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81. Cities for Living: Identity at Eye Level in Azerbaijan’s Urban Transformation

Author:
Emir Huseynov
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
Azerbaijan’s cities are changing at a pace that has few precedents in the country’s modern history. Today, approximately 57 percent of the national population lives in urban areas, with Baku accounting for nearly one quarter of the country’s inhabitants. Annual residential construction has more than doubled over the past decade, rising from approximately 1.6 million square meters in 2010 to nearly 3 million square meters by 2023. The State Agency for Housing Construction has delivered thousands of units under social housing programs, and reconstruction in the liberated areas of Karabakh and East Zangezur is producing entirely new settlements—among them those parts of Shusha that had been disfigured during the Soviet and Armenian occupation periods, where 389 hectares are being reorganized around heritage and community structure, and Aghdam, where a city for 100,000 residents is being planned from the ground up after having been systematically devastated during the occupation period. By any quantitative measure, urban transformation in Azerbaijan is sustained, organized, and accelerating. Yet the scale of what has been built does not by itself answer the deeper question of how it is lived. Decades of Soviet urbanism systematically subordinated local identity—the neighborhood, the street, the courtyard—to a standardized built environment designed to replace rather than reinforce community roots. The post‑Soviet transition that followed, necessarily focused on economic stabilization and market construction, left this dimension largely unaddressed. Azerbaijan’s Socio‑Economic Development Strategy for 2022‑2026 places strong emphasis on improving quality of life, expanding access to services, and achieving more balanced regional development. The strategy prioritizes the diversification of economic activity beyond Baku, investment in regional infrastructure, and the strengthening of social services across the country. Taken together, these priorities implicitly point to uneven conditions in how urban environments are experienced, where differences in accessibility, public space quality, and local infrastructure continue to shape everyday life across regions. Here, is can be noted that in its 2025 Country Strategy for Azerbaijan, the EBRD indicted that livability and domestic connectivity outside Baku remain underdeveloped. Growth has been organized. Its translation into environments where communities recognize themselves is less certain. This article examines Azerbaijan’s cities from the perspective of identity experienced at eye level—through housing streets in microdistricts, shared spaces in new residential clusters, and the daily rhythms of neighborhood life. It argues that the country’s next urban challenge is increasingly qualitative rather than purely quantitative: not only how much to build, but how urban environments perform over time. Drawing on housing patterns, planning frameworks, reconstruction strategies, and emerging examples of community‑centered renewal across the country, the article examines what urban policy should now address to ensure that Azerbaijan’s cities remain places to live as well as to develop.
Topic:
Development, Urbanization, and Cities
Political Geography:
Caucasus and Azerbaijan

82. Why Baku Needs to Adjust to a Global Polarized Reality

Author:
Jahangir E. Arasli
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
In the 35 years since the restoration of its national independence, Azerbaijan performed a spectacular ascending trajectory. Having overcome early troubles, the country restored its full territorial integrity and sovereignty, accelerated its pace of development, and firmly entrenched itself as a “keystone state” that commands international respect and credibility. All this was not the case at first. Armenia’s full‑scale military invasion of Azerbaijan that began in the late 1980s, and the subsequent occupation of a significant share of national territory, overshadowed the initial stages of Azerbaijan’s independence, projecting insecurity, hindering domestic development, and consuming efforts, treasure, and blood. Certainly, the liberation of the occupied territories emerged as the ultimate national goal and remained so for nearly three decades. Eventually, in 2020‑2023, Azerbaijan accomplished this mission through the application of all tools of national power (military, diplomatic, and economic). However, the accomplishment of that principal mission does not mean that the state can afford to be complacent. The system of threats, risks, and challenges to national security evolves continuously and rapidly in all parts of its spectrum, ranging from geopolitics to technology. The global system has entered into а profound and turbulent period of transformation. These changes include (but are not limited to) the relative decline of status quo powers and the rise of new assertive ones, shifts in international alignments and multipolarization, mounting strategic competition and hastening alliance‑building, durable conflicts and the erosion of respect for international law, and the growing impact of novel and potentially disruptive technologies. A fragmented constellation of competitive and issue‑based state groupings now supersedes the largely unipolar post‑Cold War global architecture. A stronger emphasis on hard power, transactionalism, the weaponization of the world economy and trade, the pursuit of control over resources and logistical routes, and the mounting factor of artificial intelligence are defining and driving geopolitics and international relations. These long‑term trends will shape security dynamics worldwide in the second half of this and, at a minimum, the entirety of the next decade. As the existing global order reaches its inflection point, generating greater chaos and risk, Azerbaijan must adapt its strategic behavior to the emergent post‑”rules‑based liberal international order” era of strategic transactionalism and the return of the utility of force. Therefore, this Baku Dialogues article seeks to conceptualize and frame Azerbaijan’s strategic posture within the evolving global and regional security environment and to assess its potential future trajectories.
Topic:
Territorial Disputes, Polarization, Regional Politics, and Regional Security
Political Geography:
Caucasus, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Baku, and Nagorno-Karabakh

