Topic: Foreign Policy / Content Type: Journal Article

51. India: Strategic Partner or Global Challenger?

Author:: Keith McCormick
Publication Date:: 02-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: This article provides the highlights of the discussions at this year’s DACOR (Diplomatic and Consular Officers Retired) conference on how the US should deal with a rising India. The participants—academics, retired diplomats, and current government officials—participated on the basis of no attribution. The three panels discussed whether India can be a new strategic partner for the US in containing China; how the US. should respond to the Modi government’s increasing use of Hindu chauvinism to undermine democracy and tolerance; and what is ahead for India’s economy, including whether it will become the leader of the Global South in challenging the current, Western-dominated international trading order.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Economy, Trade, and Strategic Partnerships
Political Geography:: China, South Asia, and India

52. How to Fix the Peace Corps

Author:: Thomas Brodey
Publication Date:: 02-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: With its small budget and secluded work, the United States Peace Corps is one of the least conspicuous arms of US foreign policy. Yet the agency, originally founded in 1961 as a way for Americans to work on community development abroad, still exerts a major influence. In many developing countries, such as Madagascar, where I served, volunteers are most people’s only exposure to American diplomacy. And for those volunteers who complete service, the Peace Corps is a proven path into the Foreign Service and foreign policy establishment. Despite its apparent stability, however, the Peace Corps is currently facing two of its largest challenges in decades, one acute and one long-term.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, and Peace Corps
Political Geography:: North America, Madagascar, and United States of America

53. Iran: A Report on the DACOR Bacon Foundation’s 2025 Annual Conference

Author:: Keith McCormick
Publication Date:: 11-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: The DACOR Bacon House Foundation’s 2025 Annual Conference, held on September 12, focused on Iran. The conference brought together academics, former diplomats, and policy activists to analyze the new situation facing Iran in the Middle East after a string of military setbacks, and the prospects for diplomacy with the United States. A list of participants is appended to this article.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Demographics, Diplomacy, Environment, Human Rights, Sanctions, and Ideology
Political Geography:: Iran, Middle East, and United States of America

54. History Matters

Author:: Robert Hunter
Publication Date:: 11-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: History matters. So does ignoring it. These truisms play a major role in the mess that US foreign policy is in now. Americans’ playing down of history and related critical analysis began late in the Cold War. Indeed, by then, basic strategic thinking that was needed to manage the balance of terror with the Soviet Union had long since been done.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Cold War, Diplomacy, History, and Soviet Union
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

55. Funding in the Shadow of Conflict: AIPAC’s Financial Influence on US Congress Post-2023 Israel-Hamas War

Author:: Ömer Naim Küçük
Publication Date:: 06-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) has been a key player in mobilizing support for Israel’s foreign policy within the US Congress, especially during regional conflicts. While studies have examined the influence of the pro-Israeli lobbies’ donations on US policymakers, the strategic allocation of these funds remains less explored. This study addresses that gap by analyzing factors that influenced variations in AIPAC donations to US Congress members following the 2023 Israel-Hamas war. The findings reveal two main determinants: Congress members' sponsorship of pro-Israel bills and the electoral competition in their constituencies. Those actively supporting pro-Israel legislation receive more financial contributions, indicating a link between legislative support and financial incentives. Additionally, members facing strong electoral competition attract more donations, suggesting AIPAC’s targeted investment in politically secure candidates. This research highlights how the Israeli lobby strategically uses financial contributions to shape US foreign policy, particularly in the context of Israel's military engagements.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Elections, Lobbying, Congress, Foreign Influence, 2023 Gaza War, and AIPAC
Political Geography:: Israel, Palestine, Gaza, North America, and United States of America

56. Saudi Arabia’s Geopolitical Influence in West Africa: Opportunities and Challenges

Author:: Mouhamed Bachir Diop
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
Institution:: Sakarya University (SAU)
Abstract:: Throughout history, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has maintained close relations in Africa. The significance of Saudi-African relations has grown alongside the political evolution that directly and indirectly affected both parties' internal and regional stages. Due to its substantial political influence on the continent, West Africa is characterized as a zone of competition among various powers. Opportunities and challenges vary for several reasons, including the distinct characteristics and capacities of the rival powers in the West African region. In light of multilateral international rivalry, this article aims to assess Saudi Arabia's impact on West Africa, while exploring potential prospects and obstacles. It examines the different points of contention, which the majority of research on this topic is based on. The findings resulted from a thorough representation of the potential for future interactions between the two parties. The article scrutinizes the effectiveness of the old approaches adopted by the Saudi kingdom with regard to the new realities represented by the competition between major and middle powers in the region.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Strategic Competition, Middle Power, and Rivalry
Political Geography:: Middle East, Saudi Arabia, and West Africa

