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5251. SOGI-Related Forced Migration in East Africa: Fleeing Uganda After the Passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act

Author:
Gitta Zomorodi
Publication Date:
07-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Philanthropy Project (GPP)
Abstract:
Over the past decade, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) Ugandans have sought safety and asylum in various countries, but never in such numbers or with such a high degree of visibility as following the passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act in December 2013. When reports of LGBT Ugandans seeking refuge in Kenya began to surface in the months following, many international donors and LGBT activists in the region felt at a loss for how to respond. Stories of LGBT Ugandans in the Kakuma refugee camp and Nairobi highlighted difficult living conditions, harassment, arrests and violence. Refugee service providers, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), struggled to respond to the unexpected influx, one that coincided with a government crackdown on refugees in Kenya. It seemed that the Ugandans had left one hostile and insecure environment for another, yet the numbers continued to grow. Instead of slowing, following the Anti-Homosexuality Act’s nullification in August 2014, the stream of asylum seekers from Uganda continued and even increased. …The findings of the research are intended to inform the individuals and organizations who have been responding or wish to respond to this complex situation; to help strengthen protection mechanisms within Uganda and Kenya; and to support proactive and sustainable interventions to address LGBT forced migration. While the recommendations are focused on the situation related to Uganda, it is hoped that they have relevance to the region more broadly and wherever similar situations may arise.
Topic:
Refugees, LGBT+, Asylum, and Forced Migration
Political Geography:
Uganda, Africa, and East Africa

5252. Advancing Women’s Agency in Conflict Settings through Health Work: A Comparative Evaluation of the Dr. Hawa Abdi Foundation and the Panzi Foundation

Author:
Patty Chang, Mayesha Alam, Roslyn Warren, Rukmani Bhatia, and Rebecca Turkington
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women historically have been, and remain, marginalized from the highest echelons of political power. As a result, their experiences, perspectives, leadership, and potential are untapped in governance. In international peacemaking, women are grossly underrepresented, especially in high-level processes. There are growing calls – by both international policymakers and feminists – to do more to include and uplift women in peace and security efforts, as originally directed in UN Security Council Resolution 1325. Today, this is increasingly framed as not only the “right” thing to do, but also the “smart” thing to do. But what does this mean? And what can we learn from women who have mobilized and engaged in peacemaking already? This study examines women’s political participation in peace negotiations, focusing on four cases where women have gained access to high-level official negotiations. Each case study – Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines – is framed by eight overarching research questions: Why did women mobilize for peace? How did women mobilize and organize to gain access to high-level peace negotiations? How did they form coalitions and alliances? How did they assemble and shape agendas? How did they set priorities for their activities? How did their priorities change when they participated in high-level peace negotiations? How did they negotiate their goals? And, to what extent were their objectives or priorities represented in the resulting peace agreement? As a departure from publications of a similar nature, this study offers a comprehensive, systematic literature review and a series of new findings on women participating in high-level peace processes in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines based on a political economy approach. It analyzes nearly 100 in-depth, face-to-face interviews collected in-country with diverse women in civil society, and applies a rigorous two-stage coding method to examine emergent themes. All data are triangulated against existing secondary literature and primary source documents to improve the reliability and validity of results. Although this is not a cross-comparative study, there are interesting commonalities in women’s experiences that are decipherable. For example, in each case, women were primarily motivated by a desire to end violent conflict, and they seized opportunities that emerged within the process to play more prominent political roles in the formal negotiations. Women drew upon their personal connections and leveraged their interpersonal and professional skills, as well as their political capabilities, to advance their goals. In Northern Ireland and Kenya, for example, women drew on pre-existing and new networks, which proved vital to mobilization. In Guatemala and the Philippines, women forged strategic alliances and relentlessly lobbied at multiple levels in order to negotiate their goals. At the same time, in each case, external actors – within and outside of the country in question – influenced women’s mobilization. Despite the similarities between the four cases, there are also many important distinctions in how women negotiated their goals, shaped agendas, formulated proposals, and influenced the content of peace agreements. In Northern Ireland, the NIWC established a precedent for political participation and engaged in women’s collective political consciousness-raising. In Guatemala, provisions inserted in the final agreement tracked back to the Women’s Sector’s agenda, but overall the language on gender lacked the strength and depth the Women’s Sector desired. In Kenya, women in CSOs held mixed sentiments about their degree of influence on the process, but generally felt the mediation agenda reflected the issues for which they lobbied. In the Philippines, the dual effects of women officially embedded in the peace talks and external pressure from civil society women’s networks influenced the language, agenda, and format of the power-sharing agreement. The differences of women’s experiences, resulting from unique conditions in each case, reinforce the understanding that women are not a monolithic demographic anywhere. Rather, race, religion, ethnicity, economic status, cultural background, and other characteristics shape their identities, perspectives, agendas, and lived experiences. This report describes and analyzes the specificity of women’s political participation in each country in detail, demonstrating the myriad ways in which women can and do engage in peacemaking, as well as the challenges they face and the limits of their participation. 12Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security Overall, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of not only why and how women in CSOs mobilized for peace, but also how they shaped negotiations and outcome documents within a specific context. More importantly, this study finds that how women in civil society gain access to high-level peace negotiations is contingent not only on the careful selection of tactics and strategies, but also on the dynamic relationships and iterative interactions between different parties (i.e., government officials, rebel organizations, key constituents), the opportunity structures that permit participation, and the socio-political context that shape the interactions. This report is a unique and a significant contribution not only because of its methodological rigor, but also because it brings the voices of different women peacemakers to the fore, highlighting their perceptions, reflections, and lessons-learned. In doing so, the findings here describe how women’s participation affects negotiations and their outcomes. Having a woman at the formal negotiation table does not guarantee that she will raise issues of gender equality and women’s empowerment, as demonstrated by Raquel Zelaya, who was a member of the Guatemalan government’s peace panel. At the same time, depending on which and how many women are at the table, it is possible that issues affecting women and their families may be taken more seriously, as was increasingly evident in the Philippines. Outside of the confines of official negotiations, women in civil society tend to seek transformative change in a way that conceptualizes peace beyond the cessation of hostilities and the disarmament of warring troops. Irrespective of their strategies and approaches to engagement, this was true for civil society women in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines, and it is by no means unique to those four countries. The frequent, if not consistent, abrogation of peace agreements coupled with the continued marginalization of women from the business of peacemaking poses two problematic, and possibly correlated, challenges that stymie the durability and inclusivity of peace agreements. In recognition of the unfinished business of gender equality, this timely report offers a detailed historical account of women’s participation in four contexts. There are many important lessons-learned about women’s participation and leadership in peace processes, which are shaped by their circumstances, but hold relevance beyond the four respective contexts. As such, the study also acts as a resource for women in civil society currently engaged in peace activism in conflict settings around the world. At the same time, in a world fraught by violent conflict, this report serves as an informative tool for representatives of international institutions that promote governance, security, and development.
Topic:
Health, Governance, Women, Conflict, Peace, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5253. Under Fire: Women Human Rights Defenders in Mesoamerica

