reactor safety considerations, operating nuclear reactors, and for other Rosatom customers as they wind down existing contracts. However, the status quo is not sustainable. It leaves the United States and its allies vulnerable to political and economic pressure by Rosatom and its owner Russia, with the constant threat that this Putin-controlled entity could cut off energy supplies. This already happened to Germany in September 2022 when Gazprom, another Putin-controlled entity, cut off natural gas supplies to Germany as a result of a clash over Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Only a mild winter staved off serious and needless suffering by the German people. Rosatom deserves sanctions today. It is not just a benign commercial nuclear energy supplier. Rosatom has actively participated in the illegal seizure of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant (ZNPP), a seizure causing an increased risk of a major nuclear accident. Rosatom officials are not authorized to operate these reactors. IAEA Director General Raphael Grossi has called this situation “not sustainable” and “risks nuclear safety and security.” Rosatom is also complicit in the human rights violations of Ukrainian plant personnel, violations that include torture. Rosatom also actively contributes importantly to the production of Russian weapon systems used against Ukraine. A case in point is the participation of one of its subsidiaries in the production of the Shahed 136 kamikaze drone that Russia has used to destroy much of Ukraine’s civilian energy infrastructure and terrorize its civilian population.
Topic:
Sanctions, Nuclear Energy, Energy, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia and Eurasia

302. Alabuga’s Greatly Expanded Production Rate of Shahed 136 Drones

Author:
David Albright, Igor Anokhin, Sarah Burkhard, Victoria Cheng, and Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
Over the last two years, Russia has launched thousands of Shahed 136 drones against Ukraine. Although most of these relatively noisy, slow-moving drones have been shot down, about 15 percent on average have gotten through, causing immense damage to Ukraine’s military and civilian infrastructure. The Russian manufacturer of these drones, JSC Alabuga, contracted with Iran in early 2023 in a $1.75 billion dollar franchise deal to supply 6000 of the drones to the Russian Army by September 2025 in a three-stage arrangement, shown in Figure 1. While there were initial delays and skepticism about Alabuga being able to supply 6000 drones, data on Russian launches of Shahed drones collected by the Ukrainian military indicate that Alabuga is ahead in its production schedule and has already supplied approximately 4500 of the promised 6000 drones as of late April 2024. Based on these data, Alabuga has almost tripled its average production rate recently. It has, for the last several months produced Shahed drones at an average rate of about 20 drones per workday, equivalent to two shifts per day at the production facility, compared to a contract amount for 2023 of about 7 drones per workday followed by 10 drones per day. At this new rate, about 5200 drones per year, Alabuga could fulfill its commitment of supplying 6000 drones a year early, by mid-August 2024, and it could supply an additional 5400 drones by September 2025.
Topic:
Weapons, Drones, Production, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Iran, and Ukraine

303. Russian Decoy Drones that Depend on Western Parts Pose a Great Challenge to Ukrainian Defenses

Author:
Igor Anokhin and Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
Russia has developed and deployed several types of decoy drones to assist missile and drone strikes on Ukraine. This report discusses two of those decoy drones, the Gerbera (also known as Gerber) and the Parody (also known as Parodiya) UAVs that mimic the Shahed 136 and other drone systems. Both of these drones can be mass produced quickly and are built from simple materials like plywood, foam, and a few electronics, making them inexpensive compared to their more costly counterparts. Ukraine has become increasingly proficient at identifying, tracking, and intercepting Russian airborne platforms, like missiles and drones. To increase the effectiveness of Russian barrages, these decoy drones are launched in large numbers alongside missiles and attack drones, like the Shahed 136 and Lancet-3, to overwhelm and confuse Ukrainian defenses to draw anti-aircraft fire on the decoys, allowing other weapons to reach their targets. Ukrainian defenders can never be entirely certain that an incoming drone does not carry an explosive warhead, forcing them to expend valuable munitions intercepting these drones. Because Ukraine has limited stockpiles of interceptor missiles, anti-aircraft artillery ammunition, and hunter-killer-drones, deploying decoy drones is a viable strategy to wear down Ukrainian defenders. Using decoy drones can also help Russian forces identify where Ukraine has positioned anti-aircraft defenses, radar, and electronic warfare systems, and target those in subsequent attacks.
Topic:
Defense Policy, Weapons, Drones, Trade, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

304. Action from Semiconductor Companies is Long Overdue

Author:
David Albright and Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
The United States and its allies have struggled to stop the supply of controlled microelectronics to Russia, which then uses them in a variety of drones, missiles, and other weapon systems in its brutal war against Ukraine. While the United States and its allies can do more, it is time to turn far greater attention to the Western companies making these goods and demand far more from them. A recent companion study of trade data charting exports from China to Russia in a twenty-month period up to the end of 2023, conducted by one of us, showed that exports of the most critical microelectronics, electronic integrated circuits, amounted to $1.5 billion, steadily increasing throughout 2023, despite Western restrictions and pressure on China, which remains uncooperative, even hostile. 1 Electronic integrated circuits take on special significance, because Russia cannot make them, and there are limited manufacturers in the world, almost all in the United States and Europe. In a four-tier U.S. priority listing of banned electronic and other components and the means to make them, Tier 1 is exclusively composed of electronic integrated circuits. Aided importantly by China, Russia is countering the sanctions imposed by the United States and its allies. Without more countermeasures and enforcement, it would be unsurprising to find Russia continuing to acquire large quantities of restricted Western microelectronics needed for its war production.
Topic:
Sanctions, Weapons, Trade, Semiconductors, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, Ukraine, and United States of America

305. Chinese Export of Restricted High Priority Battlefield Items to Russia

Author:
Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
The Institute for Science and International Security has reviewed more than 295,000 commercial import-export trade manifest records from May 2022 through the end of December 2023, detailing exports of restricted Tier One Harmonized System Codes (HS Codes) items on the Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) Common High Priority List (CHPL) being exported by Chinese companies to Russian importers. The BIS CHLP applies trade restrictions to Russia on the most sensitive and sought-after Western electronics and other commodities that Russia requires to build its war machine. Tier One covers key items that Russia cannot domestically produce and that have limited manufacturers and constitutes four HS Code chapter 84 codes (8542.31, 8542.32, 8542.33, and 8542.39) detailing the most important electronics which Russia needs to build drones, missiles, and other weapon systems. Russia depends on illicit import practices and networks to acquire these goods from overseas, mainly Western goods via China. Without these critical commodities, Russia would be crippled in its ability to produce the advanced missiles, drones, and other combat systems it needs to wage its war of aggression in Ukraine. More than $1.5 billion worth of restricted Tier One commodities were found being exported from China to Russia during the assessed period. The shipments contained electronics designed and produced by Western firms, but shipped by often obscure and little-known Chinese companies to Russian firms. Shipments containing Western brands found in the trade data include Texas Instruments, XILINX, Analog Devices, Intel, NVIDIA, ST Microelectronics, and other major sought-after designers and producers of electronics. Many of these companies’ products have been frequently found in Russian weapons used in Ukraine, especially in drone systems such as the Shahed 136 and the Lancet kamikaze drones, and Kometa anti-jamming equipment. For example, XILINX field programmable gate arrays (FPGA) and microcontrollers, all of which were found in the assessed trade data, are essential components in the Shahed 136, hundreds of which are being launched at Ukraine each month. 1 NVIDIA Jetson AI modules play a key role in how the Lancet—another drone launched by Russia at Ukraine in the thousands—autonomously identifies, tracks, and engages targets. 2 These amounts of drones, as well as other weapon systems like missiles and other drones, demand a huge quantity of Western Tier 1 goods to keep up production rates and meet the Russian military’s operational needs.
Topic:
Weapons, Exports, Trade, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Europe, and Asia

306. Unsealed Indictment Shows Iranian Agents Acquired Controlled Camera with Nuclear Weapons Application from United States

Author:
Sarah Burkhard, Chloe DeVere, and Kendall Roach
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
In the spring of 2023, the U.S. Justice Department unsealed an indictment from 2012, which shows that in addition to the previously known high-speed cameras Iran purchased from Russia, brokered by Mohsen Vanaki, 2 Iran also acquired another camera with applications in nuclear and ballistic missile testing at the same time from the United States. 3 From 2006 to 2009, five agents residing in Iran, Azerbaijan, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Canada worked together to purchase the camera, which required an export license, from a U.S. company. They then shipped the camera via Canada and the UAE to an Iranian customer with known ties to Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile program. While a first attempt to purchase the camera failed, a second attempt succeeded, requiring an elaborate scheme with multiple transshipment points, front companies, and falsified end-user information. Ironically, the Iranian end user experienced multiple technical issues with the camera post-shipment, requiring prolonged back-and-forth communication among the network and with the manufacturer. Despite efforts taken by the multiple agents to ship the camera and conceal its end use, this case reveals red flags and missed opportunities to stop the initial shipment or the repair and technical consultations post-shipment. While it is difficult to determine in what way the camera could have contributed to Iran’s nuclear weapons efforts, there are several indications that Iran was continuing nuclear weapons related activities previously conducted under the Amad plan during that time frame, and multiple governments agreed at the time that Iran’s nuclear weapons program was likely ongoing. The case highlights that Iran seeks controlled high-speed cameras for nuclear and military applications. It also serves as an important reminder that Iran does have the type of sophisticated equipment needed to conduct various aspects of nuclear weapons development, then and today. Additionally, this case again shows the value of dual-national and other Iranian procurement agents located outside of Iran, especially in Western countries. Moreover, if they are arrested and prosecuted, Iran has effectively developed a strategy of trading them for innocent Western hostages it has arbitrarily seized inside Iran.
Topic:
Nuclear Weapons, Sanctions, Weapons, and Trade
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, North America, and United States of America

307. Russian Company Drake LLC’s Procurements for JSC Alabuga’s Military Drone Projects - JSC Alabuga’s Weaponization of Commercial Drones for Military Use in Ukraine

Author:
David Albright and Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
With the onset of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, JSC Alabuga shifted from centering on hosting domestic and international civilian manufacturing facilities at its Special Economic Zone (SEZ) to direct military production of military drones, in particular the Shahed 136 kamikaze drone under a supply and franchise contract with Iran. This shift has necessitated the large-scale procurement of a variety of different types of goods abroad. One of JSC Alabuga’s important procurement arms has been Drake LLC, aka Dreik LLC, which contracts with Alabuga Development Company, JSC Alabuga’s main construction and production arm. Drake’s role in outfitting military industries was recognized on February 23, 2024, when it was sanctioned by the United States. However, its precise dealings which warranted this designation have received little public scrutiny. The case of Drake exposes a part of Alabuga’s drone production supply chain and its broader interest in military drones in addition to the Shahed 136 drone. This case study reveals how Alabuga Development Company purchased in early 2023 via Drake and a third party in Kazakhstan, DRONE.kz, up to 30 Dragonfish drones from Autel Robotics, a major Chinese drone manufacturer with a strong U.S. presence, for modification at Alabuga for military use in Ukraine. The planned changes included extending the drone’s range, strengthening its ability to defeat jamming from enemy electronic warfare systems, and/or attaching a universal delivery system for a variety of ordnance, such as grenades and video-guided rocket propelled grenades.
Topic:
Weapons, Drones, Manufacturing, Procurement, Russia-Ukraine War, and Dual Use Items
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

308. Russian Company Elmak Procures “High Priority” Items for Russia’s War Efforts via China

Author:
David Albright and Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
Russian weapons, including bombs, missiles, and drones, depend on crucial electronic components, such as field programmable gate arrays (FPGA) and microcontrollers, many of which cannot be made by Russia. In many cases, produced only by Western companies, these essential components are being sourced by Russian electronics importers and trading companies in large quantities from, foremost, China. The Russian trading company Elmak LLC, aka Kometa LLC, has imported over $5 million of Western electronic goods, almost entirely via China. Over 90 percent of the items fall under Tier 1 of the Bureau of Industry and Security and European Union List of Common High Priority Items banned for export to Russia and at heightened risk of being diverted to Russia illegally due to “their importance to Russia’s war efforts.” China’s lack of action to prevent these sales justifies NATO’s recent labeling China as a “decisive enabler of Russia’s war against Ukraine,” 1 adding weight to calls for the application of more sanctions against Chinese suppliers and enabling banks. But U.S. and other Western companies need to do more. They should not ship to China any electronics known to be used in weapons against Ukraine. U.S. companies should show greater due diligence on the final use and end users of their products and simplify supply chains to prevent unauthorized transfers of electronics with restricted Harmonized System (HS) codes. At the very least, companies should agree not to export the most important electronic items to China, which have been identified in Russian weapons downed in Ukraine. Otherwise, as the war continues, with more U.S and other Western manufacturers’ electronics found in Russian weapons in Ukraine after causing casualties and destruction, these manufacturers look increasingly insensitive and powerless against their own complicity in supporting Russia’s illegal war.
Topic:
Sanctions, Weapons, Trade, Imports, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, China, Europe, and Ukraine

309. Iran/Russia Military Technology Axis: Russia Showcases to Iran New and Advanced Military Technology

Author:
David Albright and Spencer Faragasso
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
A dangerous new weapons technology partnership between Iran and Russia is emerging with deadly consequences for the United States, Israel, and their allies. This axis, helped importantly by China, exchanges finished military hardware and the technology to replicate and produce it. With the advent of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the transfer of weapons technology from Iran to Russia has developed on a large scale. The Ukraine war has led Russia to seek goods from Iran, including prominently a $1.75 billion purchase of Shahed 136 kamikaze drones and their production know-how. As it produces the Shahed drones, known in Russia as the Geran 2 drone, Russia has improved it. Based on the extensive interactions in Iran and in Russia between Iranian experts and the drone manufacturer, JSC Alabuga, there are grounds to believe that Russian improvements in the drone’s design and production have filtered back to Iran. Additionally, Iran is interested more generally in Russian military technologies.
Topic:
Weapons, Drones, Trade, Russia-Ukraine War, and Military Technology
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Iran, and Middle East