57. “Do Not Come”: The US Root Causes Strategy and the Co-optation of the Right to Stay

Author:: Jesús M. de la Torre, Brenda Peralta, and Karla Rivas
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal on Migration and Human Security
Institution:: Center for Migration Studies of New York
Abstract:: In 2021, the United States unveiled the Strategy for Addressing the Root Causes of Migration in Central America (“Root Causes Strategy” or “the Strategy”) to improve living conditions in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala as a means to prevent future migration to the US-Mexico border. Through a combination of foreign policy tools and public-private investment, the US administration focused on enhancing economic, security, and governance conditions in the region. Although the Root Causes Strategy has received scrutiny in light of broader research on policies to address the root causes of migration, more attention is needed from the perspective of communities that these strategies target. Therefore, this article assesses the Root Causes Strategy’s alignment with Northern Central American communities’ plans to ensure their right to stay and thrive. It explores three areas of inquiry: the Strategy’s provision of formal engagement and participation mechanisms for local communities; the Strategy’s alignment with local communities’ priorities to ensure their right to stay; and the Strategy’s respect for local communities’ right to migrate in relation to their right to stay according to local projects of thriving. Through critical policy analysis, relying on primary governmental sources and secondary sources on the lived experience of communities in the region, the article argues that the Root Causes Strategy co-opted communities’ right to stay for three reasons. First, Northern Central American communities’ notions of their right to stay were sidelined. Communities did not have a formal role in the design and implementation of the Strategy, which lacked transparency and accountability mechanisms. Second, the Root Causes Strategy did not align its tools with communities’ notions of thriving. Private investments lacked sufficient labor, environmental and human rights protection, and oversight mechanisms to ensure they would not result in more displacement. Funding structures and processes failed to significantly expand access by local communities in support of grass-roots community projects. The US targeted sanctions for human rights violations and corruption followed communities’ cues in some countries and occasions while neglecting them in others. Third, the United States used its root causes policy to justify a restricted notion of the right to migrate. The US administration utilized its root causes policy and the widening of some insufficient legal migration pathways to justify and advance US border externalization policies and limit access to asylum at the US-Mexico border. The paper concludes with policy recommendations for the US administration, the US Congress, and civil society in Central America, Mexico, and the United States. It recommends delinking root causes of migration strategies from the goal of reducing migration to the donor country and foregrounding communities’ participation and perspectives before, during, and after the implementation of root causes policies.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Development, Investment, and Immigration Policy
Political Geography:: Central America, North America, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, and United States of America

58. U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan's Strategy

Author:: Abdul Ghafoor, Mirwais Kasi, and Umbreen Javaid
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: South Asian Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: This paper discusses US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its political-economic consequences on Pakistan in a changing regional environment. It underscores the U.S.-Pakistan-Afghanistan relations after 9/11 which started in the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, in operation enduring freedom on allegations that Taliban harbored Osama bin Laden. His subsequent demise in the year 2011 in Abbottabad, Pakistan, aggravated regional intricacies. Presidents of the United States Barack Obama and Donald Trump progressively sought troop withdrawal, which eventually saw the last withdrawal, August 21, 2021. The study examines the strategic and political-economic reactions of Pakistan especially its strategic depth seeking in Afghanistan. It also evaluates the potential of Pakistan to stabilize and contribute towards the political economy of Afghanistan. The methodology of the study is qualitative content analysis, with the help of NVivo-14 software. Under the Rational Choice Theory, the study examines the decision-making processes of states such as Pakistan to make strategic choices through cost-benefit analysis to navigate the region and enjoy the best avenue to foreign policy choices.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Political Economy, Military, and Rational Choice Theory
Political Geography:: Pakistan, Afghanistan, South Asia, North America, and United States of America