83. The Concept of Inclusive Neighborhoods: Lessons from Vienna’s Mixed Housing Types

Author:
Silja Tillner
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
A historical overview of the development of the Viennese housing system provides the framework for understanding its current favorable situation, which draws many international experts eager to learn from the Vienna model. Since 1917, the Viennese housing model has evolved, with its core principles established in 1922. Even during times of financial difficulty, successive city governments resisted selling property and protected their municipal landholdings. Today, this gives the City of Vienna a significant advantage over other European cities that began selling municipal properties in the 1980s. The Viennese housing system was developed with the help of renowned architects, urban planners, and sociologists. They focused not only on designing functional and aesthetically pleasing individual buildings, but also on establishing neighborhoods with social, cultural, and technical infrastructure. This is an early version of today’s 15‑minute city concept, which advocates providing essential services within a 15‑minute walk. In the early twentieth century, the city had already envisioned establishing mixed districts with socially integrated communities by using land provision and zoning to ensure the fair distribution of social housing across the entire city. Today, the residents of Vienna benefit from the continuous stewardship and administration of Europe’s largest property manager, which is responsible for 1,800 housing complexes, 220,000 individual flats, and 5,500 business premises. In 2020, Vienna’s municipal housing celebrated its one hundredth anniversary whilst remaining true to its mission of providing affordable, high‑quality dwellings in mixed communities across the entire city for the majority of its population.
Topic:
Development, Cities, Housing, Inclusion, and Municipalities
Political Geography:
Europe, Austria, and Vienna

84. Housing at the Center: Rebuilding the Social Contract for Cities in a Fragmented World

Author:
Anacláudi Rossbach
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
As the world turns its attention to Baku in anticipation of the Thirteenth Session of the World Urban Forum (WEF13), a profound realization is taking hold across governments, institutions, and communities: the future of cities will be determined not only by how they grow, but by how they house their people. Across continents and contexts, housing has emerged as the defining challenge of our urban age. It sits at the intersection of inequality, climate change, economic instability, and social fragmentation. And yet, for decades, it has too often been treated as a sectoral issue—something to be addressed through discrete policies, market adjustments, or targeted programs. It is increasingly clear and consistently emphasized by UN‑Habitat that housing must be understood not as a standalone domain, but as the foundation of the entire urban system. The scale of the challenge is staggering. Over 2.8 billion people worldwide live in inadequate housing conditions. Hundreds of millions experience homelessness, often in forms that remain invisible in official statistics—people living in temporary shelters, overcrowded spaces, or precarious arrangements that offer little security or dignity. More than 1 billion people reside in informal settlements or slums, where access to basic services such as water, sanitation, and electricity is uncertain, and where tenure insecurity leaves communities vulnerable to eviction and displacement. In short, the housing crisis affects nearly 40 percent of the global population.
Topic:
Development, Inequality, Cities, and Housing
Political Geography:
Global Focus

85. Caspian Sea Water Level Decline: Drivers, Consequences, and Impacts on Littoral States

Author:
Vali Kaleji
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
Fluctuations in the water level of the Caspian Sea and the shoreline’s retreat are not new phenomena; they have happened repeatedly throughout the sea’s long history. My hometown is in Mazandaran Province on the southern coast of the Caspian in Iran, and I personally observed a significant rise in water levels after the Soviet Union’s implosion, during which many houses and coastal facilities were submerged. About thirty years later, I saw a notable retreat of the Caspian from its shores again. What is especially notable, however, is that the current rate of shoreline retreat—caused by a decline in the sea’s water level—is much greater than during previous historical periods. Scientific reports and empirical studies further support these observations. The average water level of the Caspian Sea has fluctuated over the past century, but has generally remained between 26 and 27 meters below the Baltic Sea level. According to the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea (signed in Aktau at the presidential level in August 2018), the sea level was officially set at ‑28 meters, meaning 28 meters below the level of the world’s oceans and open seas, using the Baltic Sea as the reference point for measuring fluctuations in the Caspian Sea. Specialists at the Volga–Caspian Fisheries Research Institute have reported that the Caspian Sea’s water level has dropped to more than 29 meters below the Baltic Sea (‑29 m), which serves as the standard reference system in Russia and several post‑Soviet states for measuring water levels in landlocked bodies of water.
Topic:
Environment, Natural Resources, and Water
Political Geography:
Iran, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Caspian Sea