310. A Security Symphony: Harmonizing Cybersecurity Regulation

Author:
Aspen Digital
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Aspen Institute
Abstract:
Global cybersecurity regulation is fragmented, inefficient, and often ineffective. More than 60 countries are implementing an array of legal frameworks, making it difficult to regulate cyber practices across borders. Costly on many levels, inconsistent regulations and varying compliance standards allow bad actors to seek out gaps in the system and facilitate attacks that span geographies. With the current amplification and intensity of cyber threats, government and industry need to share tactics, techniques, and procedures with each other as well as with partner nations. If the field doesn’t achieve a higher degree of harmony in the global regulatory landscape, multiple dimensions will remain inefficient and costly: operations, risk management, research and development, and more. In A Security Symphony, Aspen Digital’s Global Cybersecurity Group calls for establishing regulatory harmonization principles, with a focus on collaboration and standardization. The principles span the core categories of interoperability and transparency, market competition, and mutual recognition frameworks. The paper also demonstrates the real-life harms of lacking coordination as well as the benefits of harmonized models through case studies on the 2016 dismantling of the “Avalanche” network and the Factor Analysis of Information Risk (FAIR). A collective of cybersecurity experts committed to democracy and freedom online, the Global Cybersecurity Group is uniquely positioned to offer cross-border guidance to their peers and like-minded nations.
Topic:
National Security, Cybersecurity, Regulation, and Risk
Political Geography:
Global Focus

311. The Roots of Mistrust in Coalition Building among Syrian Nonprofits: Lessons from the Truth and Justice Charter

Author:
Marianna Al-Tabba
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
For the past 13 years, the establishment and management of alliances in Syria have not been one of the pillars of public affairs work, whether in political, relief, or human rights work, and the field of transitional justice is no exception. Despite the harmony of the parties in vision, goal, or even ideology – and their shared struggles whether political, revolutionary, or any other form – a lack of trust between groups often surfaced, hindering the formation of strong and strategic relationships and delaying the unification of their ranks at a time of great need. This paper attempts to investigate and explore the extent to which lack of trust affects the formation of alliances as perceived by actors in the Syrian public sphere. It examines the nature of the existing relationships between Syrian institutions and organizations and their ability to build alliances around a specific demand or cause that unites them. Due to the overlapping factors and different schools of thought in explaining the emergence and success of different forms of institutional cooperation and their gradations, the paper focuses on one crucial determinant in building strategic cooperation and alliances: trust. It raises a general question about the causes of weak trust between organizations working in the public sphere; its impact on collective action; and the lessons learned to overcome the obstacle of weak trust, focusing on nonprofit organizations working in the field of transitional justice and the movements by victims’ families and survivors. The importance of the topic emerges not only in understanding the causes and deconstructing the lack of trust, or mistrust, among Syrian public affairs workers, and the impact of this on building strong relationships and alliances based on deep trust among its members – something that is desperately needed at the political, human rights, and civil work levels in general. Its importance also emerges from the lessons learned from a previous experience in contemporary Syrian history – a coalition of Syrian associations and institutions that built high levels of trust among themselves. This paper emphasizes the ability of Syrian men and women to create a demanding grassroots movement around the issue of detention and enforced disappearance, a movement that is geographically widespread, driven by the people themselves and prominent women leaders.
Topic:
Civil Society, Coalition, and Trust-building
Political Geography:
Middle East and Syria

312. Red Lines, Where to Find Them, and How to Work with Them: Civil Society, the State, and Political Change in Morocco

Author:
Francesco Colin
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Who is included in “civil society” and which function it is supposed to perform – particularly in the realm of political action – remain largely debated (Edwards 2014).1 On one hand, achieving political change, and democratization in particular, has become an essential element of civil society in non-democratic regimes after the so-called “third wave of democratization” (Ibrahim 2015: 46–47). On the other, the state’s increasing control of civil society’s space for action has raised attention to the fact that states rely on these spaces to stabilize a given political order (Poppe and Wolff 2017). Even in established democracies, the increasing “politicization” of civil society action has been a key driver of the restrictions on its space for action (as Hummel 2022 showed in the case of Germany, for instance). In Morocco, the monarchy’s posture towards civil society has been ambiguous, to say the least.2 Beyond the analytical insights that stress the regime’s efforts to tame this sector, this paper acknowledges that civil society’s growing ability to intervene in the public sphere prompted a redefinition of the monarchy’s strategy towards this sector (Sater 2007). In this context, palace-led civil society development initiatives such as the “National Initiative for Human Development” (launched in 2005) not only testify to the importance that the state attributes to this sector of society, but also allow the state to reinforce its control over civil society at the local level (Bergh 2012). With more than 240,000 associations officially registered in Morocco, the government’s plan to develop a new official “strategy” for civil society further corroborates the state’s strong and continued interest in the structuring and control of civil society’s space for action (Wail El Karmouni 2023).3
Topic:
Civil Society, Politics, and Activism
Political Geography:
North Africa and Morocco

313. Can Poverty Graduation Programs Truly Free the Poor from Poverty? Reflections on International and Regional Experiences

Author:
Howaida Adly Roman
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Poverty is an intractable structural issue, which raises a question that has been perplexing for many years: Why have multiple efforts to combat poverty not liberated the poor from its bond and captivity, allowing them the freedom of sufficiency and human dignity? Does the reason lie in the inadequacy of these efforts, or because the efforts did not address the issue of poverty from its structural causes, instead only dealing with its symptoms? The reasons for questioning this issue are varied. This uncertainty has led to the emergence of a new type of intervention that has been tested initially on limited populations, known as the “graduation out of poverty” approach. This approach was motivated by the recognition in the late 1990s that traditional poverty reduction and microfinance programs could not reach the poorest because, in addition to the barrier of income marginalization, the poor face multidimensional social, economic, and political poverty, as well as psychological and cultural barriers.1 Poverty graduation programs offer an integrated package of interventions aimed at lifting the poor out of their situation and ensuring the sustainability of their emancipation over a specific time, ranging from 24 to 36 months. In 2002, the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) developed a program to target the poorest of the poor to free them from their situation and ensure sustainable livelihoods.2 BRAC is a non-governmental organization founded in 1972; its work continued until 2001 when it expanded to include many other countries in the global south, applying its experience in poverty alleviation and establishing branches in many other countries.3 The interventions of these programs seek to combine addressing the immediate needs of those targeted with long-term investment in technical skills, life skills, asset transfer, entrepreneurial development, promoting savings opportunities, and planning for the future to ensure a sustainable exit from poverty and a stable life for these social groups.4 This paper aims to examine poverty exit programs that have been implemented in diverse social, economic, and cultural contexts around the world to draw key conclusions about the ability of these programs to deal with the root causes of poverty and vulnerability. The paper also seeks to investigate the extent to which these programs are scalable, meaning that they can be applied to larger populations; their sustainability; and the guarantee that the poor will not fall back into poverty. The paper focuses on analyzing three experiences from the Arab region, two from Egypt and one from Yemen. Yemen’s program, which is the earliest in the region, dates back to 2006 when the Consultative Group to Assist the Poor (CGAP) and the Ford Foundation decided to expand the approaches to graduation out of poverty through various contexts. In Egypt, the Bab Amal program was implemented by a group of NGOs, while the Forsa program was a government program for graduating beneficiaries of conditional cash transfers (CCT) – the Takaful program – that was implemented in partnership between the Ministry of Social Solidarity and NGOs. Bab Amal was started earlier and has undergone preliminary evaluations, while Forsa is still in its infancy. Research into global poverty graduation programs may help these two experiments avoid making similar mistakes, especially in the context of scaling up. Based on the above, this paper will shed light on what poverty graduation programs are, how they emerged and for what reasons, what role NGOs played, how governments began to adopt these programs and apply them and later expand them, and what the challenges and issues of expansion are. The paper concludes by analyzing a number of challenges facing these programs – chief among them of course the challenge of sustainability – and finally, the lessons learned.
Topic:
Development, Poverty, Economic Inequality, and Social Programs
Political Geography:
Middle East, Yemen, North Africa, and Egypt

314. Lebanon's Social Protection System Suffers Amidst the Current War: Urgent Action Needed!

Author:
Cynthia Saghir, Farah Al Shami, and Diana Tonea
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
This policy paper assesses Lebanon’s social protection response to the ongoing war and provides recommendations for policymakers to further develop this response and later improve the shock-responsiveness and -resilience of the country’s social protection system. The war in Lebanon has exacerbated the existing economic crisis, leading to mass displacement and increased poverty. The social protection system, already fragmented and underfunded, is struggling to meet the humanitarian needs of the affected population. The emergency response has been inadequate and limited to cash transfers and in-kind donations reaching only a small portion of those in need. Lebanon’s social protection system primarily relies on poverty-targeted social safety nets, which offer limited coverage and are heavily dependent on international funding. These safety nets have been expanded in response to the war but their reach remains relatively narrow. This implies an urgent need for a more comprehensive and coordinated approach to address the crisis – an approach that involves immediate humanitarian assistance as well as longer-term social protection measures that strengthen the system’s shock-responsiveness and -resilience. Linkages between the humanitarian and social assistance systems are also crucial for an integrated and sustainable approach. The paper concludes that for Lebanon's social protection system to become more fit for purpose, universal social security schemes should be prioritized, followed by a plan that tackles the issue of being composed of a complex web of different programs and registries. The government must therefore take decisive action to secure additional funding through domestic resources, improve coordination among stakeholders, and expand the reach of social assistance programs so that vulnerable populations receive the support they need to cope with the current crisis, and have their wellbeing and livelihood constantly protected.
Topic:
Humanitarian Aid, Conflict, and Social Protection
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

315. A Critical Study of the Role of Zakat in Social Protection in Sudan from 1980 to 2021

Author:
Medani Abbas Medani
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Sudan suffers from a high percentage of its total population, more than 65%, living in poverty. This percentage is affected by poor economic growth, the spread of civil conflicts and the resulting migration and destruction, and loss of livelihoods.1 With such a high incidence of poverty, social protection networks do not cover large segments of the Sudanese population. Since the early 1990s, Sudan has embarked on economic reform programs that include the removal of subsidies on basic, government-subsidized commodities such as bread and fuel. As is well known, the implementation of these policies requires effective social protection networks to minimize the effects of these policies on the poor, which is not an easy task in a low-income country where there are already serious questions about the government’s ability to develop an effective social protection system. In light of limited government resources and a large security and military budget, especially during the period of al-Bashir’s rule from 1989 to 2019, the government’s ability to allocate resources to support social protection programs has been weak. This means that the Zakat Chamber is considered the main provider of social protection interventions in Sudan. It targets poor and vulnerable segments, as Zakat resources represent about 87% of the total interventions of government social protection networks (excluding government support).2 This study starts from the premise that Zakat can be an effective tool in financing and implementing social protection programs, as well as social protection institutions in Sudan, if properly managed. As such, the paper traces the historical development of the Zakat system in Sudan and the impact of the ruling regimes on Zakat’s roles in the social protection system. The study also examines the impact of the Bashir regime (1989-2019) on the Zakat system from the perspective of economic and political empowerment, and the extent of the regime’s impact on Zakat’s ability to strengthen social protection networks in Sudan. The nature of the political system plays a role in determining the frameworks of the Zakat system: the Zakat Chamber law authorizes it to disburse Zakat under the discretionary authority of the ruler as the original authority. In other words, the ruler’s discretion affects the distribution of Zakat resources to projects.3 The study examines the period of Omar al-Bashir’s regime, which lasted from 1989 to 2019. The study then deals with the period following the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood rule in the transitional period from 2019-2021, and proceeds to shed light on the role of the Zakat Chamber after the outbreak of the Sudanese war on 15 April 2023. The study concludes with the positives and challenges facing the role of Zakat in social protection in Sudan. It also provides recommendations aimed at reviewing the program, which, despite its expansion, is accompanied by issues in terms of its use in collecting and providing resources that are not subject to appropriate exchange and institutional controls and as a tool affected by the nature of the ruling political regime and its priorities, which may contradict the goals of Zakat and social protection. The importance of addressing the relationship between Zakat and social protection in Sudan lies in the fact that Zakat is categorized as one of the most important social protection resources. Zakat, for much of the period under study, was a compulsory religious tax, a fact that goes against the principles of Islamic countries in dealing with the Zakat obligation. The link between Zakat and social protection needs a careful approach that separates the roles that Zakat can play in social protection. Zakat is not just a charitable act and can have macroeconomic effects, falling into the trap of being used as an easy tax resource by which governments evade their roles in developing and institutionalizing social protection. This paper attempts, through the experience in Sudan, to contribute to the development of the debate and experience on the roles of Zakat in social protection.
Topic:
Poverty, Social Protection, and Zakat
Political Geography:
Africa and Sudan

316. Universal Health Coverage for Better Social Protection: The Case of Iraq

Author:
Sami Nader
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Decades of violence, conflict, and humanitarian crises, combined with international sanctions and continuous neglect of the health sector, have seriously harmed Iraq’s healthcare system. As a result, many skilled physicians and other medical practitioners have left the country, causing a shortage of medical staff. Furthermore, Iraqis harbor a great degree of mistrust for the government and the public healthcare system, particularly following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, which exposed and aggravated the multitude of vulnerabilities in public healthcare infrastructure and delivery. Once a prosperous and advanced healthcare system, Iraq has been steadily bleeding out talent, with medical staff and other healthcare practitioners emigrating to find better working conditions abroad; in the same vein, a large number of Iraqis travel to regional neighbors for medical care, including to Lebanon, Iran, Jordan, and Türkiye. Ideally, the state would provide social safety and healthcare as fundamental rights for everyone to guarantee fair access and complete coverage. Yet, Iraq’s healthcare system remains in a state of acute crisis and is characterized by disorganization and poor planning, shortages of staff and resources, fragmentation and insufficient coverage, and pervasive corruption, which instead erode the quality, affordability, and accessibility of basic as well as specialist healthcare services for a majority of Iraqis. The lack of long-term, sustainable health policies is widening inequality between Iraqis; large-scale private healthcare systems, acting as substitutes for the public health system, are spreading at a steady rate throughout the country, creating a “two-tier” healthcare system—in other words, one for those who can afford private healthcare services, and the other for those who cannot. Hence, the current landscape is enabling and widening the gap in health disparities for Iraqis. This paper relies on documentation, reports, and studies, in addition to previous recent experience on the ground in terms of public finance management programs as well as regional finance and public policy. It will map the history of Iraq’s healthcare crisis and the impact of the sanctions on health coverage, as well as the strain imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic on service delivery. The paper will then build a case for a collaborative health insurance scheme as an intermediary response to leverage the strengths of Iraq’s public and private sectors, and most pertinently, to alleviate the immediate healthcare needs of the country’s population. Finally, the paper will articulate policy recommendations towards that end, and for the overall Iraqi healthcare system.
Topic:
Health, Public Policy, Health Insurance, and Social Protection
Political Geography:
Iraq and Middle East