Author:
Ashley Binetti
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) are integral to the promotion of human rights in their communities and in fostering regional stability. However, WHRDs often face violent repercussions for their work—including physical attacks, death threats and assassinations. The danger faced by WHRDs is particularly acute in Mesoamerica, where there were 1,375 reported attacks against WHRDs in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala between 2012 and 2013. When assessing how to protect WHRDs, it is important to understand their unique vulnerabilities, which stem from their gender and the subject of their advocacy efforts. Despite a strong normative international legal framework, available regional protection mechanisms through the Organization of American States (OAS) and the nascent development of national laws, Mesoamerican WHRDs work under perilous conditions while their persecutors operate with impunity. While it is the primary responsibility of States to protect WHRDs, the United States has a legal and moral duty to assist this vulnerable population when their own governments are perpetrators of the abuse or fail to provide protection from attacks. This duty arises from UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and its progeny, which embody principles of binding customary international law, as well as the U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, which represents the government’s express commitment to empower women around the world as agents of peace and stability. In addition to maintaining a clear regional policy against femicide, pressuring foreign governments to improve their laws and investigate and punish attacks against WHRDs, and suspending U.S. aid to governments who wantonly abuse or fail to protect defenders, the U.S. can also act in concrete ways to directly benefit WHRDs. This paper recommends that the U.S. begin to strengthen its commitment to WHRDs by: (1) Improving access to existing funds for human rights defenders, and (2) Increasing the availability of temporary humanitarian relocation within the U.S. through longer-term B1 and B2 visas, or by implementing a Temporary Protected Status (TPS)-type program for WHRDs. The implications of these recommendations would allow WHRDs to access available funds with greater ease, and seek temporary respite in the U.S. until safety concerns were eliminated and they could return home to continue their work. WHRDs in Mesoamerica are engaged in promoting democracy and human rights, which strengthens not only their own communities, but also bolsters regional security and stability more broadly. In acting upon these two recommendations, and in remaining cognizant of underlying gender vulnerabilities when exploring new protection mechanisms in consultation with WHRDs, the U.S. will demonstrably strengthen the commitment it made to WHRDs in its National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, and confirm its solidarity with advocates of human rights in Mesoamerica and beyond.
Topic:
Human Rights, Women, Democracy, and Political stability
Political Geography:
Latin America and Central America

5254. Protection for Whom? Violations of International Law in Myanmar's New 'Race and Religion Protection' Laws

Author:
Chloé White
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
In recent years, Myanmar has undergone a significant political transformation. In 2011, after nearly sixty years of iron-fisted rule, the governing military junta transferred power to a quasicivilian government.1 The new government has undertaken various political and economic reforms2 and has become a signatory to and ratified several international treaties.3 In response, the United States, the European Union and others have opened up relations with the country and eased sanctions.4 Despite these advances, however, Myanmar has several obstacles to overcome before it can be considered a pluralistic, functioning democracy. The analysis here focuses on two issues of concern: discrimination against minority ethnic and religious groups, particularly Muslims, and discrimination against women, and how the two have intertwined in dangerous new state policy. Myanmar president Thein Sein recently signed into law a set of four bills that exemplify the challenges facing the country. 5 These new laws are allegedly aimed at ‘preserving race and religion,’ but have a clear goal of discriminating against Muslims and other non-Buddhist groups by, in part, reinforcing traditional gender stereotypes. 6 The group of bills, first proposed in 2013 by the anti-Muslim Association for the Protection of Race and Religion (known as Ma Ba Tha) and supported by a petition supposedly signed by 1.3 million people,7 consists of legislation to outlaw polygamy and adultery, regulate religious conversions, restrict the marriage of Buddhist women to non-Buddhist men, and institute population control measures.8 While some of the provisions of these bills may seem innocuous, the timing of their passage, shortly before the November 2015 elections,9 and the surrounding rhetoric by ultra-nationalists belie any ostensibly benign motives. These initiatives could, both as passed and in practice, further exacerbate religious, ethnic and gender strife, violate both the Burmese constitution as well as international norms and obligations, and pose a particular threat to women’s health and empowerment.
Topic:
International Law, Politics, Women, Discrimination, and Rohingya
Political Geography:
Southeast Asia and Myanmar

5255. The 2015 Nigeria Elections & Violence Against Women in Politics

Author:
Alexandra Z. Safir and Mayesha Alam
Publication Date:
04-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Violence against women in politics is a global scourge that marginalizes women in political and public life. This report examines the troubling, multidimensional phenomenon of violence against women in politics and elections with specific focus on Nigeria, where historic presidential elections were held on March 28, 2015, followed by local elections on April 12. In the lead up to the elections, which were postponed for six weeks due to the tenuous security situation, there was widespread fear of electoral violence. However, monitors and the international community deemed Nigeria’s elections free and fair, an unprecedented peaceful and democratic transition of power. Despite this commendable achievement, electoral politics in Nigeria is not free from violence, and women face significant gender-based vulnerabilities. In the year prior to the elections, Nigeria experienced more political violence than it had during its previous election cycle in 2011, when over 1000 fatalities were reported. During the presidential election, an attack by the Islamic militant group Boko Haram killed 41 people, including a legislator and two voters, and scared hundreds away from the polls.1 Additionally, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has reported 66 incidents of violence during the more recent local elections.
Topic:
Politics, Elections, Women, and Participation
Political Geography:
Africa and Nigeria

5256. Women Leading Peace: A Close Examination of Women’s Political Participation in Peace Processes in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines

Author:
Patty Chang, Mayesha Alam, Roslyn Warren, Rukmani Bhatia, and Rebecca Turkington
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women make important contributions to the attainment of peace, but they remain grossly underrepresented in official peacemaking processes. This study and policy brief demonstrate how women from civil society in the Philippines, Northern Ireland, Guatemala, and Kenya accessed and shaped peace processes in their countries. It illustrates that women from civil society have greatest impact on peace agreements— making them more comprehensive and durable—if they are involved in official roles during the peace process.
Topic:
Civil Society, Women, and Peace
Political Geography:
Kenya, Philippines, Guatemala, and Northern Ireland

5257. Women and Climate Change: Impact and Agency in Human Rights, Security, and Economic Development

Author:
Mayesha Alam, Rukmani Bhatia, and Briana Mawby
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Climate change is a global challenge that burdens all of humanity, but not equally. The world’s poor, the majority of whom are women, are encumbered disproportionately. The distinct impacts of climate change on men and women are exacerbated in settings that are also affected by violent conflict, political instability, and economic strife. As the world struggles to grapple with rapid onset disasters as well as respond to slower degradation caused by climate change, it is critical to ensure that the plight of women is firmly on the agenda of concerns, and that women – from different backgrounds – are able to lead in negotiations and participate in the design and implementation of programs. This report comes at an important time of international observance when new commitments to action will be made, coinciding not only with the fifteenth anniversaries of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) and the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000, but also in anticipation of the Conference of Parties (COP) 21 conference in Paris in late 2015. In an effort to remedy the dearth of existing literature on women and climate change, this report makes an important contribution by covering a wide variety of issues; highlighting both impact and agency; mapping examples of solutions that have proven to be successful; and holding relevance to policy- makers, practitioners, scholars, and students. The findings of the report are based on and buttressed by a thorough examination of international conventions and protocols; national action plans; journal articles and other scholarly publications; reports by government and multilateral agencies; policy briefs and guidance notes, as well as civil society reports. The analysis is also informed by and draws upon a series of consultations with experts from around the world in research, advocacy, program design and implementation, and global leadership positions. As a result, the study represents an interdisciplinary endeavor with far-reaching practical applicability.
Topic:
Security, Climate Change, Human Rights, Women, and Economic Development
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5258. Defence and India’s private sector

Author:
Sameer Patil
Publication Date:
05-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
The government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has pro-actively pursued India’s agenda of modernising and indigenising its defence sector by clearing several long-pending demands of the Indian military for equipment. India’s rapidly-obsolescing military hardware has made this push imperative—the ageing of the hardware has been prominently highlighted by a string of naval accidents in the last two years and the rapidly depleting strength of the air force squadron, with the de-induction of old aircraft and delays in inducting replacements. Externally, raging border disputes with China and Pakistan, and the growing presence of the Chinese Navy in the Indian Ocean region, continue to be threats that call for an updating of the Indian defence sector.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Private Sector, and Modernization
Political Geography:
Pakistan, China, South Asia, and India