86. Beyond Housing Provision for Baku: A Strategic Roadmap for Climate-Resilient Neighborhoods and Human Development

Author:
Deniz Ozge Aytac
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
Baku’s rapid urbanization is heightening pressure on housing, infrastructure, public services, and environmental systems. Recent reports point to a more complex urban condition shaped by affordability constraints, spatial mismatches, aging building stock, uneven neighborhood services, increased heat exposure, and declining ecological quality. Some of the effects of climate change worsen these issues, making it more urgent to adopt a policy approach that integrates the spatial, social, and environmental aspects of urban development. I argue in this article that urban policy in Baku should move beyond a narrow housing‑provision approach and adopt a climate‑resilient neighborhood concept as the primary unit of intervention. This is consistent with Azerbaijan’s broader development agenda, including Azerbaijan 2030, the Strategic Roadmap for Affordable Housing, the Baku Initiative on Human Development for Climate Resilience, and the ongoing efforts of UN‑Habitat and national institutions to make cities and communities more climate‑resilient. Taken together, these frameworks suggest that resilience should be understood not only in terms of infrastructure performance or emissions reduction, but as the capacity of people and places to sustain healthy, inclusive, safe, and adaptive urban life under changing socioeconomic and environmental conditions.
Topic:
Climate Change, Development, Urbanization, and Resilience
Political Geography:
Azerbaijan and Baku

87. Urban Redevelopment and Heritage from Below: Towards a Socially Inclusive Urban Policy

Author:
Bairam Akhundov and Leyla Sayfutdinova
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
Baku’s ultramodern skyline, marked by iconic architectural landmarks, has gained global recognition in recent decades. This transformation required significant investment not only in building new structures but also in beautifying and redeveloping urban spaces. While some of these projects took place in former industrial areas and public spaces, such as Baku White City and the expanded Seaside Park, others involved the redevelopment of existing residential neighborhoods. The transformation of former industrial brownfields did not cause many concerns, but the redevelopment of residential areas often met with resentment, contestation, and, at times, resistance. Displacement and conflicting views over heritage have frequently been key issues in these discussions. While the redevelopment and upgrading of dilapidated housing stock are necessary, such contestation can lead to social polarization and cleavage, and, if unaddressed, could produce fertile ground for social discontent. Against the backdrop of the ongoing transformation of the Bayir Shahar neighborhood in Baku, this article examines divergent views on heritage and urban redevelopment and argues for a more inclusive process of urban change.
Topic:
Development, Urbanization, Heritage, and Social Inclusion
Political Geography:
Caucasus, Azerbaijan, and Baku