317. Urban Communities as Alternative to Slums: A Case Study of Egypt's Asmarat

Author:
Ibrahim Ezzeddine
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Egypt is one of the most prominent countries that are facing serious housing and informal settlements issues. The state has, at different times, developed many policies and development programs to deal with these issues. During the last decade, Egypt has witnessed a new development in addressing the issue of informal settlements: the establishment of new urban communities as alternative areas for rehousing those living in slums. This paper analyzes the Asmarat area as the most prominent governmental project in this regard, asking the following questions: To what extent do resettlement areas meet the basic needs of the population? Does the Asmarat project achieve economic, social, and cultural sustainability as a suitable housing project? The paper reviewed the Asmarat general plan in terms of the density of residential units, the road network, the distribution of commercial activities, green areas, and open spaces. The paper presents the geographical location of the study area, which is the Mokattam neighborhood in Cairo Governorate, and it reviews the general plan and the footprint for the area to be built; the three phases of the project; and the financial cost, which exceeded 3.35 billion Egyptian pounds (about US$69.8 million), according to what was announced on official websites. The paper uses the framework of economic, social and cultural rights as an indicator to assess the area. The first indicator assesses the methods of legal security of tenure. All legal safeguards that protect residents from forced eviction should be in place. The second indicator measures access to natural resources, safe drinking water, energy for cooking, heating and lighting, sanitation, waste disposal, drainage, and access to emergency services. The third indicator assesses the adequacy and affordability of housing costs in relation to personal income and the cost of daily living for individuals and families. The fourth indicator assesses the suitability of housing for family size in terms of space and protection from cold, humidity, heat, and the spread of infections. The fifth indicator assesses access to adequate housing for all those affected by the removal of their homes, and the need for alternative housing. The sixth indicator assesses the suitability of the housing location in terms of the availability of employment opportunities, access to basic and health services, access to health care and education services, and access to social services. The seventh indicator assesses the expression of the housing’s cultural and social identity, and the adaptation of the exterior and interior design and landscaping to this end.
Topic:
Urban, Informal Settlement, and Housing
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Egypt

318. Lebanon’s Solar Rollout: In What Ways Has It Been an Unjust Energy Transition?

Author:
Yusra Bitar
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Lebanon’s national electricity supply has nearly collapsed, with the country’s residents experiencing constant power cuts over the past three decades and total blackouts since 2020.1 This has led residents across the country to find their “coping strategies” - which have become somewhat normalized - to deal with the national shortages, including purchasing or subscribing to diesel generators.2 More recently, these coping strategies have started to include solar energy installations, which have been deemed revolutionary for Lebanon,3 although in reality, the story is much more complex. As the climate crisis worsens and global institutions start to advocate and fund just transitions,4 it is imperative to reflect on what this means to prevent the repetition of collective injustices. This paper briefly outlines the solar energy landscape in Lebanon and asks some questions about the country’s solar rollout, including who benefits from it and how, as well as how this process repeats past energy injustices. It then presents some case studies of initiatives that have addressed some community energy needs while offering lessons for future energy planning. The paper concludes with recommendations to policymakers, civil society organizations, and the private sector as they transition to solar energy.
Topic:
Environment, Solar Power, and Energy Transition
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

319. The Muhammasheen Mobilization Among Yemen’s Most Marginalized Community

Author:
Aisha Al-Warraq
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The historical disenfranchisement Yemen’s Muhammasheen face would still be invisible today, to the rest of the country and wider the world, if not for the community’s own mobilization efforts in the past four decades. Muhammasheen, meaning “the marginalized”, is a contemporary term for a people whom the rest of Yemeni society had for generations untold referred to with names such as Al-Akhdam, “the servants” or Al-Abeed, “the slaves”. Despite centuries of recorded history in Yemen, this ethnic minority’s dark skin has traditionally been denigrated by the rest of society as not belonging to the country, causing them to face caste-like ostracization, stigmatization, and denial of basic human dignity. Muhammasheen communities are often found in shanty towns at the periphery of Yemen’s urban centers and in isolated rural areas. This exclusion from mainstream society, dispersion around the country, and the blurry definitions that define the group have made assessing their numbers difficult, with estimates ranging anywhere between 500,000 and 3.5 million.1 In the 1990s, Muhammasheen who sought to better their community’s situation began to be increasingly vocal and active in drawing attention to their plight and asserting their right to be regarded as full members of society. The powers that be have, by turns, attempted to oppress and coopt these initiatives, as well as exploit the Muhammasheen’s vulnerable status, which has only been exacerbated by Yemen’s ongoing civil war. The belligerent parties on all sides, for instance, have sought out Muhammasheen youth in their impoverished communities and lured them to fight on the frontlines with the promise of a paycheque. At the national level, Muhammasheen advocacy is today as fragmented as the country itself. However, the drive within the group to better the community at large continues to gain momentum, as evidenced by the ever-growing number of local initiatives around the country, even as the goal of full citizenhood remains a distant prospect. The following paper examines the history and development of Muhammasheen-led activism in Yemen, and this marginalized community’s struggle for self-empowerment.
Topic:
Marginalization, Racism, Activism, and Muhammasheen
Political Geography:
Middle East and Yemen

320. The Road Ahead of Algeria’s Elections: A Changing Status Quo?

Author:
Zine Labidine Ghebouli
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
In December 2019, Abdelmadjid Tebboune was elected as President of Algeria to replace Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who was forced by the February 2019 Hirak popular protest to resign in April of that year.1 Tebboune was, therefore, inaugurated amidst a deep and turbulent political crisis characterized by an unprecedented protest movement known as the Hirak, a large-scale operation of “clean hands” that targeted hundreds of corrupt senior officials and a fractured ruling establishment. Since then, the Tebboune administration engaged in multiple reforms to rehabilitate the state’s institutions, stabilize the country’s political and social fronts, revive the ailing economy, and reclaim Algiers’ place on the international stage. Four years after his election, the country is preparing for a consequential presidential race which will not be an easy task for any candidate, including the current leadership. Throughout his presidency, Tebboune had to endure several setbacks that often placed his agenda at risk and imposed urgent domestic and foreign policies. In early 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic2 which paralyzed international and local governance including in Algeria. President Tebboune himself was hospitalized in Germany3 following his infection and had to undergo a relatively long recovery. In addition, Algeria found itself at the heart of complex geopolitical equations when Russia launched a full-scale invasion against Ukraine in February 2022.4 As a historic military partner of Moscow, Algiers had to walk on thin lines between its principled non-alignment doctrine and Western pressures to condemn Russia. At the same time, Algiers had also to deal with regional crises including its escalatory cold war with Rabat,5 security turmoil in the Sahel’s Mali6 and Niger,7 and risks of instability in neighboring Tunisia and Libya. Furthermore, the 2019 protest movement left its mark on Algerian society as a new generation of Algerians emerged with unique demands and aspirations. While the 2019 elections were essentially focused on sociopolitical stability, candidates for the December 2024 presidential race are expected to provide concrete reforms on domestic affairs and foreign policy. In that sense, a set of priorities is already pressuring the ruling establishment as well as the opposition regarding political reforms, economic revival, and regional dossiers; and how these priorities are addressed is likely to weigh during the vote Hence, an assessment of Algeria’s challenges and the maneuvering of the Tebboune administration is critical ahead of December’s elections to both identify the potential dossiers that will shape public debate and candidates’ programs and draw realistic expectations about the opposition’s options and chances.
Topic:
Governance, Elections, Domestic Politics, and Status Quo
Political Geography:
Algeria and North Africa

321. Emergence, Resilience, and Tensions: A Decade of LGBTQ Activism in Morocco

Author:
Sanae A.
Publication Date:
02-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
Although Article 4891 of Morocco’s Penal Code criminalizes homosexual acts, LGBTQ organizing in Morocco has taken a new turn since 2011, with the emergence of multiple collectives that organize and employ a variety of strategies to claim their rights as a community. The emergence of LGBTQ collectives can be traced to a post-2011 wave of new forms of organizing.2 During the 2011 social uprisings that swept the MENA region, Morocco’s 20 February social movement mobilized large numbers of citizens around socio-economic and political demands. The movement marked a new era in Moroccan politics and political resistance in the public space. As a youth-led movement, it challenged previous modes of organizing and existing alliances and divisions within the political scene and expanded the public sphere by offering alternative spaces to express grievances and to organize around them. The movement symbolized “hope for Moroccan youth”3 and challenged classical ways of taking political action while bringing into the public debate taboo topics such as feminist body politics, reproductive rights, religious freedoms, and the rights of sexual and gender minorities. At the same time, activists who identified as LGBTQ brought forward discussions around sexual orientation and the rights of LGBTQ. These issues were not explicitly part of the political agenda of the 20 February movement, however, many activists within it who identified as LGBTQ brought queer slogans during official protests with signs reading “Oppression is here, I am here” or “Love is not a crime.” New forms of organizing that emphasized occupying the public space in addition to artistic expressions (such as the production of magazines and zines, graffiti, and music) and underground cultural expressions (such as teach-ins and social theater) came to the surface. This essay explores the evolution of LGBTQ organizing in Morocco since 2011, highlighting the impact of the 20 February social movement as a catalyst for activism. It discusses the emergence of LGBTQ collectives, their strategies for claiming rights, and the challenges they face, including surveillance, violence, and cooptation. The essay also examines new generations of LGBTQ activism, the role of social media, and the response to outing campaigns. It delves into the tensions within local LGBTQ politics, including the debate between culturalist and systemic approaches, and the effects of NGOization on the movement's goals and strategies. It underlines how the increasing visibility of the LGBTQ movement, and the queer critiques of the Moroccan women’s rights movement compels feminist groups to reflect on their politics and the very definition of what feminism is and who it is for.
Topic:
LGBT+, Resilience, and Activism
Political Geography:
North Africa and Morocco

322. Operation Al-Aqsa Flood in Lebanon’s Palestinian Camps: Emotion and Reason, Solidarity and Militancy

Author:
Marie Kortam
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
In September and early October of 2023, I was in Lebanon on a working visit to the Ain al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp after the outbreak of bloody battles between the Fatah movement and the “Muslim Youth.”1 The clashes in Ain al-Hilweh began on 30 July 2023, following the assassination of Abu Ashraf al-Armushi, Fatah’s security chief for southern Lebanon. The Palestinian National Security Forces, affiliated with the Palestinian Authority, are responsible for protecting and managing the security of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, and communicating with the Lebanese army to solve any incidents that occur. The clashes continued intermittently until late September, and stopped completely as Operation Al-Aqsa Flood began, with rogue elements on both sides promising to resume their conflict after the Gaza War. This was not the first time that Ain al-Hilweh camp has witnessed an armed conflict between Fatah and the "Muslim youth." This battle was one round in a series of escalations between Fatah and various Islamist militant groups which began with the establishment of Osbat al-Ansar in 1990, then with more extremist groups that splintered from al-Ansar after it concluded a peace agreement with Fatah in 2002. In reality, this battle was a conflict between Fatah and Hamas over control of the camp, as part of their fundamental struggle over Palestinian legitimacy. One hypothesis suggests that the recent clashes in Ain al-Hilweh resulted from an attempt by a party with no stakes in reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas to scuttle the dialogue conference in Egypt held on 30 July 2023. Fatah members, residents, and activists in the camp claim that Hamas is fighting “with another’s sword” against Fatah, that is, using unrecognized Islamic groups in the camp such as the Maqdisi group led by Fadi Al-Saleh, a close affiliate of Hamas who works with Turkish non-governmental organizations and supports the "Muslim Youth" groupings. Historically, the camps in Lebanon were under the control of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and still are. However, since Mahmoud Abbas took over the administration of the Palestinian Authority, the Fatah movement, the PLO, and all Palestinian national institutions have marginalized refugees and failed to prioritize their cause. As a consequence, Palestinian refugees became increasingly discontent with Abbas’ positions, even those within the ranks of the Fatah movement, albeit this discord was not always made public. As for Hamas, it lost its base in the Yarmouk camp in Syria after the rift between it and the Syrian regime with the outbreak of the Syrian revolution, which made it search for another base among the refugees. Ain al-Hilweh camp was one of its areas of interest, as the largest Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon where Islamist movements such as the Osbat al-Ansar and the Mujahid Movement were present, making the camp fertile ground for Islamist activity. Hence, it became logical for Hamas to compete with Fatah over governance of the Lebanese camps, the most important of which is Ain al-Hilweh as the capital of the Palestinian diaspora. This article presents a preliminary analysis of the perception of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon towards Operation Al-Aqsa Flood and the forms of solidarity with Gaza, both as socio-political solidarity and as militant engagement at a moment of intense competition between Fatah and Hamas. The article also raises the issue of the mobilization of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and Hamas's attempts to establish influence in the camps in the aftermath of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood. The article is based on official and informal meetings, observations during field visits to the camps in early October and November 2023, and a review of news coverage.
Topic:
Refugees, Solidarity, Hamas, Armed Conflict, and Al-Aqsa Flood
Political Geography:
Middle East, Palestine, Gaza, and Lebanon

323. “Under One Tree”? Exploring Pastoral, National, and International Approaches to Humanitarian Action

Author:
Elizabeth Stites, Merry Fitzpatrick, and Paul Howe
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Feinstein International Center, Tufts University
Abstract:
Although resilience is an inherent component of pastoral systems, it must be adequately supported through effective national and international policies, programs, and approaches. However, to date the evidence provided by pastoralists and organizations working with pastoral populations suggests that international and national humanitarian assistance is rarely provided in ways that are truly helpful for pastoral communities to protect their livelihoods. This synthesis report brings together the findings from the first phase of a three-year research project exploring how humanitarian action — comprising early warning, anticipatory action, and emergency response — can be more attuned to the needs, perspectives, and approaches of pastoral communities in the dryland areas of the Greater Horn and Sudano-Sahel. The main outputs from Phase 1 are three desk studies examining humanitarian action from three perspectives: the views of the pastoralists, national governments, and the international community. This synthesis report reflects upon the cross-cutting learning and key themes and considers the implications for humanitarian action in dryland areas.
Topic:
Climate Change, Natural Disasters, Natural Resources, Pastoralism, Resilience, Livelihoods, Safety Net, Gender, Early Warning, and Social Protection
Political Geography:
Africa, Sahel, and Horn of Africa