5259. Fragile States Index 2015 – Annual Report

Author:
J. J. Messner, Nate Haken, Patricia Taft, Kendall Lawrence, Felipe Umana, Sebastian Pavlou, and Hannah Blyth
Publication Date:
06-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Fund for Peace
Abstract:
The Fragile States Index, produced by The Fund for Peace, is a critical tool in highlighting not only the normal pressures that all states experience, but also in identifying when those pressures are pushing a state towards the brink of failure. By highlighting pertinent issues in weak and failing states, The Fragile States Index—and the social science framework and software application upon which it is built—makes political risk assessment and early warning of conflict accessible to policy-makers and the public at large.
Topic:
Reform, Ebola, Democracy, Fragile States, Domestic Politics, Sustainability, Health Crisis, Instability, and Uprising
Political Geography:
Africa, Russia, Iran, Ukraine, Middle East, Finland, Eastern Europe, Greece, Libya, Cuba, North Africa, Lebanon, West Africa, Nigeria, Central African Republic, Global Focus, and United States of America

5260. State-Sponsored Homophobia (2015)

Author:
Aengus Carroll and Lucas Paoli Itaborahy
Publication Date:
05-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
ILGA World (International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association)
Abstract:
Every year, ILGA World publishes its State-Sponsored Homophobia report, a world survey of sexual orientation laws. Since its first edition, back in 2006, ILGA World’s State-Sponsored Homophobia has been a fundamental resource for those interested in accessing the core information on legislation affecting people on the basis of their sexual orientation. Not only human rights defenders, but also civil society organisations, governmental and United Nations agencies, allies and media worldwide value the publication as one of the main sources of information on the issue. The publication is accompanied by a series of maps and charts illustrating where criminalisation, protection and recognition laws exist.
Topic:
Human Rights, Law, LGBT+, and Homophobia
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5261. The Community Work Programme in Grabouw

Author:
Zukiswa Puwana
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This report is based on research carried out by Zukiswa Puwana in the town of Grabouw (in the Western Cape) in late 2014. It focuses on the Community Work Programme (CWP), a public employment initiative, and the programme's social impact in the town. It discusses research findings on the effect of the CWP on social cohesion, social capital, gender and power relations in Grabouw.
Topic:
Employment, Social Cohesion, Social Capital, Gender, and Work
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

5262. Building a Good Nation in Manenberg: A Case Study of the Manenberg Community Work Programme

Author:
Fairuz Mullagee and David Bruce
Publication Date:
08-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This report draws on fieldwork conducted in Manenberg (in Cape Town) in early 2014. It discusses how the Community Work Programme (CWP), a public employment initiative, has impacted on relationships between community members, as well as between communities and governance structures in Manenberg. The report is one of six community case studies conducted by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) to investigate the effects of the CWP on violence prevention and social cohesion.
Topic:
Governance, Employment, Social Cohesion, Work, and Violence Prevention
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

5263. The Impact of the Community Work Programme on Violence in Orange Farm

Author:
Malose Langa
Publication Date:
07-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This report is based on primary research carried out in Orange Farm (a township in Johannesburg) in 2014. It discusses the social impact of the Community Work Programme (CWP), a public employment initiative, in Orange Farm. The report contains discussion on background information about the community of Orange Farm as well as key findings of the fieldwork, including the CWP projects undertaken in Orange Farm and their impact in promoting social and civic cohesion and reducing urban violence.
Topic:
Employment, Social Cohesion, Community, Work, and Violence Prevention
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

5264. A Follow-Up Report on the Community Work Programme in Bokfontein

Author:
Malose Langa
Publication Date:
07-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
This report is based on primary research carried out by Malose Langa in Bokfontein (in the North West) in May 2014, and forms part of a broader study on the impact of the Community Work Program (CWP), a public employment initiative, on violence prevention. The aim of this research was to monitor how things have changed in Bokfontein since Langa's field work there in 2010, which at the time, concluded that the CWP played a key role in preventing intracommunity violence as well as violence related to community protests and xenophobic attacks.
Topic:
Employment, Community, Work, and Violence Prevention
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

5265. Beyond the crisis in Ukraine. Russian and EU perceptions of European security and potential implications for Europe and Norway

Author:
Pernille Rieker and Kristian Lundby Gjerde
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
Recent developments in European security have shown the growing need for a better understanding of the dynamics that may both threaten and ensure security and stability on the European continent. This policy brief is based on the analysis made in a recent NUPI working paper (Rieker & Gjerde 2015) where we present in more detail the differing Russian and European perceptions of European security. In addition to providing an overview of the different perceptions, we also study what happens when the two collide like we have been witnessing in Ukraine. As much of the literature on these issues has been normatively driven, our aim has been to provide an objective presentation and analysis of the dominant Russian and EU discourses. This we see as essential for investigating the potential for constructive dialogue between Russia and the EU.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, United Nations, and Peacekeeping
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5266. The Rising Gulf. The New Ambitions of the Gulf Monarchies

Author:
Valeria Talbot
Publication Date:
09-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:
Over the last years the Gulf monarchies have emerged as assertive players both in the MENA region and in the global context. Relying on their huge energy reserves and financial assets, these states acquired increasing international leverage. On the one hand, the oil monarchies moved eastwards exploiting the opportunity provided by emerging Asian markets to diversify their energy relations and economic interests. On the other, in the wake of the Arab uprisings they adopted a more proactive approach that dramatically altered their influence in the region. Nonetheless, Gulf activism comes at a time when the monarchies are facing important internal and external challenges. In this complex puzzle, the report aims to assess to what extent the rising Gulf monarchies are able to play as key actors both at the regional and the international levels. Are these monarchies adopting sustainable domestic policies in the long-term? How have they extended their influence in the MENA region? How are they reshaping their international relations? How do they act in the world energy market? What are the implications of the Gulf’s new assertiveness for the EU?
Topic:
International Relations, Economy, Monarchy, Energy, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Middle East and Gulf Nations

5267. Iran After the Deal: The Road Ahead

Author:
Paola Magri and Annalisa Perteghella
Publication Date:
09-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:
The agreement reached in Vienna on 14 July, 2015 between Iran and the P5+1 (United States, Russia, China, France, United Kingdom, Germany) has been greeted as an historical achievement. While offering a long-lasting negotiated solution to one of the biggest crises of the last decade, the deal represents an opportunity for a deep recalibration of the balance of power in the Middle East. It also paves the way to some sort of rapprochement between Iran and the United States. But the deal is also likely to have an impact on Iranian domestic politics, not least on its economy, which, after repeated rounds of sanctions, languishes in deep crisis. This report aims to assess the potential effects of the deal by trying to answer the following question: what’s next for Iran, the Middle East and the countries involved in the negotiations? In particular, the report provides an assessment of the JCPOA agreed upon in Vienna. It also analyzes the impact of the deal on Iranian domestic politics as well as the consequences for its economy. In addition, it examines its effects on the balance of power in the Middle East, as well as on relations between Iran and the United States, and Iran and Russia. Finally a number of policy recommendations for the EU are provided.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Sanctions, European Union, Economy, and Domestic Politics
Political Geography:
Iran and Middle East

5268. Africa: Still Rising?

Author:
Giovanni Carbone
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:
After decades of unsatisfying performances, economic growth took off in many sub-Saharan states at the beginning of the 21st century. More recently, however, the end of the commodity cycle – particularly with the oil price drop – and the rise of jihadist violence rocked the “Emerging Africa” boat. Is this the beginning of the end for sustained growth in the region? This Report investigates the economic impact of these new challenges upon Africa’s frontier markets. It shows that the positive economic trajectory of recent years is being negatively affected, particularly for oil-exporting countries. However, while more caution is needed, Africa’s growth prospects on the whole remain fairly good – at least for now. But there is an increasing need to understand the specific risks that individual countries face and the opportunities that they offer, as well as to re-assess the potential of each specific sector of economic activity. The three largest economies in the region – Nigeria, South Africa and Angola – are all under pressure. Others, including Ethiopia, Mozambique and Kenya, are still projected to achieve remarkable growth rates.
Topic:
Political Violence, Development, Oil, Economic Growth, and Jihad
Political Geography:
Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa

5269. Beyond Ukraine. EU and Russia in Search of a New Relation

Author:
Aldo Ferrari
Publication Date:
06-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:
Due to the Ukrainian crisis, relations between the EU and Russia hit rock bottom, the lowest point from the end of the Cold War. Indeed, it is crystal clear that today’s dispute is nothing but the latest chapter of a long story of misunderstandings and conflicting strategies on the post -Soviet states of Eastern Europe and South Caucasus. The further deepening of this cleavage would inflict serious damage on all interested parties: the EU, Russia and several post-Soviet states. Why is Ukraine so important both for EU and Russia? What are the real origins of the current crisis that brought to an open confrontation between Russia and the EU? What is the rationale behind Russia’s firm opposition to a further NATO enlargement? What are the viable options to escape the fate of a new ‘Cold War’?
Topic:
International Relations, NATO, European Union, and Crisis Management
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

5270. The Return of Egypt. Internal Challenges and Regional Game

Author:
Stefano Maria Torelli
Publication Date:
07-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:
Egypt has reappeared again as a leading actor in the Middle East. After the fall of Mubarak, the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood and its ouster, the country has chosen its new ‘strongman’. Following the elections of al-Sisi, Egypt is back to pursuing a pro-active policy not only internally, but also in the neighbourhood. The restoration of the strategic axis with Saudi Arabia and the struggle against radical Islam are the two pillars of this new political phase. However, there are critical elements, too, from further deterioration of the political and civil liberties indexes, to the emergence of jihadist groups in the Sinai, to the enduring economic and financial difficulties. As a result of these changes, Europe and Italy should calibrate a new policy aimed at safeguarding their interests,especially from the points of view of security, stability and the fight against terrorism, also promoting more inclusive practices by the Cairo government vis-à-vis the opposition (including the Muslim Brotherhood) and developing policies which can help Egypt to respond to future challenges in terms of economic growth, poverty alleviation, demographic pressure and the creation of employment opportunities.
Topic:
Demographics, Poverty, Economic Growth, Domestic Politics, Islamism, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Middle East and Egypt

5271. Impact of Perceived Electoral Fraud on Haitian Voter’s Beliefs about Democracy

Author:
Athena R. Kolbe, Nicole I. Cesnales, Marie N. Puccio, and Robert Muggah
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Igarapé Institute
Abstract:
Haiti’s presidential elections in October 2015 were reportedly marred by voting irreBurned Ballot in the Haiti electionsagularities and fraud. The results issued by the Provisional Electoral Council in early November are contested, with the country again gripped by widespread protest, organized violence and targeted killings. An Igarapé Institute research team administered household surveys in 135 polling stations before and after the election to assess attitudes about the electoral process. The findings suggest an incompatibility between the declared result and the voting patterns of Haitian citizens. They also indicate the corrosive effects of electoral corruption on citizen attitudes and faith in the democratic process.
Topic:
Elections, Democracy, Voting, Polls, and Fraud
Political Geography:
Caribbean and Haiti

5272. Kosovo Security Barometer Special Edition Public Perceptions on Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Political Dialogue with Serbia

Author:
Donika Emini
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
The survey was carried out in the second half of October 2014, through face-to-face interviews conducted around Kosovo. The national sample from which the research was drawn featured 1,101 households, following a representative sample of the population above 18 years old in Kosovo. The ethnic breakdown of the interviewed respondents used for the purposes of this edition of the KSB was: 87.92 percent K-Albanian, 9.08 percent K-Serbian, and 3 percent others (Bosnian 1.0 percent, Turks 1.0 percent, and RAE 1.0 percent). Perceptions presented in this report are a summary of information gathered from respondents and it only demonstrates how people perceive these institutions. Hence, this report does not represent a conclusive assessment of the quality of the work of the institutions subject to this study.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Politics, Public Opinion, Survey, and Dialogue
Political Geography:
Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

5273. Kosovo Security Barometer Special Edition on Citizens Perceptions on Personal Data Protection

Author:
Sofije Kryeziu
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
This edition of the KSB covers three main issues related to privacy and data protection: - Awareness on the Rights on Privacy and Personal Data Protection - Awareness regarding the National Agency for Personal Data Protection - Kosovo citizens’ concerns regarding the potential misuse of personal data
Topic:
Security, Science and Technology, Public Opinion, Privacy, Survey, and Data
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

5274. Kosovo Security Barometer - Fifth Edition

Author:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS)
Abstract:
The Kosovo Security Barometer (KSB) is a specific programme of Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (KCSS) designed to serve as an annual publication. The primary focus of the KSB is to measure the public opinion perceptions towards security institutions. It also measures the public perception on the internal and external security threats to Kosovo. The survey was carried out in the second half of October 2015, through face-to-face interviews conducted around Kosovo.The national sample from which the research was drawn featured 1070 households, following a representative sample of the population above 18 years old in Kosovo. Perceptions presented in this report are a summary of information gathered from respondents and it only demonstrates how people perceive these institutions. Hence, this report does not represent a conclusive assessment of the quality of the work of the institutions subject to this study.
Topic:
Security, Public Opinion, Institutions, and Survey
Political Geography:
Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

5275. Executive Summary Effective Criminal Defence in Latin America

Author:
Alberto Binder, Ed Cape, and Zaza Namoradze
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Dejusticia
Abstract:
This document contains the results of a research project, Effective Criminal Defence in Latin America, which was conducted over a two and a half year period commencing in the summer of 2012. It discusses the main issues concerning criminal defence rights for each jurisdiction in the study; (ii) in light of these findings, recommendations designed to improve access to effective criminal defence in practice for each jurisdiction; and (iii) recommendations for the development of international standards on effective criminal defence for the Latin American region.
Topic:
International Law, Criminal Justice, Justice, Criminology, and Legal Sector
Political Geography:
Latin America

5276. Drugs and the Death Penalty

Author:
Patrick Gallahue
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
There are currently thousands of people on death row for drug-related offenses in Asia, the Middle East, and parts of Africa. The international drug control system must share the blame, as treaties promoting strict and severe punishments for drug offenses have opened the door to such responses. UN human rights and drug control bodies now recognize that the death penalty for drugs violates international law, but a number of states that are parties to drug control treaties argue that capital drug laws are a permissible sanction. While many countries around the world are abolishing the death penalty for all crimes at an unprecedented rate, other countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia are increasingly prescribing the death penalty for drug-related crimes despite evidence showing that it has not been effective in curbing the flow of drugs across territories. While there no fixed model for the kinds of people who have suffered the death penalty for drugs, all too often those who become smugglers borders represent people in desperate circumstances who have been coerced or tricked into breaking the law. Sometimes they are mere teenagers. Executing those who are referred to as “little fish” is disproportionate to the crime. And as both international human rights and drug control bodies have made clear, it is a violation of human rights law. Drugs and The Death Penalty explores how the laws that subject drug offenders to capital punishment are inextricably linked to the international war on drugs and provides recommendations for governments to review current policies and explore alternate, less draconian sanctions.
Topic:
Crime, International Law, War on Drugs, Criminal Justice, Drugs, Public Health, and Death Penalty
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, and Asia