88. The Role of the Middle Corridor in Eurasian Connectivity

Author:
Melina Torús
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
That part of the world that is still commonly referred to as “Eurasia” is characterized by its vast continental landmass, great diversity of natural and strategic resources, varied geography, and significant proportion of the global population. These features make it a prosperous area for trade and logistics. Large industrial centers and urban logistics hubs connect national, regional, and global markets. The Eurasian neighborhood is also home to major global and regional powers, including China, Russia, Iran, the European Union, and Türkiye, all of which have significant economic influence. In this context, connectivity has become a strategic resource and a foreign policy instrument. Multimodal corridors, which integrate various modes of transport such as rail, road and sea, are much more than mere transit routes. Growing competition between major powers and the vulnerability of supply chains have also marked a transition in international order, highlighting the importance of Eurasian corridors and alternative routes for global trade. Participation in and control of transport corridors can therefore become instruments of national power and influence. Historically, the Eurasian region has been connected by trade routes such as the Silk Road. However, these were nothing like the integrated transport corridors seen today. In addition to technological advances in transport, there is a greater degree of institutionalization today, which in turn strengthens cooperation between states. Faced with the challenge of connecting the vast Eurasian landmass, multiple corridors have emerged over time, each offering different geopolitical advantages, challenges and vulnerabilities. Initiatives such as the Northern Corridor, the International North‑South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Transport Corridor Europe‑Caucasus‑Asia (TRACECA), and the Middle Corridor are emerging in the region in response to the growing need for resilient and reliable supply chains and alternative trade routes in a context of international geopolitical tensions. Against this backdrop, the Middle Corridor is establishing itself as a viable alternative for trade between Asia and Europe. It offers multimodal transport options, diversifying routes and reducing reliance on corridors that are more vulnerable to geopolitical tensions. Since its launch in 2013, the Middle Corridor has established itself as a vital multimodal route connecting China and Central Asia with the Caucasus and Europe. It integrates road, rail, port, and digital infrastructure. As well as facilitating intercontinental trade, this corridor enables countries such as Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Kazakhstan to establish themselves as strategic logistics hubs and expand their influence in regional trade flows. Since its inception, progress has been made in legal harmonization, infrastructure modernization—especially to reduce bottlenecks—and the digitalization of processes along the corridor. In 2025, for example, the focus was on railway modernization, customs digitalization, and port expansion, reflecting a joint effort by intra‑ and extra‑regional actors to strengthen the corridor’s efficiency and resilience. These advances are taking place amid increased interest in the Middle Corridor, accentuated by geopolitical tensions in neighboring theaters, as reflected by the increased volume of cargo transported. To this end, regional cooperation is essential to ensure that this route is more resilient, reliable and attractive for international trade. This paper examines the role of the Middle Corridor in the context of supply chain reconfiguration and the key interests of those involved, such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Türkiye, the European Union, the United States, and China. The article is organized into five main sections. It begins by defining multimodal corridors and examining the importance of hard and soft infrastructure, as well as connectivity as a foreign policy tool. Then it analyses Eurasian corridors, identifying the chief land and multimodal routes, their history, and the associated advantages and challenges. Examples include the Northern Corridor, TRACECA, and the INSTC. Special emphasis is placed on the Middle Corridor, describing recent developments, infrastructure investments, and technological and operational advances that consolidate its operation. Moreover, the article addresses the interests of the involved parties, distinguishing between transit countries, users, and extra‑regional actors. It focuses particularly on China, the European Union, Türkiye, Azerbaijan, and the United States, and includes initiatives such as the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) in the South Caucasus. Finally, it concludes by , emphasizing the advantages that corridors offer for economic integration, regional cooperation, and diversifying trade routes. It also highlights the opportunities that corridors provide for intra‑ and extra‑regional actors within the Eurasian geopolitical context.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Infrastructure, Regional Integration, Transportation, and Strategic Competition
Political Geography:
Eurasia

89. Slipping Out of ‘Old Geopolitics’ Through TRIPP

Author:
Vasif Huseynov
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
For much of the post‑Cold War period, the South Caucasus was shaped by a distinct geopolitical logic in which unresolved conflicts functioned as instruments of external influence, connectivity was constrained, and stability was underpinned by interim security mechanisms and contested political arrangements, not by durable peace agreements. This old geopolitics did not seek resolution; it sought control. Frozen or semi‑frozen conflicts allowed external actors—above all Russia—to arbitrate outcomes, limit regional autonomy, and preserve leverage by keeping borders politically charged and economically inert. Order was produced not through integration or enforcement, but through managed ambiguity. The erosion of the old geopolitical order did not occur suddenly, nor has it unfolded uniformly across the region. It began in earnest in 2020, when Azerbaijan fundamentally altered the regional balance of power by liberating its internationally recognized territories that had been under Armenian occupation for nearly three decades. For the first time since the early 1990s, one of the central pillars of the South Caucasus’s old geopolitical order—territorial conflicts sustained by external oversight—was dismantled through local agency rather than external arbitration. This shift deepened in September 2023, when Azerbaijan brought an end to the Russia‑backed separatist entity in Karabakh, eliminating the last institutional remnant of the unresolved‑conflict paradigm in Armenia‑Azerbaijan relations. The withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Karabakh in May 2024 confirmed the strategic significance of this moment. This marked a turning point not only in the Armenia‑Azerbaijan conflict but in the wider regional balance of influence. Old geopolitics, however, has not disappeared entirely from the South Caucasus. The Georgia‑Russia conflict remains governed by old rules (i.e., military occupation, external veto power, and frozen political arrangements) and stands as one of the last strongholds of the former order in the region. It is against this backdrop that the qualitatively new character of the normalization process between Armenia and Azerbaijan must be understood. Freed from the constraints of frozen conflict management, the two states have increasingly prioritized peacebuilding, connectivity, and economic cooperation. This transformation reached a further milestone at the August 2025 White House summit of the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders, when the two countries reached an agreement on one of the most contested issues of the post‑war period: the Zangezur Corridor, a transport route intended to connect mainland Azerbaijan with its Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic through Armenia’s Syunik region. The corridor’s establishment was formalized under the framework of the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), with the United States assuming a direct role in its infrastructural arrangements. By embedding regional connectivity within a U.S.‑backed infrastructural framework, the TRIPP agreement effectively shifted the role of external guarantor along the corridor through Armenian territory from Russia to the United States. The reactions of Russia and Iran to the TRIPP agreement demonstrated that the South Caucasus is not entering a post‑geopolitical era. However, developments between Armenia and Azerbaijan, together with the altered geopolitical context, indicate that the region is steadily, though slowly, moving away from the older order. The most consequential conflict in the region has been resolved, and the post‑war normalization process is increasingly managed through infrastructure, legal frameworks, and reciprocal commitments that reshape incentives on the ground. While old geopolitics persists in one part of the region (e.g., the Russia‑Georgia conflict), it no longer defines the dominant trajectory of regional order.
Topic:
Geopolitics, Normalization, and Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP)
Political Geography:
Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, South Caucasus, United States of America, and Nagorno-Karabakh