324. Anticipatory Insurance with African Risk Capacity: A Holistic Benefit-Cost Analysis

Author:
Leah B. Poole, Vaibhav Anand, Alexa Gozdiff Spognardi, Anne Radday, Komal Rathod, and Erin Coughlan de Perez
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Feinstein International Center, Tufts University
Abstract:
African Risk Capacity, with the support of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, has designed an anticipatory insurance product to support farmers in the drought-prone regions of Malawi and Zambia. The anticipatory approach is innovative because the insurance pays out when forecasts predict a drought, rather than after drought-related losses and damages have occurred. This report explores the potential costs and benefits of the insurance product and proposes a framework for monitoring and evaluating these factors once the product is implemented. Costs and benefits are assessed with an economic model, supported by qualitative data collected from key stakeholders. The results of this research are intended to assist government decision-makers by providing insights into potential challenges and successes associated with the product’s implementation. Additionally, the research may offer a useful framework of considerations for the expansion of this initiative to other countries.
Topic:
Agriculture, Climate Change, Natural Disasters, Resilience, Livelihoods, Safety Net, Early Warning, and Livestock
Political Geography:
Africa

325. Laying a Strong Foundation for Disaster Resilience: How Can Data Make Us Resilient to Disasters?

Author:
Samet Keskin
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
This report aims to demonstrate the importance of data-driven approaches for laying strong foundations in disaster management. The report firstly provides information on which data may be needed for disaster risk reduction and how they can be used in disaster management, as well as examples of good practices, services and products. This review is followed by recommendations to use data more effectively in disaster risk reduction and to better integrate it into policymaking and strategy development processes.
Topic:
Natural Disasters, Crisis Management, Resilience, and Data
Political Geography:
Global Focus

326. Data-Driven Strategic Planning for Disaster Risk Reduction

Author:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
For disaster risk reduction (DRR) policies, there is a need to examine the existing political framework, data collection, budgeting approaches based on this data, and cross-sectoral collaborations. This publication is based on the participants’ recommendations from the Training and Workshop: Data-Driven Strategic Planning for Disaster Risk Reduction event that took place on May 14, 2024 within the scope of Improving Disaster Resilience for Sustainable Cities project, implemented by TESEV with the support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom.
Topic:
Sustainability, Data, Disaster Management, Strategic Planning, and Budgeting
Political Geography:
Global Focus

327. R2P Monitor, Issue 68, 1 March 2024

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 68 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Cameroon, Central African Republic, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, North Korea, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, Central African Republic, and Global Focus

328. R2P Monitor, Issue 69, 1 June 2024

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 69 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic and South Sudan. Updates for Cameroon, China and Yemen are available on our Populations at Risk page.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, North Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, Sahel, and Central African Republic

329. R2P Monitor, Issue 70, 1 September 2024

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 70 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic and South Sudan. Updates for Cameroon, China and Yemen are available on our Populations at Risk page.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, North Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Sahel, and Central African Republic

330. R2P Monitor, Issue 71, 1 December 2024

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 71 looks at developments in Afghanistan, the Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic and South Sudan. Updates for Cameroon, China and Yemen are also available on our Populations at Risk page.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, North Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Sahel, and Central African Republic

331. How the EU can – and should – enhance its security and global competitiveness

Author:
Stefania Benaglia, Steven Blockmans, Michael Emerson, Tinatin Akhvlediani, Ceren Ergenc, and Fanny Sauvignon
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:
To achieve the objectives of security and competitiveness the EU will absolutely need to prioritise its enlargement policy, defence strategy and global partnerships over the coming years to 2030 and beyond. To make the EU fit for 30+ members, it will have to start by reforming its enlargement methodology towards a ‘staged accession’ procedure and move towards more qualified majority voting, alongside adapting its budget to accommodate new members. Accession negotiations will need to have ironclad security commitments and the EU should assist candidates in shoring up their own defences, as well as beefing up its own Member States’ military capacities. The EU also has no choice but to become a security provider for the entire continent. To strengthen its overall global competitiveness, the EU should boost Europe’s defence industry, ramp up the production of much-needed capabilities, tackle procurement issues and harmonise technical and operational standards. Collaboration with regional partners through the Global Gateway is also important but the EU shouldn’t position itself as an exclusive alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. It must also actively engage all parties in the Middle East peace process to counterbalance China’s influence and (re)assert itself as a key regional player. The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) will test the EU’s ability to maintain its global relevance and uphold its values.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Defense Policy, European Union, Competition, and Enlargement
Political Geography:
Europe

332. Explaining Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction: what, how and when?

Author:
Tinatin Akhvlediani
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has resulted in colossal human loss. According to the World Bank, this has already in 2023 amounted to 26 000 civilian casualties, the displacement of around 3.7 million people internally within Ukraine and around 5.9 million externally in Europe and beyond. The war has pushed 7.1 million people into poverty and reversed 15 years of economic development. This is reflected in the drastic increase in inequality, particularly among women, children, people with disabilities and elderly. This CEPS Explainer aims to review what is at stake, how Ukraine’s reconstruction has been addressed thus far, and what conditions and timelines are necessary for scaling up efforts. It looks at the immediate and long-term needs for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction, examines the existing framework for coordinating and implementing rebuilding efforts, describes potential funding sources and analyses the financial support already committed for Ukraine’s reconstruction. Finally, it reviews Ukraine’s ability to effectively absorb reconstruction funds and outlines the basic conditions required for scaling up reconstruction.
Topic:
Reconstruction, Recovery, Economic Development, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

333. The Impact of Ukraine’s Accession on the EU’s Economy

Author:
Tinatin Akhvlediani and Veronika Movchan
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:
The groundwork for Ukraine’s integration into the EU’s single market was laid by the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA). A key component of the AA, the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), paved the way for Ukraine’s gradual integration into the EU’s single market. Building on the DCFTA, Ukraine’s integration into the EU’s economy has significantly advanced since February 2022. In response to the invasion, the EU swiftly and temporarily but completely liberalised its market for Ukrainian goods through Autonomous Trade Measures (ATMs) and triggered the Temporary Protection Directive that has enabled over 4 million Ukrainian refugees to reside and work in the EU. With a continued swift trajectory, Ukraine’s integration is set to be much more comprehensive by the (yet unknown) time of accession. As this study outlines, the prospect of Ukraine’s accession to the EU brings some challenges but holds immense potential for mutual economic benefit. Free movement of goods. Full access under the ATM has not caused drastic changes in the EU’s imports or in the functioning of the single market in general. Yet, to avoid disruptions in the future, the accession treaty could include transition periods for full market access for Ukrainian goods in those EU Member States that may be vulnerable to a sharp increase in imports. Full trade liberalisation in services is expected to have more trade-easing effects, particularly for the EU, as it holds most of the reservations. Ukraine’s main EU partners in services trade are Germany and Poland, but services trade with Ukraine’s other major partners, including Estonia, has been steadily increasing since the implementation of the EU-Ukraine DCFTA. Thus, trade absorption capacity should be sustainable. Free movement of capital. Given the underdevelopment of Ukraine’s financial sector and capital markets, legislative and policy alignment should serve as a solid foundation for financial deepening in the country. Eased movement of capital will make it significantly easier to conduct business and trade and commercial and non-commercial payments between Ukraine and the EU. Free movement of workers. As long as Ukrainian workers fit the labour demands of the receiving EU countries, they could fill the gap in the labour supply and complement rather than replace local workers. An enlarged EU as a global supplier. Ukraine could strengthen the EU’s position in critical materials and key agricultural products, as well as contribute to the EU technologically with its emerging ICT sector and increasing skills and know-how in IT and computer services. Ukraine’s reconstruction and sustainable recovery is a significant challenge that requires substantial financial support. Yet, by addressing these considerations with foresight and diligence, Ukraine’s accession to the EU could not only elevate Ukraine’s standing but could also strengthen the EU’s position on the global stage.
Topic:
Reconstruction, European Union, Economy, Regional Integration, Trade, Recovery, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

334. The Berlin Pulse 2024/2025 (full issue)

Author:
Hanno Pevkur, Stephanie Zonszein, Majed Al-Ansari, Halyna Yanchenko, and Boris Pistorius
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Körber-Stiftung
Abstract:
Welcome to the eight’s edition of The Berlin Pulse! As every year, we compare international expectations of Germany with public opinion in Germany. But this year’s edition is special, as it comes off the press with one part of our representative survey conducted right after the polls have closed in the United States and the German coalition collapsed. Thanks to our editors Julia Ganter and Jonathan Lehrer, this issue underlines that Germany must decide what image it wants to project and what international expectations it wants to meet. Bangladeshi analyst Shafqat Munir and Russian opposition politician Andrei Pivovarov want Germany to live up to its moral aspirations and support the revival of democratic values in their countries. Israeli journalist Mairav Zonszein argues that precisely Germany’s reputation as a defender of democratic norms complicates its arms support to Israel, calling on Berlin to ensure its weapons are not used in human rights violations. Meanwhile, Ukrainian politican Halyna Yanchenko urges Germany to supply more arms to help end Russia’s illegal war of aggression. These expectations illustrate that Germany’s international standing as a partner in upholding international law, human rights and democracy is currently at stake. Berlin faces a complex balancing act, striving to avoid perceptions of selectively applying international law. Estonia’s Defence Minister Hanno Pevkur argues that half-hearted actions will not suffice – or as he puts it, ʻDo we want Ukraine to survive, or do we want it to win?ʼ The German population has a strong opinion on many of these issues. While 57 per cent of German respondents still want Berlin to support Ukraine militarily only 25 per cent want military support for Israel. Despite these dilemmas, it is encouraging that 46 per cent of German respondents want their country to be more engaged on international crises. It is the highest level since we started surveying this in 2017 and it shows that, after three years of war in Ukraine and a year of war in the Middle East, Germans want change and want to see Germany driving change. Thanks to our partner, the Pew Research Center, we know that Germans and Americans have trusted each other to make a change in international politics over the past four years. But our new figures, conducted after the US election, show that this partnership may be threatened: 79 per cent of Germans think President Donald Trump will damage transatlantic relations. But only 35 per cent of Germans think that Germany should step in to lead the West. It is time to decide, Germany. What kind of international player do we want to be, in which areas do we want to go all in? The following pages can help us make difficult decisions in difficult times.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, Foreign Policy, Human Rights, Taliban, Polls, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Russia, Europe, Ukraine, India, Germany, and United States of America

335. Cold War Case Studies and Chinese Perspectives

Author:
Raven Witherspoon, Jenna Wichterman, and Shivam Shankar Singh
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Carter Center
Abstract:
Rising Sino-American tensions have prompted widespread discussion of a “New Cold War,” and analysts increasingly worry that flashpoints in the bilateral relationship could trigger conventional war that could escalate to the nuclear domain. This research utilizes the Cold War analogy as a starting point for analyzing how nuclear war between the U.S. and China can be averted.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Cold War, Nuclear Weapons, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:
China, Asia, North America, and United States of America

336. Uncovering the Depths of UXO Contamination: A Town-Level Analysis of Three Areas in Syria

Author:
The Carter Center
Publication Date:
02-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Carter Center
Abstract:
Alongside armed combat and a dire socioeconomic downturn in Syria, civilians must continue to navigate the hidden threat of unexploded ordnance (UXO). The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that half of people in Syria are living in areas contaminated with explosive ordnance.
Topic:
Syrian War, Armed Conflict, Protection, War Remnants, and Unexploded Ordnance
Political Geography:
Middle East and Syria

337. Pathways to Prosperity for Adolescent Girls in Africa

Author:
Kehinde Ajayi and Estelle Koussoubé
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center for Global Development (CGD)
Abstract:
Africa stands at a crossroads, with its future prosperity hinging on the policy and investment decisions it makes today. The continent has an opportunity to shape the trajectories of generations to come by investing in the success of a pivotal population: its adolescent girls. With over 145 million adolescent girls calling Africa home, the potential for transformative change is immense. Yet challenges persist: from high rates of child marriage to limited educational opportunities. Over half of African girls ages 15 to 19 are out of school or married or have children. How can African countries overcome these challenges to ensure that adolescent girls enter adulthood empowered to thrive? Pathways to Prosperity for Adolescent Girls in Africa offers a groundbreaking roadmap for change. This landmark report outlines concrete, actionable policy recommendations; provides a comprehensive review of evidence-based interventions; presents a data-driven categorization of African countries to guide investments in adolescent girls; and introduces an innovative framework for understanding and measuring adolescent girls’ empowerment. Drawing on extensive research and consultations with adolescent girls, policymakers, and practitioners, the report reveals that investing in adolescent girls can yield a tenfold return in economic impact. It outlines six key areas for targeted action: building human capital, enhancing economic success, focusing on the most vulnerable girls, adopting a holistic approach, addressing data and evidence gaps, and mobilizing diverse stakeholders.
Topic:
Education, Women, Inclusion, Girls, Empowerment, and Gender Equality
Political Geography:
Africa

338. Beyond the Election: Overcoming Bangladesh’s Political Deadlock

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Bangladesh is heading into general elections with the opposition sitting out the vote after staging major protests. With dissatisfaction growing among the public, the ruling party and its rivals should hold negotiations to curb the risk of further turmoil.
Topic:
Elections, Domestic Politics, Protests, and Civil Unrest
Political Geography:
Bangladesh and South Asia

339. The Taliban’s Neighbourhood: Regional Diplomacy with Afghanistan

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Even as many diplomats shun the Taliban regime, protesting its treatment of women and girls, emissaries of countries near Afghanistan have sought dealings with Kabul in areas like security and commerce. It is a worthwhile endeavour, and the West should not stand in the way.
Topic:
Security, Diplomacy, Human Rights, Women, and Commerce
Political Geography:
Afghanistan and South Asia