5277. The League of Arab States: Human Rights Standards and Mechanisms

Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
With the Arab region in a state of flux, the League of Arab States seems poised to play a much-needed role on issues such as peace, security, and human rights in Arab countries. Until now, this role has been far from consistent or guided by a genuine human rights agenda. However, a closer look at the Arab League during the recent crises in the region reveals a slow shift in its positioning, highlighting the importance for civil society to engage with the Arab League and influence policies and reform in the region. Interest in the work of the Arab League is not new to civil society in the region. Civil society organizations have, for example, engaged very closely with the process of revising the Arab Charter on Human Rights. They have also worked with the League on the Darfur and Syria crises. However, this engagement has been fragmented, and at times not driven by a clear strategy. Therefore, this engagement and its impact can be strengthened through effective strategies and mechanisms. It is, therefore, paramount that the Arab League reform its relationship with civil society, and at the same time for civil society to improve its own relationship with the Arab League. The ultimate goal is better protection of human rights in Arab countries. This manual has been produced with these challenges and opportunities in mind. It aims at providing information to activists in the civil society movement, especially those working in the human rights field, on the structures, standards, and mechanisms of the Arab League relating to human rights. Better understanding of these issues can only contribute to better engagement with the Arab League, and therefore the ability to influence and reform the organization.
Topic:
Civil Society, Democratization, Human Rights, Authoritarianism, Reform, Arab Spring, State Violence, Revolution, and Arab League
Political Geography:
Middle East and North Africa

5278. Community, Not Confinement

Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) affirms the rights of all people to live in their communities. Yet between 2007 and 2013, EU member states invested millions of euros of EU structural funds into institutions that confine and segregate people living with disabilities. Now, although the 2014–2020 round of structural funds requires member states to introduce domestic deinstitutionalization measues, the danger remains that EU investments in institutions will continue. The European Commission has a responsibility to ensure the rights of Europeans with disabilities and the proper direction of EU investments. Community, Not Confinement examines EU law and policy governing the use of structural funds, and EU and state responsibilities to human rights obligations under international and EU law. This report also recommends several steps the commission should take, including providing clear guidance to member states that projects selected for the use of structural funds must comply with the CRPD; verifying that such programming aligns with the CRPD and supports independent living; and funding civil society to monitor member states’ investments and inform the commission of findings.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, United Nations, Law, Disability, Community, Political Rights, and Legal Sector
Political Geography:
Europe

5279. Global Report: Civil Society Organization (CSO) Survey for the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security CSO Perspectives on UNSCR 1325 Implementation 15 Years after Adoption

Author:
Danielle B. Goldberg
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
Abstract:
When the idea of the Global Study on UNSCR 1325 was proposed, some members of civil society did not welcome the concept. There were already countless studies and recommendations on the implementation of UNSCR 1325, so what would be the value of another study? Moreover, we knew where most of the gaps existed—both internationally and in national contexts. The Global Study was, called by UN Security Council Resolution 2122 “to highlight examples of good practice, implementation gaps and challenges, and priorities for action.” Yet, we also understood that the Global Study could be an important platform for highlighting persistent problems, such as underrepresentation of women in official peace negotiations, lack of local level action and the perennial lack of funding, particularly for women’s peacebuilding work at the community level. To participate in the Global Study process, we set two conditions: that it be totally independent and that it accurately reflect the voices of civil society, given that activists—working at grassroots, national and international levels—have been the driving forces in making sure the resolution and its agenda remain active and relevant. It was in this spirit that the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), Cordaid, the International Civil society Action Network (ICAN) and the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security (NGOWG) embarked on a civil society survey to inform the Global Study. We also believed it was extremely important that there be a mechanism built into the Global Study to formally capture the experiences, challenges and recommendations of civil society around the world working on WPS.
Topic:
Security, Gender Issues, United Nations, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5280. Focus Group Discussion Report for the Civil Society Organization (CSO) Survey: Civil Society Input

Author:
Agnieszka Fal
Publication Date:
05-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
Abstract:
The Focus Group Discussion (FGD) Report is based on findings from 17 FGDs and one international 1325 expert conference, held in 16 countries with over 200 participants.1 The report informs the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security, called by UNSCR 2122 to "highlight examples of good practice, implementation gaps and challenges, and priorities for action," to ensure that civil society voices are adequately reflected in the study. The promise of UNSCR 1325 cannot be realized without the full participation of civil society activists—a view shared at the global and local level alike. Just as the Global Study team coordinated by UN Women has explicitly sought input from women’s groups around the world through this initiative and others, so have participants of the FGDs echoed their fervent desire to have their views, concerns and recommendations feed into the Global Study. Civil society lobbied for the adoption of UNSCR 1325, contributed to its drafting and has stood at the forefront of its implementation, so its voice is a powerful contribution to the Global Study. This report consolidates and presents the results of the FGDs. The FGDs also raised awareness among CSOs around the world of the High-Level Review on the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, the Global Study and the CSO Survey. Furthermore, they provided a safe and collaborative experience for CSOs to exchange views on issues related to their work on Women, Peace and Security. Finally, the focus group discussions served as a tool to recognize and galvanize women’s groups doing important work on women, peace and security on the ground, despite the many challenges they face.
Topic:
Security, Gender Issues, United Nations, Women, Peace, WPS, and Civil Society Organizations
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5281. A Democracy Assembly to Face the New Authoritarian Challenges

Author:
Ladan Boroumand
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL)
Abstract:
Sixteen years after the first World Movement Assembly, the situation has dramatically changed. We no longer have the strong wind of triumphant democracy in our sails. Instead, we are facing a reinvigorated wind of authoritarianism that defies us not only in practice but also ideologically and tests our understanding of our own values, our consistency, and our commitment. During the last wave of democratization, civil society emerged as a recognized and legitimate actor on the international stage. If as civil society actors we are being silenced and made irrelevant in our countries, with the help of democratic governments and the global human-rights community we can use the virtual and international stage to reemerge as strong, relevant actors and impose ourselves as our governments’ interlocutors.
Topic:
Civil Society, Human Rights, Authoritarianism, and Democracy
Political Geography:
Latin America and Global Focus

5282. Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu Politikası | Turkey’s Middle East Policy 2015

Author:
Kemal İnat, Muhittin Ataman, and Açılım Kitap
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
2015 yılında Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu politikasında yaşanan gelişmelerin ele alındığı bu yazıda, Türkiye’nin özellikle kendisini çok yakından ilgilendiren Ortadoğu sorunları konusundaki yaklaşımı analiz edilmiştir. Bu çerçevede Suriye ve Irak sorunları konusunda Türkiye’nin politikası açısından önem arz eden gelişmeler incelenmiş ve bu gelişmelerin Türkiye’nin İran gibi bölge ülkeleriyle ilişkilerine etkisi analiz edilmiştir. Aynı şekilde söz konusu sorunların Türkiye’nin ABD, Rusya ve Avrupa Birliği gibi küresel güçlerle ilişkileri açısından ne tür etkilerde bulunduğu da ele alınmıştır. Son olarak Türkiye ile Ortadoğu ülkeleri arasındaki ekonomik ilişkiler de makale çerçevesinde incelenmiştir. | In this paper, which analyzes the Turkish foreign policy initiatives regarding the Middle East in 2015, the focus particularly lies on events that are of great importance for Turkey. In this framework Ankara’s policies towards the Iraq and Syria problems are examined and also its effects on Turkey’s relationship to regional states like Iran are matter of analysis. Also the question of how these problems influence Turkey’s affairs with international actors like the USA, Russia and the European Union, is tried to be answered. Finally, the study explores economic ties between Turkey and the Middle East countries.
Topic:
Foreign Policy and Economics
Political Geography:
Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and Syria