90. From Karabakh to Connectivity: The Zangezur Concept and the Remaking of Power in the South Caucasus

Author:
Onur İşçi
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
In recent years, few words have acquired as much political weight in the South Caucasus as “corridor.” Once a largely technical term associated with infrastructure planning and trade routes, it has become shorthand for far broader debates about power, sovereignty, and regional order. Among these stands out the proposed Zangezur Corridor—with discourse now increasingly centered on the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP)—not because it is unprecedented, but because of what it represents in a rapidly transforming geopolitical environment. At first glance, the idea appears straightforward: a transport link connecting mainland Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave through the southern Armenia region of Syunik (the Azerbaijani term for this region is Zangezur, hence the moniker), thereby creating a more direct land route between Azerbaijan and Türkiye (in contradistinction to two more circuitous ones, south via Iran and north via Georgia). Framed narrowly, this is a question of logistics, transit fees, customs arrangements, and infrastructure security. Framed correctly, however, the Zangezur concept is something else entirely. It is a test case for how connectivity reshapes power relations in the post‑Soviet space—and for whether the South Caucasus can move from a history of frozen conflicts toward a model of managed competition and pragmatic cooperation. The Zangezur concept is a test case for how connectivity reshapes power relations in the Silk Road region and for whether the South Caucasus can move toward a model of managed competition and pragmatic cooperation. The renewed focus on the Zangezur Corridor is inseparable from the post‑2020 regional landscape. The Second Karabakh War did not merely alter borders or military balances; it disrupted longstanding assumptions about immobility in the South Caucasus. For decades, the region had been defined by closed borders, interrupted transport routes, and unresolved disputes treated as permanent fixtures rather than temporary conditions. The Second Karabakh War—and the diplomatic processes that followed—forced all regional actors to confront a new reality: connectivity was no longer optional, and isolation was no longer sustainable. Yet it would be a mistake to view the Zangezur Corridor debate simply as a linear outcome of the end of the territorial conflict over Karabakh and the resulting Armenia‑Azerbaijan peace process. The corridor has gained prominence because it sits at the intersection of several overlapping trends. One is the growing centrality of geoeconomics in regional politics, where access, transit, and logistics increasingly matter as much as formal alliances. Another is the gradual redefinition of sovereignty in a world where states seek not absolute control, but strategic autonomy—the ability to make choices without excessive dependence on any single external power. Seen through this lens, the Zangezur Corridor issue is less about shortening distances than about recalibrating relationships. For Azerbaijan, it promises to consolidate territorial connectivity while reinforcing its role as an indispensable regional hub linking the Caspian basin to Anatolia and beyond. For Türkiye, it offers a tangible extension of its long‑articulated vision of deeper engagement with the South Caucasus and Central Asia—one grounded not in ideology, but in infrastructure and interdependence. Together, these dynamics elevate the Türkiye‑Azerbaijan relationship from a close bilateral partnership into a regional structuring force.
Topic:
Geopolitics, Trade, Connectivity, and Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP)
Political Geography:
Turkey, Azerbaijan, South Caucasus, and Nagorno-Karabakh