340. Unrest on Repeat: Plotting a Route to Stability in Peru

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
02-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
No country in Latin America suffers higher rates of dissatisfaction with democracy and government institutions than Peru. Absent remedies for political polarisation and state dysfunction, the mass protests that rocked the country in late 2022 could easily recur, bringing comparably violent crackdowns.
Topic:
Democracy, Political stability, Institutions, Polarization, and Civil Unrest
Political Geography:
South America and Peru

341. The Unsolved Crime in “Total Peace”: Dealing with Colombia’s Gaitanistas

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The Gaitanistas, Colombia’s largest and richest armed and criminal group, remain outside the government’s initiative for dialogue with all the country’s armed organisations. To avoid jeopardising other peace processes and to protect civilians, Bogotá should seek gradual talks with the Gaitanistas, while maintaining security pressure.
Topic:
Security, Non State Actors, Law Enforcement, Protection, and Gaitanistas
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

342. Northern Kosovo: Asserting Sovereignty amid Divided Loyalties

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Tensions are rising in Kosovo’s restive Serb-majority north, as Pristina enforces its writ against the backdrop of continuing disputes with Belgrade. The parties and outside supporters should first work on defusing the short-term risk of violence and then look for ways to foster lasting stability.
Topic:
Sovereignty, Political stability, Domestic Politics, and Violence
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, and Kosovo

343. Stopping Famine in Gaza

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The Israeli military campaign in the Gaza Strip has pushed many of its residents to the edge of death from starvation and disease. Only a prolonged ceasefire accompanied by a massive aid operation can improve the situation enough to avoid a horrific toll.
Topic:
Humanitarian Aid, Famine, Ceasefire, Disease, Starvation, and 2023 Gaza War
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Gaza

344. Calming the Long War in the Philippine Countryside

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Manila’s counter-insurgency campaign has whittled the Philippine communist rebellion down to a fraction of its former strength. But it has fallen short of ending the conflict. A negotiated peace preceded by confidence-building measures is the best way forward.
Topic:
Communism, Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, Negotiation, Peacebuilding, and Confidence Building Measures
Political Geography:
Philippines and Asia-Pacific

345. The Generals’ Labyrinth: Crime and the Military in Mexico

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Mexico’s outgoing president has deployed more soldiers than ever to fight crime. But levels of violence remain high. His successor should set limits to the military’s role in public safety while working to sever state officials’ ties to criminals and allow better civilian law enforcement.
Topic:
Corruption, Law Enforcement, Organized Crime, Public Safety, and Military
Political Geography:
Latin America, North America, and Mexico

346. Ukraine: How to Hold the Line

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The gruelling war in Ukraine continues, with Russian forces creeping forward amid fierce fighting. To stop Russia’s immediate momentum and withstand its assault, Kyiv and its backers will need to move quickly to fix problems that have hindered the Ukrainian effort to date.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Armed Conflict, Military Aid, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Ukraine, and Eastern Europe

347. A Fraught Path Forward for Ukraine’s Liberated Territories

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Even as Ukraine continues to resist Russia’s onslaught, it faces the challenge of reintegrating lands its army freed from Russian occupation in 2022. With aid from donors, there is much Kyiv can do to help make these areas peaceful and productive once more.
Topic:
Humanitarian Aid, Occupation, Donors, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Ukraine, and Eastern Europe

348. Bending the Guardrails: U.S. War Powers after 7 October

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Amid the Gaza war, the Biden administration has resorted to military force without asking Congress, further corroding the U.S. constitution’s checks and balances in this domain. Job one is a ceasefire but war powers reform is a vital task for the future.
Topic:
Reform, Constitution, Military, 2023 Gaza War, and War Powers
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, and United States of America

349. Man on a Wire: A Way Forward for Iran’s New President

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The Islamic Republic’s ninth president assumes office with an unenviable inheritance of domestic discontent, regional turmoil and poor relations with the West. He should work to bridge the state-society gap, while outside powers should test his administration’s willingness to shift from an escalatory posture.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Leadership, Domestic Politics, Presidency, and Masoud Pezeshkian
Political Geography:
Iran and Middle East

350. Breaking Away: The Battle for Myanmar’s Rakhine State

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine group, is carving out a proto-state on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border. Fighting with regime forces has taken a heavy toll on civilians, including Rohingya. The Arakan Army, communal leaders and outside powers all have roles to play in fostering stability.
Topic:
Ethnicity, Separatism, Armed Conflict, Arakan Army, and Proto-State
Political Geography:
Southeast Asia, Myanmar, and Rakhine

351. Stemming Israeli Settler Violence at Its Root

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Israeli settler attacks on Palestinians in the West Bank are on the rise, with a spike since Israel’s present government took office and another since October 2023. Western countries should use their leverage with Israel – military aid and economic ties – to help curb this growing danger.
Topic:
Crime, Human Rights, Violence, Military Aid, and Israeli Settlers
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and West Bank

352. Trouble In Afghanistan’s Opium Fields: The Taliban War On Drugs

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The Taliban have instituted a ban on narcotics in Afghanistan. While that has led to a massive drop in production, it is hitting the rural poor particularly hard. Foreign donors should work with the government to ensure the policy does not further undermine vulnerable populations.
Topic:
Poverty, Narcotics Trafficking, Law Enforcement, Taliban, Rural, and Opium
Political Geography:
Afghanistan and South Asia

353. Sri Lanka’s Bailout Blues: Elections in the Aftermath of Economic Collapse

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The economy is central in Sri Lanka’s presidential race, with many voters unhappy with austerity measures the incumbent has taken following International Monetary Fund recommendations. In the interest of stability, the winner should ensure that the belt tightening’s effects are more fairly distributed in society.
Topic:
Elections, Austerity, IMF, and Economic Crisis
Political Geography:
South Asia and Sri Lanka

354. The Widening Schism across the Taiwan Strait

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The new Taiwanese president has adopted a tougher stance on the island’s de facto autonomy from China. Beijing, in turn, has amped up its pressure on the island. To avoid a mounting escalation, Taipei should tone down its rhetoric and Beijing should curb its military intimidation.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Territorial Disputes, Military Affairs, Crisis Management, and Autonomy
Political Geography:
China, Taiwan, Asia, and Taiwan Strait

355. Dammed in the Mekong: Averting an Environmental Catastrophe

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Hydropower, sand mining and other development projects are threatening the ecological balance in the Mekong basin and the livelihoods of its residents. Policymakers would better serve the public by anticipating the problems of over-exploiting the river than by reacting to the consequences.
Topic:
Development, Environment, Livelihoods, and Hydropower
Political Geography:
Asia, Southeast Asia, and Mekong River

356. The Next U.S. Administration and China Policy

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
The world’s two most powerful countries – the U.S. and China – are increasingly at odds over several issues. The winner of November’s U.S. presidential election should strive to contain the tensions in this difficult relationship in service of stability in the wider world.
Topic:
Bilateral Relations, Elections, Donald Trump, and Rivalry
Political Geography:
China, Asia, North America, and United States of America

357. A New Era in Bangladesh? The First Hundred Days of Reform

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Many Bangladeshis describe the downfall of Sheikh Hasina as a “second liberation”, bespeaking the widespread desire for major change. But popular expectations are double-edged. With international support, the interim government should look to score some quick wins to keep the public on side.
Topic:
Governance, Reform, Domestic Politics, and Sheikh Hasina
Political Geography:
Bangladesh and South Asia

358. Disputed Polls and Political Furies: Handling Pakistan’s Deadlock

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Supporters of Imran Khan, Pakistan’s jailed ex-premier, took to the streets again in late November pressing the claim that February’s elections were stolen from his party. As the impasse goes on, the risk of violence is ever present. All sides should take a step back.
Topic:
Elections, Domestic Politics, Violence, and Civil Unrest
Political Geography:
Pakistan and South Asia

359. Managing Tensions between Algeria and Morocco

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Since 2021, when Algeria cut ties with Morocco, the two neighbours have been at odds. Thus far, their quarrels have largely remained in the diplomatic realm. Western countries should help keep a lid on the disputes until the time is ripe for a rapprochement.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, and Territorial Disputes
Political Geography:
Algeria, North Africa, Morocco, and Western Sahara

360. Fighting Climate Change in Somalia’s Conflict Zones

Author:
International Crisis Group
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
Few countries are more exposed to the ill effects of climate change than Somalia. Insecurity compounds the problem, with the Al-Shabaab insurgency exploiting drought conditions as a means of social control. Mogadishu needs help in dealing with the nexus of armed conflict and weather shocks.
Topic:
Climate Change, Insurgency, Al Shabaab, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa and Somalia

361. Informe África 2024: El pacto migratorio y de asilo europeo

Author:
Fundación Alternativas
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
A las puertas de las las decisivas elecciones decisivas al Parlamento Europeo de junio de 2024, Europa mira hoy con miedo a la inmigración. La cuestión de la inmigración (más de 286.000 llegadas irregulares a Europa en 2023 según la OIM) se ha convertido en un asunto central para la política europea: en un instrumento para ganar o perder elecciones. El ascenso de partidos de ultraderecha o de corte nacional-populista en importantes países receptores de migrantes mayoritariamente de origen africano, como Italia (caso Lampedusa: 153.000 llegadas en 2023) o España (Canarias: 40.000), se debe en parte a una hábil explotación del miedo a este fenómeno. Gobiernos, administraciones, o medios de comunicación han ido construyendo discursos de una “Europa fortaleza” frente a África, que tienen éxito entre amplios sectores sociales, en especial las clases medias y trabajadoras de los países europeos, a pesar de que, según Naciones Unidas, solo alrededor de una cuarta parte de los africanos que emigran lo hacen a suelo europeo.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Migration, Treaties and Agreements, European Union, and Asylum
Political Geography:
Africa and Europe

362. VI Informe sobre la Desigualdad en España: Los efectos de las transiciones demográfica, climática y digital en la desigualdad

Author:
Juan Francisco Albert, Luis Ayala Cañón, Jordi Bosch Meda, Jesús Cruces, and Antonio Ferrer
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
El sexto Informe sobre la Desigualdad en España (2024) de la Fundación Alternativas centra su atención sobre el análisis de los efectos sobre la desigualdad y la pobreza de las transiciones demográfica, climática y digital, con un énfasis en su dimensión territorial. La valoración más compartida es que los cambios producidos por estos tres movimientos simultáneos, envejecimiento de la población, transición climática y transformación digital, van a afectar de manera notable a las desigualdades interterritoriales e interpersonales de nuestro país. En consecuencia, se propone una reflexión que aborde un análisis conjunto y desde la perspectiva de las políticas públicas de estos retos que permita avanzar en el conocimiento de los efectos de las transformaciones en marcha y de las que habrán de producirse en el futuro, ofreciendo adicionalmente una serie de recomendaciones de políticas. Estas recomen- daciones incluyen algunas medidas para abordar la transición demográfica y reducir sus efectos sobre la desigualdad territorial, las necesarias propuestas de reforma fiscal, las políticas de cuidados, la distribución territorial de los fon- dos para la digitalización y la prevención de riesgos climáticos por territorios, entre otras cuestiones de creciente importancia en el ámbito público. En la elaboración y producción del documento y sus recomendaciones han colaborado, además, la Fundación 1º de Mayo (CC OO) y Oxfam Intermón.
Topic:
Climate Change, Demographics, Inequality, Economy, and Public Policy
Political Geography:
Europe and Spain

363. Informe Iberoamérica 2024: El desafío de la seguridad para las democracias latinoamericanas

Author:
Lucía Dammert, Thiago Rodrigues, Dorly Castañeda, Erika Rodríguez Pinzón, and Matías Mongan Marcó
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
Las crisis de inseguridad que vive América Latina se ha convertido en una amenaza real para nuestras democracias. La inseguridad ciudadana, exacerbada por el crimen organizado, el avance del narcotráfico y la violencia endémica no solo destruye vidas humanas y bienestar, sino que también erosiona la confianza en el Estado y sus instituciones. La impunidad, la corrupción y la ineficacia en la administración de la justicia crean un círculo vicioso que debilita las bases mismas de la democracia y de nuestro contrato social. Nuestro Informe Iberoamérica 2024 hace un repaso de varios asuntos centrales relativos a la actual crisis de seguridad ciudadana, incluyendo las transformaciones en el aparato policial, la economía política del narcotráfico, o el crecimiento del ciberdelito, y casos concretos como Ecuador o la frontera entre Colombia y Venezuela. España y Europa no son ajenas a este fenómeno y han empezado a tender puentes con la región para cooperar en múltiples aspectos. Con las próximas Cumbres Iberoamericana y UE-CELAC en el horizonte, invitamos a responsables políticos, expertos y agentes sociales a debatir y buscar soluciones conjuntas para Iberoamérica sobre este asunto fundamental.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Corruption, Democracy, and Organized Crime
Political Geography:
Latin America

364. The State of the European Union 2024: Integration vs. Nationalism

Author:
Diego López Garrido
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
In the new institutional cycle, the European Union is facing unprecedented challenges. This report studies and analyses some of the most outstanding aspects such as competitiveness and reindustrialisation in the light of competition from the USA and China; the transition to a decarbonised Europe; the need to defensively strengthen the Union and its foreign action; the migratory issue; the European social pillar or the rule of law. All this comes within a complex geopolitical context that helps to approach structural reforms to renewed institutions such as the European Parliament and the European Commission, where more conservative positions have thrived.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, European Union, Geopolitics, Industrialization, Economic Competition, and Green Transition
Political Geography:
Europe

365. El futuro de la OTAN en su 75 aniversario

Author:
Gustavo Palomares
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
El 75 aniversario de la OTAN coincide con su mayor transformación a consecuencia del momento que atraviesa Europa ante el conflicto de Ucrania, los nuevos riesgos y amenazas, o las próximas elecciones en EEUU. El nuevo concepto estratégico aprobado en la Cumbre de Madrid en 2022 supone una ampliación de objetivos y escenarios, que se extienden a Oriente Medio, Mediterráneo, Sahel o el Sur Global. La Fundación Alternativas y la Secretaría General de Política de Defensa del Ministerio de Defensa de España presentaron el informe “El futuro de la OTAN en su 75 aniversario. Guerra en Europa y escenario internacional en transformación”. Este documento pone de manifiesto la necesidad de reaccionar a la agresión rusa en Ucrania fortaleciendo los mecanismos de coordinación e inter-operabilidad entre la Alianza y los socios de la UE desde una perspectiva de complementariedad.
Topic:
Security, NATO, Geopolitics, and Russia-Ukraine War
Political Geography:
Europe and United States of America