5283. Avrupa Birliği’nin Filistin Politikası | European Union’s Palestine Policy

Author:
Fatma Zehra Toçoğlu
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
Bu çalışmada Avrupa Birliği’nin Ortadoğu’ya olan ilgisi ve bu bağlamda Filistin-İsrail meselesine yaklaşımı incelenmektedir. Avrupa Birliği’nin kuruluşuna kısaca değinildikten sonra dış politika konusunda yapmış olduğu çalışmalar ele alınacaktır. AB’nin genişleme sürecinden sonra komşuları ile güçlü ilişkiler kurmak için oluşturduğu Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası birimi ile sınırları dışındaki bölgelere olan ilgisi artmış, Filistinİsrail çatışmasında ortak bir dış politika belirleme çabasında olmuştur. AB kendisi için siyasi, stratejik ve ekonomik nedenlerden dolayı daima önemli bir bölge olarak gördüğü Ortadoğu ve özelde Filistin konusunda özel politikalar geliştirmiştir. Son zamanlarda Avrupa Birliği üye ülkeleri Filistin’i devlet olarak tanımayı gündemlerine aldı. Bu çerçevede makalede Avrupa Birliği’nin Filistin politikasının ekonomik ve siyasi yaklaşımları ortaya konulacaktır. | In this article, the question of how the EU is established and what kind of studies the EU undertook concerning foreign policy so far, is briefly discussed. The interest of the European Union in the Middle East is examined regarding the approach of the Palestinian - Israeli conflict. After the enlargement process, the EU has increased its interest in areas outside the borders of the EU Neighborhood Policy in order to build strong relationships with its neighbors and made efforts to define a common policy for the Palestine-Israel conflict. The EU developed particular policies for the Palestinian issue and the Middle East that are sprung from political, strategic and economic reasons. Recently, some EU member states put the recognition of the state of Palestine on their agenda. In this context, the EU’s approach toward the historical process of Palestine and the Palestinian issue is explored in this article.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, European Union, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Europe, Turkey, Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

5284. Türk Dış Politikasında İslamcı-Kemalist Hesaplaşma: Erbakan Dönemi Libya Örneği | Islamist-Kemalist Reckoning in Turkish Foreign Policy: Libyan Case in the Erbakan Era

Author:
Talip Küçükcan
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:
Campbell’ın ‘”çifte dışlama” (double exclusion) kavramsallaştırmasından yola çıkarak, dış politikanın içeride işlerlikte olan iktidar ilişkilerinin bir uzantısı olduğunu savunan bu çalışma, Erbakan dönemi iktidar ilişkilerine odaklanarak bu dönemin dış politikasını incelemektedir. Bu noktada Refah Partisi’nin Kemalizm’in sacayakları olan laiklik, ulus-devlet ve Batıcılık ilkelerini yerinden edici söylem ve pratikleri incelenecek ve bu dönem dış politikasının Kemalist yerleşiklerin iç siyasetteki tutunma alanları üzerindeki iç politik mücadelenin bir parçası olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılacaktır. Bu anlamda bilhassa Refah Parti iktidarının ilk aylarını fazlasıyla meşgul eden Libya konusu analiz edilecek ve konunun söz konusu iki blok arasındaki mücadelede hangi söylem ve pratikler çerçevesinde nasıl bir temsile oturtulduğuna bakılacaktır. | With reference to Campbell’s ‘double exclusion’ conceptualization, considering foreign policy as a continuation of domestic power struggle, this paper focuses on Turkish foreign policy while particularly taking into account the domestic power struggle in Erbakan’s first period. At this point, the paper analyzes the Welfare Party’s discourses and practices which are adverse to Kemalism’s trivet -secularism, nationstate and Westernism- and tries to show that foreign policy in this period is a part of a domestic struggle. In this sense, especially the Libya case which had exceedingly occupied the first months of the Welfare Party rule, is analyzed. A part of this analysis is also the question of how this issue is represented while taking a deeper look at the discourses and practices within the mentioned two blocks.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Islamism, Welfare, Political Parties, and Identity
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Libya

5285. Future Directions in the DPRK’S Nuclear Weapons Program: Three Scenarios for 2020

Author:
David Albright
Publication Date:
02-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
Like many secret nuclear weapons programs, the DPRK goes to great lengths to hide its capabilities to produce nuclear explosive materials and nuclear weapons. Despite these actions, a picture can be drawn of North Korea’s current and projected plutonium and weapons-grade uranium (WGU) stocks. Knowing these plutonium and WGU stocks can, in turn, allow an estimate of the DPRK’s current number of nuclear weapons and a range of projections of the number North Korea could build in the next several years. Although great uncertainty surrounds these projections, as well as the quality of North Korea’s nuclear weapons, these projections form a reasonable picture of the DPRK’s possible nuclear weapons futures, absent actions to significantly limit its nuclear programs. After summarizing estimates of stocks of separated plutonium and weapons-grade uranium as of the end of 2014, this report develops three projections of future nuclear arsenals through 2020: low-end, medium, and high-end nuclear futures. In developing these projections, which are intended to bound North Korea’s nuclear futures, a number of constraints are considered, including the number and size of nuclear production facilities, future underground testing, the extent and success of nuclear weaponization efforts, costs, and access to necessary goods and classified and proprietary technologies abroad.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, and Science and Technology
Political Geography:
Asia and North Korea

5286. Civil HEU Watch Tracking: Inventories of Civil Highly Enriched Uranium: National and Global Stocks, as of End 2014

Author:
David Albright and Serena Kelleher-Vergantini
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is a key ingredient in nuclear weapons, making it one of the most dangerous materials in existence. As a result, governments take extraordinary measures to secure HEU against theft or diversion and to reduce the inventories of HEU in the world. To that end, it is important to track how much civil HEU exists and where it is. However, national civil HEU stocks are difficult to estimate, with transparency policies varying by country and few countries providing official declarations of their stocks. As a result, this report contains the few official civil HEU declarations and estimates civil HEU stocks in countries that do not provide public declarations. This study relies on open source information to derive these estimates. It is an update of a report published in 2005.
Topic:
Nuclear Weapons, Nuclear Power, and Uranium
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5287. Military Highly Enriched Uranium and Plutonium Stocks in Acknowledged Nuclear Weapon States

Author:
David Albright and Serena Kelleher-Vergantini
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
Plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU), called “fissile materials,” were first produced in large quantities for use in nuclear weapons. Starting in World War II, and for over two decades afterwards, almost all the plutonium and HEU in the world was produced for these immensely destructive weapons. This production was centered almost exclusively in five states: Britain, China, France, Russia, and the United States. In the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) these five countries are designated as “nuclearweapon states” because all five had manufactured and exploded a nuclear weapon prior to January 1, 1967. To this day, they remain the only acknowledged nuclear weapon states. Although other countries possess nuclear weapons, the acknowledged states have gained a special status in international affairs. As part of that status, however, these five states also committed to work towards nuclear disarmament, in particular steps accompanied by the elimination of their own stocks of fissile material for nuclear weapons. At the end of 2014, these five states had military stocks totaling about 238 tonnes of plutonium and 1,330 tonnes of HEU, mostly weapon-grade uranium (WGU is defined as HEU enriched over 90 percent). Table 1 provides a summary of the results. Tables 2 and 3, located at the end of the report, provide official declarations or detailed estimates of each country’s military plutonium and HEU holdings. These tables provide extensive endnotes describing official declarations, other sources, and the derivation of the various estimates. In addition to aggregate totals, tables 2 and 3 provide partial information about the various types of military stocks held by these five countries, including fissile material dedicated to nuclear weapons activities and naval propulsion programs, and declared excess to defense requirements.
Topic:
Nuclear Weapons, Uranium, and Plutonium
Political Geography:
Britain, Russia, China, France, and United States of America