91. Divergent Paths in the South Caucasus: Strategy, Survival, Retreat

Author:
Laura Linderman
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
When President Donald Trump welcomed Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev to the White House in August 2025, the ceremony celebrated more than just the hope that decades of conflict between the two neighboring states might finally be coming to an end. The agreement initialed that day, which grants the United States long‑term development rights to a transit corridor ambitiously named the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), marked a watershed moment in the geopolitics of the South Caucasus. For the first time in modern history, a major peace process in the region had bypassed Moscow entirely in favor of Western mediation. Yet the TRIPP agreement’s deeper significance lies not in American diplomatic triumph, but in what it reveals about a regional transformation—and the limits of that transformation. Russia’s war in Ukraine has created a window of opportunity for the South Caucasus, a moment when Moscow’s strategic distraction has given regional states unprecedented room to maneuver. The question is not whether this window exists, it clearly does, but how long it will remain open, and which states have the capacity to exploit it before it closes. The answers vary dramatically. The South Caucasus has moved from what Zbigniew Brzezinski famously called the “grand chessboard,” where great powers moved regional states as pawns, to what Svante E. Cornell and Damjan Krnjević Mišković describe in the introduction to their edited volume, titled After Karabakh: War, Peace, and the forging of a New Caucasus (2025), as a “card table,” where each state holds its own sovereign hand of playing cards. But not all hands are equal. Azerbaijan sits at the card table with a strong hand, leveraging energy resources, geographic indispensability, and military victory to extract value from multiple powers simultaneously. Armenia plays a weak hand the best it can under the circumstances, having initiated much of the TRIPP process to escape isolation and avoid being further diminished by Azerbaijan; a survival strategy, but a strategy nonetheless. And one could say that it looks as if Georgia has lit its best cards on fire or eaten them, with its government seemingly choosing preservation over strategic opportunity. The scene at the metaphorical card table after the most recent hand has been dealt is not, as some Western commentators have assumed, a straightforward regional pivot away from Russia toward the West. Nor is it the emergence of a coherent new form of sovereignty. It is something messier: three states responding to the same geopolitical shock with radically different resources, constraints, and choices. The West has increasingly set aside the post‑Cold War vision of liberal internationalism, with its emphasis on open markets, multilateral institutions, and shared sovereignty, in favor of a more transactional approach to statecraft. States the world over, including Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, are adapting to this reality, but adaptation looks very different depending on whether you’re negotiating from strength or desperation.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Geopolitics, International Order, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and South Caucasus

92. The Corridor Changing Eurasia: Connectivity, Sovereignty, and the Strategic Awakening of the Trans-Caspian Region

Author:
Eric Rudenshiold
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
Since (re‑)gaining independence from the Soviet Union, the countries of Central Asia and the South Caucasus have been perceived by and large as flyover states of marginal interest. They were framed in geopolitical dialogue as peripheries or regions whose importance largely derived from adjacency rather than agency—from whom they bordered rather than what roles they could play. Especially in Western policy discourse, they were generally described as buffers or backyards, almost never as strategic actors in their own right. That framing is grossly outdated. Over the past four years or so, what has been unfolding in Central Asia and the South Caucasus is not simply a shift in trade routing or a reaction to Russia’s war in Ukraine. Instead, it is a deep structural reordering of Eurasia’s political economy that is in parts driven by generational change, unfettered economic ambition, and recalibrations of sovereignty. At the center of this transformation is the Middle Corridor, stretching from Central Asia across the Caspian and through the South Caucasus to Türkiye and Europe. Once a peripheral notion, it is now central to the entire region’s growth. No longer aspirational, the Middle Corridor has become a strategic instrument that binds roads, rails, ports, and policy into a single, multimodal system—one that extends beyond transportation to questions of power, choice, and sovereignty. The resulting whole is proving greater than the sum of its parts. The catalyst for this shift was crisis. When Russia invaded Ukraine for the second time in 2022, the resulting international sanctions regime effectively closed Central Asia’s licit access to the northern transport corridor that transits Russian territory. The resulting disruption derailed most of the region’s trade and exposed long‑tolerated structural vulnerabilities and dependence on Soviet‑era infrastructure still zealously controlled by Moscow. The shock and resulting transport vacuum forced Central Asian leaders to do three things. One, to make tectonic decisions that reoriented commercial and geopolitical linkages; two, to engage more pliable diplomatic postures; and three, to accelerate alternatives that had previously advanced only incrementally.
Topic:
Sovereignty, Infrastructure, Sanctions, and Connectivity
Political Geography:
Central Asia, Eurasia, and South Caucasus