366. Informe sobre el estado de la Cultura 2024: Los derechos culturales ante los retos contemporáneos

Author:
Jorge Fernández León, Juan Arturo Rubio Arostegui, Jesús Prieto de Pedro, Carlos Garriga, and Nuria Lloret Romero
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
El Informe sobre el estado de la Cultura 2024, que elabora el Observatorio de Cultura y Comunicación de la Fundación Alternativas, cumple once años. En esta ocasión, nuestro análisis descansa sobre el horizonte de los principales desafíos que a la cultura presentan las legislaturas española y europea. La cultura, bien público esencial, nace y se desarrolla gracias a la intervención de un conjunto de sujetos. La cultura tiene unos creadores, que están en sus raíces. Su destino y objetivo es comunicar las obras culturales – arte, literatura, música, etc.- a las y los ciudadanos. Entre estos dos polos, creadores y consumidores de la cultura, hay un conjunto de intermediarios agregadores y transmisores de las obras culturales. Son indispensables. Hablamos de las industrias culturales, elemento central de la comunicación cultural y de su dimensión económica. La cadena de creación, comunicación y participación cultural no puede ni debe desarrollarse fuera del servicio público. Los gestores políticos que lo dirigen son, en España, según nuestra Constitución, el Estado y las Comunidades Autónomas. En la primera comparecencia del ministro de Cultura ante la Comisión de Cultura del Senado, Ernest Urtasun centró su intervención en los derechos culturales. A todo ello se dedica el presente Informe.
Topic:
Culture and Public Policy
Political Geography:
Europe and Spain

367. Informe sobre Sostenibilidad en España 2024: Construyendo ciudades sostenibles

Author:
José Luis de la Cruz Leiva and Elena Meyer zu Riemsloh de Usera
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Fundación Alternativas
Abstract:
Las ciudades son el epicentro de un desafío global: combinar desarrollo urbano con sostenibilidad ambiental y bienestar social. Con más del 55% de la población mundial viviendo en entornos urbanos, una cifra que podría llegar al 68% en 2050, este crecimiento intensifica la presión sobre recursos esenciales como el agua y la energía, mientras agrava problemas como la contaminación y la fragmentación de ecosistemas. Responsables del 70% de las emisiones globales de CO₂, las ciudades tienen un papel clave en la lucha contra el cambio climático. Su transformación hacia modelos de movilidad sostenible, eficiencia energética y uso de energías renovables, junto con una gestión hídrica y ecológica más sostenible, resulta imprescindible para reducir su impacto ambiental y mejorar la calidad de vida de sus habitantes. El Informe de Sostenibilidad en España subraya la necesidad de convertir las ciudades en referentes de transición ecológica, sostenibilidad y equidad, ofreciendo estrategias basadas en datos, buenas prácticas y propuestas concretas. Este enfoque incluye la renaturalización de espacios urbanos, la promoción de soluciones basadas en la naturaleza y la participación activa de la ciudadanía, elementos que fomentan resiliencia y cohesión social frente a los desafíos del cambio climático. Así, el informe plantea una hoja de ruta para construir ciudades más habitables, saludables y sostenibles, adaptadas a los grandes retos ambientales del siglo XXI.
Topic:
Climate Change, Economy, Sustainability, and Depopulation
Political Geography:
Europe and Spain

368. A Political and Cultural Glimpse Into America’s Future: Generation Z’s Views on Generational Change and the Challenges and Opportunities Ahead

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
Members of Generation Z are coming into their own politically, socially, and culturally, bringing their values and viewpoints to their communities and workplaces, and to our nation’s political system. In addition to being the most racially and ethnically diverse generation in our nation’s history, Gen Z adults also identify as LGBTQ at much higher rates than older Americans. Like millennials, Gen Zers are also less likely than older generations to affiliate with an established religion. This report considers what sets members of Generation Z apart from older generations in terms of their political and cultural values, their faith in communities and political institutions, and their views on religion and the importance of diversity and inclusion in the nation’s democracy. The report is based on both the results of a national survey of all Americans, which includes oversamples of Generation Z — both Gen Z adults (ages 18–25) and Gen Z teens (13–17) — and on an analysis of ten virtual focus groups that included a wide cross section of Gen Z adults from across the United States.
Topic:
Politics, Public Opinion, Elections, and Generation Z
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

369. Support for Christian Nationalism in All 50 States: Findings from PRRI’s 2023 American Values Atlas

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
02-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
Throughout 2023, PRRI interviewed more than 22,000 adults as part of its American Values Atlas, which provides for the first time the ability to estimate support for Christian nationalism in all 50 states. Additionally, this new analysis examines how religion, party, education, race, and other factors intersect with Christian nationalist views.
Topic:
Religion, Public Opinion, Survey, and Christian Nationalism
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

370. Views on LGBTQ Rights in All 50 States: Findings from PRRI’s 2023 American Values Atlas

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
Throughout 2023, PRRI interviewed more than 22,000 adults as part of its American Values Atlas, allowing for the ability to provide a detailed profile of the demographic, religious, and political characteristics of LGBTQ Americans. As in years past, this analysis measures Americans’ attitudes on LGBTQ rights across all 50 states on three key policies: nondiscrimination protections, religiously based service refusals, and same-sex marriage. This year’s report also includes new analysis of the intersection between Christian nationalist views and LGBTQ attitudes in each state.
Topic:
Public Opinion, Domestic Politics, LGBT+, Survey, and Christian Nationalism
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

371. Religious Change in America

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
America encompasses a rich diversity of faith traditions, and “religious churning” is very common. In 2023, PRRI surveyed more than 5,600 adults across the United States about their experiences with religion. This report examines how well major faith traditions retain their members, the reasons people disaffiliate, and the reasons people attend religious services. Additionally, this report considers how atheists and agnostics differ from those who say they are “nothing in particular.” Finally, it analyzes the prevalence of charismatic elements as well as prophecy and prosperity theology in American churches and the role of charismatic Christianity in today’s Republican Party.
Topic:
Religion, Domestic Politics, and Christianity
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

372. Abortion Views in All 50 States: Findings from PRRI’s 2023 American Values Atlas

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
Nearly two-thirds of Americans support abortion legality in all or most cases; partisans remain deeply divided. More than six in ten Americans (64%) say abortion should be legal in most or all cases; by contrast, 35% of Americans say abortion should be illegal in most or all cases. Just 9% of Americans believe that abortion should be illegal in all cases. Republicans and Democrats are deeply divided on abortion, with a 50-point gap between them: 86% of Democrats say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, compared with 36% of Republicans. Just 15% of Republicans believe abortion should be illegal in all cases. While Republican attitudes on abortion legality remain largely unchanged since 2010, Democratic support for abortion legality increased from 71% in 2010 to 86% in 2023; Support for abortion legality has also increased among independents over time, from 54% in 2010 to 67% in 2023.
Topic:
Religion, Public Opinion, Domestic Politics, and Abortion
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

373. Creating More Inclusive Public Spaces Two Years Later

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
In partnership with E Pluribus Unum, PRRI released a major national survey in 2022 examining American attitudes about the legacy of Confederate monuments and memorialization in public spaces. In 2024, PRRI interviewed more than 5,500 adults across the United States to revisit Americans’ attitudes on these topics two years later.
Topic:
Politics, Elections, Inclusion, Public Space, Confederacy, and Memorials
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

374. 2023 PRRI Census of American Religion: County-Level Data on Religious Identity and Diversity

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
Two-thirds of Americans (66%) identify as Christian, including 41% who identify as white Christians and 25% who identify as Christians of color. Over one-quarter of Americans (27%) are religiously unaffiliated, and 6% belong to a non-Christian religion.[1]
Topic:
Religion, Public Opinion, Census, Domestic Politics, Diversity, and Identity
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

375. Resistance to Christian Nationalism in All 50 States: A PRRI-Meanings of Democracy Lab Report

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
To view a PDF of findings presented October 30, 2024, click here. To view the release event featuring a panel discussion of the survey’s findings, click here. Introduction In recent years, Christian nationalism has emerged as a major issue and source of division in American politics. While much attention has rightfully been paid to the strength of Christian nationalist beliefs and their implications among the general public, less attention has been paid to the large swaths of Americans who resist Christian nationalist beliefs. Insofar as Christian nationalism frames Christianity as an essential feature of American culture and identity, and in some cases calls for the exclusion of non-Christian citizens from positions of power and influence, it makes sense that non-Christian groups would be the most resistant to Christian nationalism. But resistance to Christian nationalism is found across most religious traditions, as well as across political parties, demographic groups, and geographic regions. Throughout 2023, PRRI interviewed more than 22,000 adults as part of its American Values Atlas, which provides for the first time the ability to estimate support for Christian nationalism in all 50 states. In February 2024, PRRI released a comprehensive report on Support for Christian Nationalism in All 50 States. This PRRI-Meanings of Democracy Lab report will assess the state of Americans’ resistance to the ideas associated with Christian nationalism in all 50 states.
Topic:
Democracy, Domestic Politics, and Christian Nationalism
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

376. Analyzing the 2024 Presidential Vote: PRRI’s Post-Election Survey

Author:
PRRI Staff
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
PRRI: Public Religion Research Institute
Abstract:
A new PRRI survey of 4,757 voters explores the U.S. political and cultural landscape after the 2024 election, including the impact of partisanship, race, and religion on voters’ choices and their feelings about the election’s outcome. Additionally, the survey considers how Christian nationalism and authoritarianism are linked to presidential vote choice. In the wake of the election results, the survey also considers Americans’ confidence in our elections, views about our political parties, and attitudes about the state of democracy in a second Trump term.
Topic:
Elections, Domestic Politics, Survey, and Christian Nationalism
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

377. Pathways to Justice and Accountability for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence: Lessons Learned and Policy Recommendations from the Frontlines

Author:
Jess Keller
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
The Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security released a new report on the widespread use of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) and its devastating impacts on individuals and communities, which can last generations and undermine peace and security efforts. Sexual violence is used as a weapon of war by combatants in conflict situations worldwide, decimating societies and fueling displacement. It remains a silent crime, with an estimated 80 percent of cases in conflict settings going unreported. This fall, GIWPS convened leaders from Ukraine, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Colombia to share lessons learned for responding to the global scourge of CRSV. Drawing on their insights, this report presents actionable policy recommendations for key stakeholders to hold perpetrators accountable, meet survivor needs, and follow through on their commitments to deliver justice. The report, authored by Jess Keller, was made possible with support from the Embassy of Germany in Washington, D.C.
Topic:
Gender Based Violence, Sexual Violence, Accountability, and Armed Conflict
Political Geography:
Ukraine, Colombia, Kosovo, and Bosnia and Herzegovina

378. Moving Mountains:The Vital Role of Afghan Women in Forging a Shared Future

Author:
Palwasha Hassan
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Since the Taliban takeover in 2021, Afghanistan has faced a grim confluence of crises—a failing economy, widespread poverty and famine, rampant human rights abuses, and a total erasure of the rights of women and girls. Devastating earthquakes and the deportation of Afghans from Pakistan have further compounded the challenges facing the country. The Taliban appear to be indifferent to international sanctions or any of the usual levers of diplomacy and have not heeded global calls to ease restrictions on women and girls. As the situation intensifies, it has become harder to imagine how things will improve, especially for those most impacted. Recognizing the gravity of the situation, the international community has taken steps to address the situation. In December 2023, the United Nations Security Council adopted a new resolution (UNSCR 2721) on Afghanistan that aims to bring coherence to wide-ranging political, humanitarian, and development activities. Importantly, the Resolution calls for the appointment of a United Nations special envoy for Afghanistan to uphold recommendations from an independent assessment, “particularly regarding gender and human rights.” Not surprisingly, the Taliban have not accepted the report findings or recommendations. Additionally, Afghan women continue to be marginalized from decision-making roles and opportunities to meaningfully influence political processes focused on the future of the country. To further complicate matters, Afghans struggle to form a unified vision for the future of the country. While many courageous Afghan women continue to speak out against Taliban oppression, consensus on the way forward remains out of reach. Decades of war and instability have created deep divisions in Afghan society, making it difficult for the Afghan women’s movement to mobilize a coordinated, strategic response and articulate a cohesive platform for advocacy. To support better coordination and advocacy, this study engaged Afghan women to identify priority actions for peace and stability in the country. The goal of the project was to support Afghan women in articulating a strong and unified voice in preparation for the day when peace negotiations are once again possible. While it is hard to imagine a future in which the Taliban will consider progressive reforms or is no longer in power, we believe it is important to start planning for that day now to ensure diverse perspectives are considered and progress toward meaningful reform can be made over time. Afghan women must be central to any national dialogue and future peace processes.
Topic:
Taliban, Women, and Gender Based Violence
Political Geography:
Afghanistan and South Asia

379. Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence: An Emerging Issue in Women, Peace and Security