5288. Highly Enriched Uranium Inventories in South Africa

Author:
David Albright
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
South Africa produced highly enriched uranium (HEU) for nuclear weapons at the Y plant at the Pelindaba nuclear center located near Pretoria. This plant, which operated from 1977 until early 1990, was designed to make weapon-grade uranium. However, it experienced operational problems that led to the production of less than expected amounts of weapon-grade uranium and a considerable amount of HEU enriched less than 90 percent. In late 1989, then-President F.W. de Klerk ordered an end to the nuclear weapons program, including the shutdown of the Y Plant, and decided to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Following the dismantlement of its nuclear weapons, South Africa brought the NPT into force in 1991, subjecting its entire inventory of HEU to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. As part of the IAEA’s effort to verify South Africa’s initial nuclear material declaration, it conducted an unprecedented investigation aimed at determining that South Africa had declared its HEU inventory completely. After a two year investigation into both the production and use of HEU, the IAEA concluded in September 1993 that South Africa had satisfactorily declared its HEU.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, Treaties and Agreements, and Uranium
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

5289. Israel’s Military Plutonium Inventory

Author:
David Albright
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
Israel developed its first nuclear weapon shortly before the 1967 Six Day War, making it the sixth nation to develop nuclear weapons.2 To this day, Israel maintains an ambiguous posture about its nuclear weapons, despite the declassification of formerly secret U.S. government documents which assert the existence of Israeli nuclear weapons. In addition, the revelations of Mordechai Vanunu in 1986 revealed a larger nuclear weapons program than commonly assessed at that time.3 The heart of Israel’s nuclear weapons production complex is the Dimona site near the city of Beersheva. This site contains a number of secret nuclear facilities for the production of plutonium, including a heavy water reactor, a fuel fabrication plant, and a plutonium separation plant, all provided by France in the 1950s and early 1960s. The site also reportedly contains facilities likely involved in tritium extraction and purification (using tritium also produced in the reactor), lithium production, and possibly facilities dedicated to uranium enrichment, at least on a research and development scale.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, and Nuclear Power
Political Geography:
Middle East and Israel

5290. Daesh Hype about Stealing Nuclear Weapons

Author:
David Albright and Sarah Burkhard
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Science and International Security
Abstract:
With Daesh entrenched in Syria and Iraq and growing in influence in North Africa and Pakistan, the risk is likely to grow that the terrorist group or one of its allies will seek nuclear weapons. Or at least this is what they want the world to think since their publications imply these intentions. But Daesh’s public claims of ways to accomplish that goal are unfounded and mainly seem intended to simply incite fear. At ISIS, we assess that the risk of Daesh acquiring nuclear weapons is low. However, that characterization needs to be carefully considered. The chance of Daesh acquiring a nuclear weapon, either through theft of a functioning nuclear weapon, or of nuclear explosive material followed by the manufacturing of a crude nuclear explosive, is assessed as low, similar to the risk of a major nuclear reactor accident, such as the Chernobyl and Fukishima disasters. However, although the chance of Daesh stealing a nuclear weapon is low, the consequences would be horrible and extraordinary efforts need to be waged to ensure that the risk becomes even lower. A nuclear explosive going off in a major city would have catastrophic consequences, probably far worse than those of Chernobyl or Fukishima. While the threat of Daesh stealing or otherwise acquiring a nuclear weapon needs to be taken seriously, Daesh writings on the subject should be discounted. In a May 2015 article in the Daesh magazine Dabiq, the British journalist John Cantlie warns of Daesh’s rapid global expansion and its capabilities to launch major terroristic attacks – including acquiring a nuclear weapon and smuggling it into the United States. It is uncertain if Cantlie actually penned the article, titled “The Perfect Storm.” However, the sentiments of the piece likely reflect Daesh ambitions.
Topic:
Nuclear Weapons, Terrorism, and Islamic State
Political Geography:
Pakistan, Middle East, and North Africa

5291. Working With a Rising India

Author:
Charles R. Kayne, Joseph S. Nye Jr., and Alyssa Ayres
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Council on Foreign Relations
Abstract:
“A rising India offers one of the most substantial opportunities to advance American national interests over the next two decades,” asserts a new Independent Task Force report sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), Working With a Rising India: A Joint Venture for the New Century. Over the past ten years, India, the world's largest democracy, has lifted more than 130 million people out of poverty. The country has rebounded from a recent economic growth slump, surpassing China this year to become the world's fastest-growing major economy. “If India can maintain its current growth rate, let alone attain sustained double digits, it has the potential over the next two to three decades to follow China on the path to becoming another $10 trillion economy,” notes the Task Force. With Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's prioritization of economic growth and foreign policy revitalization, the country now has a window of opportunity to either make the necessary reforms or risk being left behind. “[India] will have to decide whether it wants to become a major part of global trade flows and deeply integrated into global supply chains. Doing so would boost India's efforts to grow its manufacturing sector and its economy; choosing not to will make that ambition harder to achieve.” Because India does not seek an alliance with the United States and closely guards its policy independence, U.S.-India relations will not resemble those Washington has with its conventional allies. For that reason, the Task Force recommends that “U.S. policymakers [should] explicitly emphasize a ‘joint-venture’ model for U.S.-India relations, focused on a slate of shared pursuits on which interests converge—and with clear mechanisms for coordinating and managing the known and expected disagreements.” The bipartisan Task Force is chaired by Charles R. Kaye, co-chief executive officer of the private equity firm Warburg Pincus and former chairman of the U.S.-India Business Council, and Joseph S. Nye Jr., distinguished service professor and former dean of the Harvard Kennedy School. Directed by CFR Senior Fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia Alyssa Ayres, the Task Force is composed of sixteen prominent experts from government, academic, nonprofit, and other sectors.
Topic:
Diplomacy, International Cooperation, International Trade and Finance, Bilateral Relations, Democracy, and Economic Growth
Political Geography:
India, Asia, North America, and United States of America

5292. Human Rights Due Diligence through Stakeholder Engagement?

Author:
Brigitte Hamm and Anne Schax
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Development and Peace
Abstract:
The report examines to what extent stakeholder engagement as a form of private governance can contribute to a corporation’s human rights due diligence performance. It takes as the basis for investigation a case study of a stakeholder engagement program implemented by the oper- ating company SMI for a planned copper-gold mine in the Philippines during the project’s pre- operational phase. The analysis examines criteria for good stakeholder engagement set out by the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and uses the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights as the conceptual framework. For the case investigated here, it is established that SMI’s stakeholder engagement program as well as the IFC’s guidelines evince several shortcomings from a human rights perspective, which in turn negatively affect other due dili- gence processes.
Topic:
Human Rights, United Nations, Governance, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Philippines, Asia-Pacific, and Global Focus

5293. Firm-Level Technology and Competitiveness in Vietnam: Evidence from 2010-2014 surveys

Author:
Carol Newman, John Rand, Finn Tarp, Neda Trifković, and Nguyen Tue Anh
Publication Date:
04-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
United Nations University
Abstract:
This report summarises information from the Vietnam Technology and Competitiveness Survey (TCS) that has been conducted every year since 2010, concluding with 2014. The TCS has been a collaborative effort of the Central Institute for Economic Management (CIEM), the General Statistics Office (GSO) and the Development Economics Research Group (DERG) of the Department of Economics (DoE), University of Copenhagen. The data used in this report is based on four survey rounds, and, with the addition of future rounds of the survey, aims to give researchers and policymakers a detailed understanding of the dynamics of technology, productivity and profitability of Vietnam’s growing private sector. This report provides readers with an introduction to the main features of the dataset and an overview of the main trends among the firm from the manufacturing sector in Vietnam. As the report does not provide a complete description of the full range of information collected in all survey rounds, both interested readers and researchers are encouraged to review the survey questionnaire and explore the full survey dataset.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Private Sector, and Survey
Political Geography:
Vietnam and Southeast Asia

5294. 2015 Global Peace Index

Author:
Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP)
Publication Date:
06-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
A statistical analysis of the state of peace in 162 countries outlining trends in peace and conflict, the economic cost of violence, and an assessment of the attitudes, structures and institutions that sustain peaceful societies.
Topic:
Economics, Conflict, Institutions, and Peace
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5295. Peace and Corruption