93. From Conflict Zones to Supply Chain Zones: Critical Raw Materials and the Reconfiguration of Global Power

Author:
Han Ilhan
Publication Date:
01-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Baku Dialogues
Institution:
ADA University
Abstract:
The international system is entering a period of heightened fragmentation and strategic realignment. Economic security, supply chain resilience, and industrial competitiveness are increasingly central to national strategy. Within this evolving landscape, critical raw materials (CRMs) have moved from the margins of industrial policy to the center of geopolitical and geo‑economic planning. CRMs are foundational not only to the energy “transition,” but also to advanced manufacturing, digital infrastructure, aerospace systems, and defense technologies. Their strategic relevance derives from both their functional indispensability and the concentration of processing capacity within a limited number of jurisdictions. In several key mineral value chains, supply exposure remains highly concentrated, resulting in vulnerabilities for advanced economies whose industrial bases depend on secure and predictable access. As a result, diversification of supply has become a policy priority across multiple demand‑side economies. Yet the implications of CRMs extend beyond industrial competitiveness. The geography of CRM production and processing intersects with regions historically shaped by political tension, limited economic integration, and uneven development. As global supply chains are reconfigured, CRMs have the potential either to reinforce geopolitical rivalry or to anchor new forms of economic interdependence. Whether CRMs become instruments of intensified competition or foundations of structural stability will depend not only on resource endowment, but on the architecture of cooperation between supply‑side and demand‑side economies. The defining question is therefore not simply who controls resources, but how capital, technology, and long‑term strategy are aligned around them. Understanding the evolving global CRMs landscape requires examining both the policy responses of advanced economies and the institutional models that have shaped the current concentration of supply.
Topic:
Geopolitics, Supply Chains, International System, Raw Materials, and Energy Transition
Political Geography:
Global Focus

94. Environmental and Conflict Displacement: Pathways to Sustainable Peace in East Asia and Incheon

Author:
Yonbeen Cho
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
East Asia faces simultaneous pressures from environmental degradation and conflict-driven displacement, both of which have become defining challenges for long-term regional stability. Rising sea levels, intensifying typhoons, and floods are contributing to the rapid growth of environmentally displaced populations, while unresolved geopolitical tensions continue to drive conflict-induced migration. Incheon, a coastal city mainly built on reclaimed tidal flats, exemplifies both the risks associated with climate change and the potential for leadership in regional resilience policy. This study analyzes the structural and human security implications of displacement in East Asia and argues that integrated governance, climate adaptation, and inclusive peacebuilding strategies are essential to mitigating humanitarian risks. By examining theoretical frameworks, regional case studies, and Incheon’s institutional capacity, this paper identifies recommendations to enhance long-term resilience and contribute to sustainable peace.
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, Displacement, Human Security, Resilience, Armed Conflict, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:
Asia and Incheon

95. Invisible Diaspora Among Koryo-saram Third Culture Kids (TCKs)

Author:
Hayoung Hwang
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
This paper explores the shifting paradigm of security in the era of globalization, emphasizing the limitations of traditional state-centric models in addressing the needs of marginalized diaspora communities. Focusing on Korean Third Culture Kids (TCKs), particularly the Koryosaram in post-Soviet regions, it examines how double marginalization, unstable cultural identity, and a lack of institutional support shape their human, cultural, and community security experiences. By analyzing existing studies and policy frameworks, the study highlights the insufficient recognition and protection of these groups within Korea’s diaspora policy. The paper argues for an expanded understanding of security that encompasses identity, cultural cohesion, and community belonging for diaspora youth, presenting recommendations for more inclusive policy measures to strengthen the security and integration of TCKs as vital contributors to Korea’s global network.
Topic:
Migration, Diaspora, Culture, Human Security, Identity, Third Culture Kids, and Social Belonging
Political Geography:
Korea and Global Focus

96. Foreword: Rising Voices for Peace and Security: Reflections on the Next Generation of Changemakers

Author:
Roland B. Wilson
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
The papers in this issue reflect the remarkable potential of a new generation of student-scholars whose voices increasingly signal a shift in how peace and security may be imagined on the Korean Peninsula and across East Asia. Mentoring undergraduate volunteers who prepared original research for the 2025 Incheon International Peace and Security Forum revealed a depth of curiosity, courage, and analytical maturity that challenges prevailing assumptions about today’s youth. While public discourse often characterizes younger cohorts as digitally absorbed, civically detached, or emotionally strained, with evidence of declining motivation, rising unemployment, and worsening mental-health indicators across many societies, the broader picture is far more complex. Even amid heightened anxiety and institutional mistrust, many Gen Z and Millennial students are demonstrating a renewed commitment to purpose, valuesdriven action, and prosocial engagement. International polling and global initiatives, including Youth2030, continue to document thousands of youth-led efforts advancing the public good, from climate resilience and cybersecurity to peacebuilding and community service.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Politics, Diaspora, Geopolitics, Polarization, and Middle Powers
Political Geography:
Asia, South Korea, and North Korea