Author:
Kristine Baekgaard
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
As the uses and abuses of technology develop at a rapid rate, the growing threat and consequences of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) must be addressed by those working to advance the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda. Existing policies and programs must be adapted and new ones adopted to account for digital dimensions of gender-based violence (GBV) and to keep online spaces safe for women. Technology has helped advance women’s rights around the world in important ways. Technological tools make education and employment more accessible, and online spaces create new opportunities to build movements and amplify calls for equality and justice. These gains serve the goals of the WPS Agenda, which aims to protect and empower women in conflict-affected contexts. Along with these benefits, however, are substantial costs. Globally, 66 percent of women have reported experiencing TFGBV—including instances of cyber-harassment and stalking, doxxing, and image-based sexual abuse. Further, there are increasing reports of digital tools being used to exacerbate offline violence. For example, sexual assaults of Iranian protesters have been filmed and used to blackmail the protesters, and women in Pakistan have been killed as a result of photoshopped images being posted online. National governments and international organizations increasingly recognize TFGBV as a pressing issue. Existing research and policies focus on the impact of TFGBV on specific women—primarily, politicians and journalists—with less attention paid to the implications of TFGBV for the WPS Agenda, particularly with regard to protecting women from GBV and promoting their participation in peace processes. Given the scale, scope, and impact of TFGBV, the WPS field must evolve to account for the unique challenges women are facing in an increasingly digitized world. Based on a comprehensive desk review of existing TFGBV literature, this report explores the linkages between TFGBV and the goals of the WPS Agenda. The first section introduces the WPS Agenda, specifically focusing on its structure and the context for its creation. The next section links TFGBV with the protection goals of WPS, outlining the prevalence of existing types of digital violence and the challenges with addressing them. It further highlights the link between digital and offline violence, demonstrating that protection efforts must account for a continuum of violence. The third section draws out threats TFGBV poses to the participation goals of WPS. It identifies three key dimensions of TFGBV that hinder women’s participation in peace and politics: targeted attacks against prominent women, the “gendered chilling effect” of online violence that discourages women from participating in online spaces, and online radicalization and misogyny.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Women, and Gender Based Violence
Political Geography:
Global Focus

380. Israel-Palestine: Mapping Islamophobia on Facebook by U.S. Presidential Candidates

Author:
John L. Esposito, Archit Mehta, and Mobashra Tazamal
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Bridge Initiative, Georgetown University
Abstract:
May 2024 marks over seven months of Israel’s bombardment and siege of the Gaza Strip, home to over two million Palestinians. UN experts and rights organizations have described Israel’s military actions in Gaza as a genocide, and the death toll now stands at over 36,000 Palestinians dead, with over 80,000 injured. Israel’s establishment in 1948 led to the forced expulsion of over 750,000 Palestinians from their homes and villages, an episode that Palestinians refer to as the Nakba (catastrophe), as well as numerous incidents of Israeli settlers engaging in massacres of Palestinians. Since its establishment, there have been a number of wars between Israel and Palestinians and the surrounding Arab countries, and following the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, Israel began its occupation of the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), and the Gaza Strip. This control of Palestinian territories involves “policies of land confiscation, illegal settlement, and dispossession,” rampant discrimination, and settler violence, all of which deprive Palestinians of their basic rights. Israel’s 50+ years of occupation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank have resulted in what Amnesty International describes as “systematic human rights violations against Palestinians living there.” In a 2021 report, Human Rights Watch concluded that Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory amounts “to the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.” When it comes to the Gaza Strip, in 2007, Israel imposed a blockade on the territory after the Hamas group came to power. Following the October 2023 Hamas attack, Israel “imposed a total blockade on the Gaza Strip on October 9, cutting its supplies of electricity, food, water, and fuel.” Since Hamas came to power, Israel has launched several military assaults on Gaza in an effort to eradicate Hamas.
Topic:
Genocide, Elections, Social Media, Islamophobia, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, and United States of America

381. Decarbonisation and Compliance: Assessing the impact of the Climate Change Act on South Africa’s extractives industry

Author:
Vincent Obisie-Orlu
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Good Governance Africa (GGA)
Abstract:
The Climate Change Act establishes a regulatory framework for decarbonisation in South Africa’s extractives sector, aligning with Paris Agreement commitments. Key provisions include sectorspecific emissions reduction targets, carbon budgets, and mandatory monitoring and reporting. While enforcement issues and resource limitations exist, companies must prioritise emissions tracking and internal carbon pricing. Environmental, social and governance (ESG) imperatives already incentivise companies in this direction. Investors increasingly direct capital towards companies that demonstrate effective emissions management. Successful adaptation strategies and alignment with national goals are essential for companies to enhance sustainability and attract investment. Collaboration among stakeholders is critical for effectively implementing the Climate Change Act.
Topic:
Climate Change, Carbon Emissions, Compliance, and Decarbonization
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

382. Beyond Punishment: From Criminal Justice Responses to Drug Policy Reform

Author:
Global Commission On Drug Policy
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Commission On Drug Policy
Abstract:
The Global Commission on Drug Policy’s report, Beyond Punishment: From Criminal Justice Responses to Drug Policy Reform, exposes how punitive drug policies have driven mass incarceration and grave human rights violations. In 2023 alone, over 3.1 million people were arrested for drug-related offenses, with 20% of the global prison population detained for such crimes - nearly half for simple possession. The report underscores the devastating consequences of prohibitionist policies, including over one million overdose deaths in the U.S. in the past two decades and 40,000 in Canada in just eight years. It also highlights systemic inequities, such as Indigenous peoples in Canada being six times more likely to face drug-related arrests than white counterparts. Furthermore, the report illustrates the disproportionate burdens on women and children, deepening cycles of poverty and marginalization. It examines the broad spectrum of criminal justice responses to drug offenses, ranging from stop-and-search practices that disproportionately target marginalized communities to extreme measures like the death penalty and enforced treatment. These approaches often violate human rights, perpetuate stigma, and fail to address the root causes of substance use. Offering a roadmap for reform, the report advocates for evidence-based strategies, including harm reduction measures (e.g., Overdose Prevention Centers, naloxone distribution, and safer supply programs), decriminalization and the legal regulation of drug markets. These approaches not only save lives but also reduce societal harms, foster dignity, and promote health and equity.
Topic:
Human Rights, Reform, Criminal Justice, Mass Incarceration, Drugs, and Harm Reduction
Political Geography:
Global Focus

383. 2021–2022 Global Resources Report: Government & Philanthropic Support for LGBTI Communities

Author:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
The 2021–2022 Global Resources Report: Government & Philanthropic Support for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex Communities is the most comprehensive report to date on the state of global funding for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) issues. This report documents data on over 20,000 grants awarded by nearly 1,300 foundations, intermediary NGOs, and corporations and by 16 donor government and multilateral agencies to over 8,000 grantees during the two-year period of 2021–2022.
Topic:
Civil Society, LGBT+, NGOs, Philanthropy, Funding, Transgender, Resources, and Intersex
Political Geography:
Global Focus

384. The State of Intersex Organizing 3rd Edition

Author:
Julia Lukomnik, Somjen Frazer, Mauro Cabral Grinspan, and Ezra Nepon
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
The third edition of the State of Intersex Organizing survey was launched in October 2023 and received participation from 151 intersex respondents worldwide. The results provide illuminating insight into intersex organizations’ priorities, activities, needs, and experiences. The survey results also document their funding sources, budget sizes, and other elements related to movement sustainability, as well as their capacity to serve intersex people. The reports include the findings of global surveys, comparison with Global Resources Report funding data, case studies, recommendations, and more.
Topic:
Civil Society, LGBT+, NGOs, Intersex, and Organizing
Political Geography:
Global Focus

385. The State of Trans Organizing 3rd Edition

Author:
Julia Lukomnik, Somjen Frazer, Mauro Cabral Grinspan, and Ezra Nepon
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
The third edition of the State of Trans Organizing survey was launched in October 2023 and received participation from 449 respondents worldwide. The results provide illuminating insight into trans organizations’ priorities, activities, needs, and experiences. The survey results also document their funding sources, budget sizes, and other elements related to movement sustainability, as well as their capacity to serve trans people. The reports include the findings of global surveys, comparison with Global Resources Report funding data, case studies, recommendations, and more.
Topic:
LGBT+, NGOs, Transgender, and Organizing
Political Geography:
Global Focus

386. How to Unbind the State Capture in Serbia? Towards Security Institutions and Foreign Policy in the Service of Citizens

Author:
Jelena Pejic Nikic and Predrag Petrovic
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:
There are many findings of domestic and foreign research organisations that unequivocally indicate that Serbia is a captured state, with a hybrid political regime. Security institutions play a major role in the capture of the state and the collapse of democracy in Serbia, as well as in preserving the situation the way it is. The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) was one the first organisations in Serbia to notice this negative trend; consequently, in 2019 and 2020, we investigated and documented in detail the role of the security intelligence services, the police, the army and private security companies in capturing the state, as well as the impotence of oversight and control bodies. In the research that followed in 2021, we established that the government of the Serbian Progressive Party, led by Aleksandar Vučić, had completed the capture of the state and that today’s security institutions are operating with the aim of preserving such a state of affairs. We also researched the foreign policy aspects of this negative process. Public opinion surveys conducted by BCSP have also established that the majority of the citizens are aware that Serbia is a captured state, i.e. that politicians, organised into interest groups, use state institutions together with financially powerful actors to further strengthen their political and financial power, all to the great detriment of citizens. Since state institutions are deeply captured and the citizens are aware of that fact, we have decided not to further document this process; in this study, we rather tried to determine how to organise the security institutions and strengthen their external overseers so that the security sector can no longer be easy prey for those who are politically and financially powerful. In other words, we wanted to determine how to ensure that security institutions work in the interest of citizens, precisely as the Constitution of Serbia requires. The starting point of this endeavour were the findings of the above mentioned BCSP research, in which we identified the “gray areas” and “veto points” within the security sector, that is, legal and institutional solutions that made it possible to capture these institutions quite easily. We verified the solutions for the reorganisation of these gray areas against the opinions of our interlocutors, former and current employees of the security institutions and the judiciary, diplomats, journalists, attorneys, politicians and representatives of civil society. We verified the solutions for the reorganisation of these gray areas against the opinions of our interlocutors, former and current employees of the security institutions and the judiciary, diplomats, journalists, attorneys, politicians and representatives of civil society. The interviews helped us to confirm, but also to refute our assumptions.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Institutions, and State Capture
Political Geography:
Europe and Serbia

387. From Entry Points to Sustainable Action: Equipping Peace Processes for Accountability and Integrity: The Case of the Bangsamoro

Author:
Balázs Áron Kovács
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Berghof Foundation
Abstract:
The Bangsamoro peace process is an interesting case study to analyse potential entry-points for stronger integration of anti-corruption measures into peace processes. In 2022, together with U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, we published a mapping study that, starting from the assumption that corruption and violent conflict are interlinked, explored how corruption, as an element of conflict systems, could be addressed during peace processes. The mapping identified potential entry-points for stronger integration of anti-corruption measures into peace processes across mediation efforts at different “tracks”. It also highlighted the need for more case study evidence of past efforts to integrate such measures in order to operationalise the identified entry points and to move towards actionable recommendations. The Bangsamoro peace process was identified as a significant case study, in which the integration of thinking about corruption within peace processes has (or has not) contributed to durable peace. This paper presents a first case study exploring the concrete consequences of making use of specific entry points.
Topic:
Corruption, Accountability, Sustainability, and Peace Process
Political Geography:
Philippines and Asia-Pacific

388. Building bridges for nonviolent change: Women as insider mediators during the October 2019 protests in Iraq

Author:
Ilham Makki Hammadi
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Berghof Foundation
Abstract:
The October 2019 protests in Iraq were notable for their scale, spontaneity, and widespread participation, particularly by young people and women. This report documents the roles of Iraqi women as insider mediators within the movement, highlighting their efforts to maintain peace and build trust among protesters, police, and other stakeholders. Based on interviews with activists across five governorates, the report also examines the gender dynamics and challenges these women faced in mediation, offering insights into their capacity-building needs.
Topic:
Women, Protests, Mediation, and Nonviolence
Political Geography:
Iraq and Middle East

389. Building bridges for non-violent change: Women as insider mediators in Thailandʼs 2020–2022 pro-democracy movements

Author:
Bencharat Sae Chua and Duanghathai Buranajaroenkij
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Berghof Foundation
Abstract:
The youth-led pro-democracy protests in Thailand from 2020-2022 represented a major turning point in the country’s political landscape. Women played prominent roles, demonstrating resilience and leadership throughout the movement. This research report focuses on women’s roles as insider mediators in resolving conflicts between protesters and authorities, examining the gender dynamics at play. It also explores strategies to support women in sustaining their mediation roles, providing recommendations for enhancing their capacities and effectiveness.
Topic:
Social Movement, Women, Democracy, Leadership, Protests, and Mediation
Political Geography:
Thailand and Southeast Asia

390. Building bridges for non-violent change: Women as insider mediators within the pro-democracy movement in Venezuela

Author:
Isabella Picón Ball
Publication Date:
10-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Berghof Foundation
Abstract:
As the social, humanitarian and political crises become more acute in Venezuela, social actors who were previously marginalised have acquired more prominent roles within the pro-democracy movement– among them, women. Moreover, for the first time in its history, the Venezuelan opposition has a woman –María Corina Machado – as its main leader. This study stems from the need to understand the strengthened roles of civil society and women in these negotiations and explores the roles of women as insider mediators within the Venezuelan pro-democracy movement.
Topic:
Civil Society, Social Movement, Women, Democracy, Mediation, and Nonviolence
Political Geography:
South America and Venezuela

391. Economic Performance in US Fossil Fuel Communities

Author:
Noah Kaufman, Ariane Desrosiers, and Sarah Doctor
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Rapidly reducing greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels to address the severe threats of climate change requires economic transformations that pose challenges for regions heavily dependent on coal, oil, natural gas, or other carbon-intensive industries. The United States is the world’s largest producer of oil and natural gas and the fourth-largest producer of coal, and communities across the country depend heavily on fossil fuel industries for jobs, investments, and public revenues that fund schools and other critical services. These communities will need considerable support to successfully navigate a global transition away from fossil fuels, and a better understanding of their local economies will help policymakers design and implement pragmatic support. However, scant evidence exists for such use today. This report, part of the Resilient Energy Economies initiative co-led by the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University SIPA, uses a novel dataset and case studies to establish a baseline of local economic performance in fossil fuel–dependent communities between 2004 and 2019. This period captures the peak and first decade of decline of the US coal industry as well as the shale revolution that boosted US oil and gas production.
Topic:
Climate Change, Energy Policy, Finance, Fossil Fuels, and Carbon Emissions
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