Author:
Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP)
Publication Date:
05-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
This report explores the connections between peace and corruption, focusing on the empirical trends between the most authoritative measures of peace and corruption. It fills an important gap as the linkages between peace and corruption are still being deeply studied. The analysis finds that there is a statistically significant relationship between peace and corruption. The most striking aspect of this relationship is the presence of a ‘tipping point’. If a country has low levels of corruption then increases in corruption will have little effect on peace. However, once a certain threshold is reached then small increases in corruption can result in large decreases in peace.
Topic:
Corruption, Government, Peace, Police, and Judiciary
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5296. 2015 Mexico Peace Index

Author:
Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP)
Publication Date:
03-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP)
Abstract:
The Mexico Peace Index, produced by the Institute for Economics and Peace, provides a comprehensive measure of peacefulness in Mexico from 2003 to 2014. This report aims to deepen the understanding of the trends, patterns and drivers of peace in Mexico while highlighting the important economic benefits that will flow from a more peaceful society. The 2015 MPI presents a somewhat optimistic but cautious picture of the state of peace in the last two years. Mexico’s peace has improved 10.5 percent since 2012, continuing the trend from 2011, however 2014 saw very little improvement, improving only 0.7 percent. It is too early to determine whether this is a new trend. Mexico’s level of peace in 2014 approached 2007 levels, when homicide and violent crime began to increase rapidly.
Topic:
Corruption, Economics, Peace, Justice, and Organized Crime
Political Geography:
North America and Mexico

5297. More Than Words: Apologies as a Form of Reparation

Author:
Ruben Carranza, Cristian Correa, and Elena Naughton
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
It has become more common for political leaders to apologize publicly to victims, their families, and communities, often during a formal national address or other ceremonial event. Such apologies have taken place in the midst of cease-fire and peace processes, made not only by those holding public offi ce, such as heads of state, ministers, judges, and the heads of the police, military, and intelligence services, but also by paramilitary leaders. Apologies delivered by state agents signal the full backing of the state for what is being conveyed. Apologies are not enough as reparation to victims of serious violations. While apologies have value in themselves and can address both moral and physical harm, they should be combined with material forms of reparation. In particular, care needs to be taken to ensure that a disproportionate emphasis on apologies does not diminish the likelihood that other reparative measures, such as restitution and medical care, will be implemented, to help limit the long-term harm caused to victims or address their physical needs. Apologies should, in many cases, refl ect a communal reckoning with crimes of the past. They describe what has been learned and what needs to be done to prevent such events from ever happening again; sometimes they mark either the commencement or the culmination of a long, sometimes divisive period of debate and reflection in a society. In many cases, it is victims and organizations of survivors who provide the main impetus for pursuing an apology and help to decide when and how an apology might best be given. Whatever the catalyst, apologies (and the process for developing them) can help a country to replace, at least partially, partisan recriminations with constructive dialogue and unite the public behind the common goals it needs to achieve to move forward. Th e process of developing consensus around the need for an apology can help societies to face their past, reaffirm values, and meet their obligations to victims as human beings and citizens in the present and in the future. Because official apologies are most often public acts, they usually attract considerable media attention and scrutiny. Therefore, the content, delivery, tone, and proper timing of an apology are crucial. Th e most effective apologies are unequivocal; they are not diluted by qualifying language designed to limit their scope or redirect blame. For victims, it may matter whether an apology is written, handed over on paper, or read or spoken aloud. Likewise, the language spoken, the access to written, spoken, or recorded materials, the venue in which it is made, even the body language and appearance of the person delivering the apology are all significant. Some of the most meaningful apologies have occurred at the place where the violations occurred. Although most offi cial apologies provide a form of comfort to victims, some have been judged harshly for being poorly conceived, insincere, and ineffective. Expressions of regret, for instance, are most frequently statements of sadness and disappointment that fall short of an apology, whereas unequivocal apologies contain a more explicit if not unconditional acknowledgment of responsibility. They acknowledge the specific injustices that occurred, recognize that victims suffered serious harm as a result, and take responsibility for what happened. Effective apologies take into account what victims are likely to feel and think about what is being said. In fact, the most effective apologies are arguably those that have been agreed on with survivors, families of victims, or their representatives, and which address the future and not just the past. Th ey assure victims—and the rest of society—that victims were not at fault for what happened and emphasize common values shared by everyone in society. While apologies on their own cannot fully restore trust nor ever provide the full relief that victims and a society need to heal, they play an important role in giving meaning to reparations and promoting efforts to reform institutions and guarantee non-repetition of violations and can be an important step toward reconciliation, on the journey toward lasting peace.
Topic:
Transitional Justice, Reparations, Human Rights Violations, and Truth and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Global Focus

5298. From Principles to Practice: Challenges of Implementing Reparations for Massive Violations in Colombia

Author:
Cristian Correa
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
This report examines Colombia’s Victims and Land Restitution Law (2011), which provides comprehensive reparations to conflict victims and restitution to victims of forced displacement who rely on land for their livelihoods – and assesses the challenges of implementing the law under current conditions, which include widespread poverty and ongoing violence. The government has allocated an estimated USD $29 billion to pay for the program, but some question whether it is enough. Complexities in the law also make it difficult to translate principles into action. The report suggests that a more modest approach to providing reparations on a massive scale may be preferable to overselling an effort that continues to leave many victims waiting.
Topic:
Poverty, Displacement, Reparations, Human Rights Violations, and Forced Migration
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America

5299. From Rejection to Redress: Overcoming Legacies of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Northern Uganda

Author:
Virginie Ladisch
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
The conflicts in northern Uganda witnessed wide-scale perpetration of serious crimes, including murder, abduction, torture, forced displacement, forced recruitment, destruction of property, and various forms of sexual and gender-based violations, including rape, sexual slavery, and forced marriage. While considerable resources have been expended on humanitarian, recovery, and development programs in conflict-affected areas, the crimes committed during past conflicts by both rebels and state actors have not been accompanied by any significant measure of accountability, truth seeking, or acknowledgment by the state. In many respects, this absence of redress has poisoned the atmosphere in some communities with recrimination, resentment, and stigmatization, a problem which particularly affects children born of conflict-related sexual violence and their mothers. Considering the unique and enduring consequences of sexual and gender based violations, this report focuses specifically on the impact of the lack of accountability for sexual crimes that lead to motherhood. The rights of women who suffered conflict-related sexual violence and the children they bore as a result have largely been overlooked by the state; the violations they suffered remain unredressed. In response to this accountability gap, the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) conducted consultations across greater northern Uganda in April 2015 on the long-term challenges and unredressed justice needs of children born as a result of conflict-related sexual violence and of their mothers, in order to inform advocacy efforts that will contribute to acknowledgment, reparations, and justice for this category of victims. This report aims to capture the main issues that emerged from these consultations and offer policy recommendations on how these unmet justice needs could be addressed.
Topic:
Gender Based Violence, Transitional Justice, Conflict, Sexual Violence, and Youth Engagement
Political Geography:
Uganda and Africa

5300. Education and Transitional Justice: Opportunities and Challenges for Peacebuilding

Author:
Lucía Ramírez-Bolívar and Roger Duthie
Publication Date:
11-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
This report, part of a joint research project by ICTJ and UNICEF on the intersections of education, transitional justice, and peacebuilding, explores how a transitional justice framework can help to identify educational deficits relating to the logic of past conflict and/or repression and inform the reconstruction of the education sector. Drawing on comparative experiences from around the world, it looks at how formal and informal education can help facilitate the work of transitional justice measures and vice versa.
Topic:
Education, Reform, Institutions, Reparations, Peacebuilding, Truth and Reconciliation, and Youth Engagement
Political Geography:
Global Focus