97. Between Giants: Strategic Autonomy for East Asia’s Middle Powers in the U.S.–China Rivalry

Author:
Yoochan Kong
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
The intensifying rivalry between the United States and China places South Korea in a delicate strategic position where great-power competition pushes Seoul to choose sides. However, the concept of strategic autonomy shows that middle powers can still navigate a narrow but meaningful path of agency. This paper focuses on how South Korea can sustain strategic autonomy amid U.S.–China rivalry by recalibrating its alliance with the United States, protecting itself from Chinese economic and political coercion, and diversifying partnerships in security, technology, and diplomacy. The central research question asks how South Korea can strengthen its autonomy while managing asymmetric dependence on the United States and growing vulnerability to China. Drawing on historical alliances, the THAAD deployment, and debates over technology alliances, the paper argues that autonomy is not neutrality but, rather, proactive leadership, institutional resilience, and a commitment to democratic values. By doing so, South Korea can shift from a reactive state to a proactive actor shaping a regional order based on freedom and stability.
Topic:
Cold War, Economics, Science and Technology, Alliance, Rivalry, Strategic Autonomy, Coercion, Middle Powers, and Conflict Analysis
Political Geography:
China, Asia, South Korea, and United States of America

98. Beyond Laughter: How Political Memes Can Threaten Peace in South Korea

Author:
Shin Mo
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
This paper examines political memes as a hybrid phenomenon at the intersection of media culture and political discourse. From a communication studies perspective, memes function as cultural texts that condense complex issues into shareable, humorous, and symbolic narratives, shaping how citizens interpret events and political actors in digital spaces. From a political science perspective, memes also serve as tools of mobilization, identity formation, and contestation, amplifying grassroots activism while potentially fueling polarization and disinformation. Drawing on interdisciplinary scholarship and comparative examples, the analysis demonstrates how memes operate simultaneously as vehicles of satire, instruments of influence, and reflections of public sentiment. The paper argues that political memes are not trivial byproducts of online culture, but significant agents shaping political communication and democratic engagement in the digital era. It also highlights the potential role of Incheon and local academic institutions as important sites for researching, contextualizing, and educating about the political functions of memes in democratic and cross-cultural settings.
Topic:
Politics, Youth, Digital Culture, Polarization, Memes, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Asia and South Korea

99. Relieving Borders: Youth, Soft Power, and the New Diplomacy for Peace in Korea

Author:
Suyoung (Sarina) Oh
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
Despite decades of summits, declarations, and symbolic gestures, the Korean Peninsula remains ideologically divided and militarized. Traditional diplomacy has struggled under cycles of hope and disappointment, constrained by entrenched geopolitical realities and threat-based discourse. This paper argues that youth participation, cultural exchange, and soft power represent an emerging form of “new diplomacy,” a concept advanced in the field of peace and conflict resolution. This approach emphasizes positive and sustained forms of both direct and indirect contact, through cultural media, inter-Korean exchanges, and youth-driven initiatives, that reshape perceptions and identities beyond formal negotiations. Incheon, with its global networks and institutions, is highlighted as a strategic cultural gateway for fostering such exchanges. By analyzing cultural diplomacy, defector narratives, and peace education initiatives, the paper suggests that meaningful progress toward peace may be less about treaties and more about cultivating shared emotions, narratives, and imagination across borders.
Topic:
Youth, Soft Power, Borders, and Cultural Diplomacy
Political Geography:
Asia, South Korea, North Korea, and Korea

100. The Case for Cybersecurity Cooperation in Northeast Asia: Songdo, Korea as a Minilateralist Model

Author:
Hyunwoo Jo
Publication Date:
04-2026
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
This paper examines the prospects for cybersecurity cooperation in Northeast Asia, where intensifying cyber dependencies intersect with great power rivalry. While claims of a “new era of warfare” are often overstated, cybercrime targeting private sectors has become increasingly widespread, and sophisticated attacks on critical infrastructure remain a pressing concern. Despite skepticism toward global “tech alliances,” minilateral cooperation offers a more pragmatic path for trust-building and information sharing. This study addresses two central questions: Can Northeast Asian middle powers foster meaningful cybersecurity cooperation despite great power tensions? And how can Korea, through Songdo, Incheon, leverage its technological capacity and middle-power identity to establish a regional cybersecurity hub? By exploring these questions, the paper highlights the potential of Songdo as a platform for shaping norms and advancing security governance in the cyber domain.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Cybersecurity, Collaboration, Minilateralism, and Middle Powers
Political Geography:
Asia and Korea