392. Lessons from the Nuclear Waste Negotiator Era of the 1990s for Today’s Consent-Based Siting Efforts

Author:
Matt Bowen
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Nuclear power is being weighed in energy transition plans around the world, as countries seek to replace fossil fuels with low-carbon alternatives while also meeting growing energy demand and maintaining reliability and affordability. When considering extension of existing nuclear reactor licenses as well as approving new ones, there is an ethical obligation for today’s users to develop plans for long-term management of the resulting nuclear waste and not defer its disposition to future generations. In the United States, the federal government is contractually obligated to take ownership of the spent nuclear fuel (SNF) produced at power plants, but this has not happened. The one deep geologic repository project named in law by Congress for potential disposal of SNF—Yucca Mountain in Nevada—has reached a stalemate, with Congress appropriating no money to move the project forward since 2010 due to Nevada’s opposition. Negotiations with US states and tribes to host storage and disposal facilities have been sensitive in the past due to both a stigma around nuclear waste and a perception of risk associated with such facilities. A federal “nuclear waste negotiator” role existed in the early 1990s to overcome these difficulties and find a state or tribe willing to host a repository or interim storage facility, though this short-lived, volunteer-based program did not lead to deployment of either. This report, part of a series of publications on nuclear waste policy at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University SIPA, reveals lessons learned from the experiences of the two prior negotiators that could benefit a recent, congressionally directed effort at the Department of Energy (DOE) to begin a “consent-based” siting program for nuclear waste. Those individuals were authorized to negotiate terms and conditions—including financial and institutional arrangements—with a state or tribe in a written agreement that would then have to be approved by Congress. Importantly, a state or tribe was assured it could explore the potential of hosting a site while retaining the right to withdraw at any time, and if it did proceed, would have a measure of power in setting terms for the project.
Topic:
Negotiation, Nuclear Waste, Inflation Reduction Act, and Consent
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

393. Triggering Investment in First-of-a-Kind and Early Near-Zero Emissions Industrial Facilities

Author:
Chris Bataille, Seton Stiebert, and Jonas Algers
Publication Date:
08-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Among the most significant challenges to achieving the Paris Agreement goal of global net-zero CO2 emissions by 2055–2075 is addressing the so-called “hard-to-abate” heavy industrial sectors such as iron and steel, cement and concrete, ammonia, methanol, and high value feedstock chemicals like olefins. These sectors accounted for 7.5 Gt CO2 or 20.4 percent of global emissions in 2021, and global demand for their products will only rise until broad development goals are met everywhere. Moreover, nearly all heavy industrial plants being planned or in construction today are fossil based, with the exception being a handful of small-scale pilot facilities. Given that plants tend to operate for at least 20 years before their first deep renovation, and 40–80+ years overall, these new ones will likely still be in operation by the time global CO2 emissions must be net-zero (~2050–2060), after which heavy industry players that are still emitting will likely need to pay for CO2 removal (CDR) from the atmosphere. The cumulative CO2 emissions between now and then and the likely very high cost of CDR are driving society, governments, and firms to make near-zero emissions the default minimum standard for all new and retrofit facilities by the end of the 2020s. However, fulfilling that standard is no easy task. The main bottleneck is less technological in nature than financial and market based. At the current state of the art, near-zero emissions plants simply cost more than fossil-based plants, and meanwhile, no demand pull or market exists for lower-emission industrial products. Given the urgency of the task at hand amid the global climate crisis and the current lack of a business case to undertake it, strong policy signals can be used to incentivize early investment in near-zero-carbon heavy industry. This report, part of the Carbon Management Research Initiative at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University SIPA, explores financial policy instruments that can make first-of-a-kind (FOAK) near-zero emission industrial facilities viable. The report finds that such FOAKs can then be used as low-risk, replicable models for rapidly transforming the “hard-to-abate” sectors and ultimately facilitating a transition to full net-zero emissions for industry as a whole.
Topic:
Climate Change, Investment, Industry, Carbon Emissions, Net Zero, and Abatement
Political Geography:
Global Focus

394. Revisiting GTCC and GTCC-Like Nuclear Waste Disposal in the United States

Author:
Matt Bowen, Maya Lameche, and Marine Gapihan
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
While the United States (US) has facilities that can and do dispose of most low-level nuclear waste (LLW), it does not yet have a viable disposal pathway for two categories of waste: so-called greater-than-class-c (GTCC) nuclear waste, and nuclear waste with characteristics similar to it, or “GTCC-like.” These two categories essentially straddle the United States’ LLW inventory, for which disposal facilities are in operation, and high-level nuclear waste (HLW) inventory, for which no disposal capability exists. GTCC nuclear waste is produced by multiple sources: commercial nuclear power plants, medical procedures, industrial and research activities, and Department of Energy (DOE) missions, including those related to national security and the cleanup of legacy facilities. These activities carry with them an ethical responsibility to dispose of the nuclear waste they generate rather than pass it on to the next generation. Security task forces have also identified the lack of a disposal pathway for sealed sources of GTCC nuclear waste as a concern, given the potential for its theft and use in a dispersal device. This report, part of a series of publications on nuclear waste policy at the Center on Global Energy Policy, Columbia University SIPA, explores the history of DOE, Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), and state efforts to develop disposal capabilities for GTCC and GTCC-like inventories. It explains why this gap merits greater attention from policymakers now and identifies measures Congress, the DOE, and the NRC could take, should they decide to address it. US government efforts to develop disposal capabilities for GTCC waste date back to 1985 when Congress made it a federal responsibility. For a time, disposal in the planned repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada, was contemplated. But in the absence of appropriations to move that project forward since 2010, the federal government recently issued planning documents that identify generic commercial LLW disposal facilities and the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) deep geologic repository in New Mexico as preferred alternatives. Of the commercial LLW disposal facilities in operation, only the WCS facility in Texas has expressed interest in the GTCC disposal mission. The political climate for GTCC disposal in both New Mexico and Texas has darkened in recent years, though, casting doubt on the federal government’s plans. If the US government decides to prioritize the goal of establishing disposal capability for GTCC and GTCC-like nuclear waste, Congress, the DOE, and the NRC could take the following steps to help realize it in the near term.
Topic:
Regulation, Nuclear Waste, Nuclear Energy, and Energy
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

395. Using New Marginal Emissions Data to Improve State Renewable Portfolio Standards

Author:
Devan Samant, Abraham Silverman, and Zachary A. Wendling
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The majority of US states use a renewable portfolio standard (RPS) to achieve clean energy targets. RPS programs typically set annual clean energy production levels, but they ignore the significant variations in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions intensity of the grid at different times of the day and at different locations. Newly available locational marginal emissions (LME) data, which are collected at thousands of physical locations and updated every five minutes, provide insights into where and when the electricity sector produces the most and least GHG emissions. Incorporating LMEs into RPSs would allow states to identify and reward “high impact” clean energy production: that which replaces the dirtiest generation. This report examines the impact that incentivizing clean energy production at high LME times and locations could have on reducing emissions in RPS programs. In five scenarios based on data from four states in the PJM grid (Illinois, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia), the authors examine hypothetical shifts in energy production from times and geographic areas with differing clean or dirty generation mixes. The proof-of-concept exercises the authors ran found that shifting clean energy production into the three dirtiest hours of the day resulted in approximately 10% less emissions than the baseline case. Geographically shifting production to displace energy at a dirtier locale resulted in 9%–20% less emissions, depending on the LME makeup at the given location versus the baseline.
Topic:
Regulation, Electricity, Carbon Emissions, and Energy
Political Geography:
Global Focus

396. Outlook for Pending Generation in the PJM Interconnection Queue

Author:
Abraham Silverman, Zachary A. Wendling, and Kavyaa Rizal
Publication Date:
05-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
The United States is witnessing rapidly growing interest in clean electricity generation, driven by soaring consumer demand for clean energy and the country’s goal to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In parallel, the time it takes for new, clean generation projects to move from design to execution in the US has lengthened, meaning that the rising interest has not been matched by supply. The country’s largest grid operator, PJM Interconnection (PJM), has experienced the most severe delays and backlog in new generation—projects entering the queue today have little chance of coming online before 2030. It is widely understood that an increasingly lengthy interconnection process, which involves a series of studies and upgrades grid operators must take to ensure projects can connect to the grid safely and reliably, is responsible for this state of affairs. It is not clear how this longer process interacts with other known project development challenges—such as siting and permitting issues, supply chain constraints, and inflationary pressures—and to what extent such interactions may lengthen the timeline for bringing projects online. Understanding these dynamics can help answer critical questions about grid reliability going forward, including whether it will be necessary to delay or cancel the planned retirement of aging fossil fuel-fired generation resources that the new generation is intended to replace. This report attempts to fill this knowledge gap. It presents results of an author-developed survey of those best positioned to understand the impacts of interconnection process delays: project developers in the PJM market. The key finding from the survey is that PJM’s increasingly lengthy interconnection process is exacerbating siting and permitting challenges and leading to knock-on delays in equipment procurement and financing decisions, suggesting the timeline for new generation in this market will likely remain long for the foreseeable future. Given the importance of new entry to keeping prices competitive and maintaining reliability amid the retirement of older fossil resources, PJM will need to find ways to reduce interconnection delays or reconsider when those fossil resources should be retired.
Topic:
Electricity, Carbon Emissions, Connectivity, and Inflation Reduction Act
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

397. Estimating the Number of Women Household Biomass Producers, the Largest Segment of the Global Energy Labor Force

Author:
Philippe Benoit and Siyuan Ding
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
While tens of millions of people work in formal energy jobs around the world, another group that comprises a massive and key labor segment in this sector is often overlooked: women and girls producing biomass to meet the basic energy needs of millions of poorer households across the developing world. Some 2 billion people rely on biomass for cooking (and some for heating), making those who gather it critical players in the global energy supply system. Women and girls in many developing countries constitute the majority of people collecting fuelwood for household consumption—an often strenuous and time-consuming effort—and estimating their number could elevate the importance attached to improving their working and living conditions. While some initial estimates of this labor force have been made, analyses remain superficial. This report, part of ongoing research into energy for development and gender dynamics at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University SIPA, attempts to improve this deficit, providing a systemic albeit rough estimation—given minimal available data—of the number of women household biomass producers. An analysis of clean cooking access rates, population figures, and average household sizes for both rural and urban areas in 92 developing countries estimates that 389 million women and girls undertake this work, which would represent the largest labor segment of today’s global energy system.
Topic:
Development, Labor Issues, Women, Energy, and Biomass
Political Geography:
Global Focus

398. A Quantitative Analysis of Variables Affecting Power Transmission Infrastructure Projects in the US

Author:
Lewis (Zhaoyu) Wu, Abraham Silverman, and Harrison Fell
Publication Date:
04-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University
Abstract:
Upgrading the US electric grid is vital to a successful energy transition. Transmission expansion lowers electricity costs for consumers; speeds deployment of new generation resources; provides economic opportunities for communities; increases system reliability, particularly in the face of extreme weather events; and enables large-scale transfers of power from areas of the country with high renewable energy potential to customers. But experience over the past twenty years has shown that new transmission projects often face extensive delays, impeding or even denying these potential benefits to consumers and communities. In response, policymakers at the state and federal level are considering reforms to transmission finance, cost allocation, siting and permitting, advanced technologies, and other areas to help jumpstart the United States’ currently moribund transmission expansion processes. As part of this process, policymakers and other stakeholders are debating the merits of various transmission planning policies in terms of project success, but the impact of specific variables can be hard to quantify. This can lead stakeholders to rely largely on anecdotal or qualitative arguments to support their positions. The wide variation in the way utilities are regulated and transmission planning processes are implemented across the United States further compounds the difficulty of evaluating the relative effectiveness of different transmission planning policies. This report, a joint project of the Non-Technical Barriers to the Clean Energy Transition Initiative and the Energy Systems Modeling and Analytic Platform at the Center on Global Energy Policy, Columbia University SIPA, applies a data-driven approach to this policy debate. Using statistical analysis and machine learning models to analyze a dataset from the data company MAPSearch of planned transmission projects of at least 100 kilovolts (kV) conceived between 2005 and 2023, which includes more than 1,300 transmission projects, the report provides a systematic assessment of the impact of key variables on the likelihood that a proposed transmission line will actually be built. The results of this assessment can help those interested in expanding transmission infrastructure understand which variables may be worth prioritizing in a particular geographical area or region, given its unique combination of attributes, needs, and challenges.
Topic:
Infrastructure, Energy Sector, and Transmission
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

399. Mirror, Mirror 2024: A Portrait of the Failing U.S. Health System

Author:
David Blumenthal, Evan D. Gumas, Arnav Shah, Munira Z. Gunja, and Reginald D. Williams II
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
Goal: Compare health system performance in 10 countries, including the United States, to glean insights for U.S. improvement. Methods: Analysis of 70 health system performance measures in five areas: access to care, care process, administrative efficiency, equity, and health outcomes. Key Findings: The top three countries are Australia, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, although differences in overall performance between most countries are relatively small. The only clear outlier is the U.S., where health system performance is dramatically lower. Conclusion: The U.S. continues to be in a class by itself in the underperformance of its health care sector. While the other nine countries differ in the details of their systems and in their performance on domains, unlike the U.S., they all have found a way to meet their residents’ most basic health care needs, including universal coverage.
Topic:
Development, Public Health, Efficiency, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

400. Hospital Global Budgeting: Lessons from Maryland and Selected Nations

Author:
Bob Atlas
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Commonwealth Fund
Abstract:
Issue: Maryland has utilized hospital global budgeting for a decade, but the approach is rarely used elsewhere in this country. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services now hopes to test global budgeting in more states to help scale up this form of cost containment. Goals: Examine the ways Maryland, Canada, the Netherlands, New Zealand, and Norway employ hospital global budgeting and the lessons they offer to those hoping to see wider adoption in the United States. Methods: Analysis of the various health systems and expert interviews. Key Findings and Conclusion: Maryland and the four selected countries vary significantly in their approaches to hospital global budgeting. With its previous experience using price controls and current global budgeting approach, Maryland has succeeded in holding hospital spending growth steady for nearly a decade. While Norway combines fixed and variable payments to support global budgeting, the Netherlands and Canada’s province of Ontario are moving away from global budgeting in favor of other approaches. Meanwhile, New Zealand has added multiyear rolling forecasts and budgets to support its own model. Future approaches in the U.S. could prove more effective by factoring in the complexities, conflicting incentives, and potential unintended consequences of global budgeting.
Topic:
Public Health, Healthcare System, and Budgeting
Political Geography:
Canada, Maryland, Netherlands, New Zealand, and United States of America