59. Foreign Policy of China: Pursuing the Resources in Afghanistan

Author:: Naqibullah Mashwani
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: South Asian Studies
Institution:: Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:: China, a major power playing the peripheral diplomacy to bring developing countries to a table of dialogues, negotiations and international conferences to express their interests and form new relations.Thus, it has always been friendly and supportive to Afghanistan; providing humanitarian aid, investing in infrastructure, and extracting natural resources. However, China spent more on the minerals of Afghanistan during the new acting government than in the previous government. China was not deeply involved economically with the former government though they had signed some significant agreements.This was also one of the reasons China did not resist and took part in the 20 years long war in Afghanistan, instead, China supported, hosted and mediated Taliban. After the fall of Kabul and the return of the Taliban, China turned its policy and filled the vacuum, gave them de facto recognition and backed them in terms of security and economic development. This paper deeply explores the foreign policy of China towards Afghanistan and how they invested in extracting natural resources, infrastructure and tightened major economic agreements with the Taliban and contributed to the internal security and stability.China, a pioneer in oil extraction in Afghanistan has signed significant agreements and contracts with the interim government of Afghanistan for mineral extraction and refinery development.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Natural Resources, and Taliban
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, and Asia

60. The Politics of USAID

Author:: Cheryl Kamin
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:: Cheryl Kamin is a senior independent international health consultant. She most recently served as a Senior Infectious Disease Advisor (2018-2024) with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in the Bureau for Global Health’s Office of Infectious Diseases. She is a retired USAID Foreign Service Health Officer and has worked in the USAID Washington headquarters and overseas in USAID offices in Malawi, Russia, and Israel (working on the West Bank/Gaza portfolio). Kamin has extensive experience managing international maternal and child health programs and infectious disease prevention efforts focused on HIV/AIDS, TB, malaria, and emerging threats of global health security. Prior to serving as a Foreign Service Officer, Kamin worked with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. She was a Peace Corps volunteer in Niger and has a Master’s degree in Public Policy from the University of Michigan.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Foreign Aid, Interview, and USAID
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

61. Germany's Special Relationship with Israel and the Recent Gaza War

Author:: Müge Aknur and İbrahim Saylan
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: German foreign policy towards Israel has been shaped by its historical and moral responsibility stemming from the Holocaust, with German governments creating a special relationship with Israel as a fundamental aspect of the post-war German national role conception. Germany has also assigned itself the role of a protector of Israel and committed to ensuring Israel’s security as a component of Germany’s reason of state (Staatsraison). Although this support has not been absolute or limitless and Germany has, as a founding member of the European Union, aligned its foreign policies with other European countries, this special relationship has nonetheless significantly influenced German foreign policy, particularly concerning the Palestine-Israel conflict. The catastrophic Gaza war that started in October 2023 has once again tested Germany’s special relationship with Israel. Despite substantial casualties on the Palestinian side, Germany has given strong support to Israel by affirming its right to self-defense, endorsing Israel in UN resolutions, increasing its arms exports to Israel, and supporting Israel in the international arena. However, these policies have jeopardized Germany’s international image and provoked extensive criticisms of moral and strategic blindness. This article seeks to analyze the impact of the special relationship and Staatsräson on Germany’s foreign policy towards the recent Gaza war, using Kalevi Holsti’s (1970) national role conception as a conceptual framework. While not unconditional and unlimited, the recent Gaza War demonstrates that Germany’s special relationship with Israel, which has been strengthened and deepened over decades, remains intact, even in the face of harsh criticism.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Role Conceptions, 2023 Gaza War, and Staatsraison
Political Geography:: Europe, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, and Germany

62. Examining the Cyprus Issue through the Lens of the EU’s Periodic Progress Reports on Türkiye

Author:: Yusuf Avar
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: This study tries to comprehend and evaluate the significance of the Cyprus problem in Türkiye’s relations with the EU. In this sense, it aims to ascertain any potential shifts in the EU’s stance towards Cyprus and to elucidate the specific issues that the EU prioritized across several periods. Therefore, the EU’s 1998-2024 (except one not prepared in 2017) progress reports have undergone content analysis. It has been observed that the Cyprus issue has been discussed in every report and this situation proves how much the EU has given its importance to the issue. Within this framework, the concept of bottom-up Europeanization has been employed as a conceptual framework to explain the EU’s stance on the Cyprus issue. It is apparent that the Greek Cyprus, with Greece’s assistance, effectively transferred the Cyprus issue to the EU level, and no EU reports criticize Greece or the Greek Cyprus for their problem-solving efforts. Rather, most reports state that Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots are the primary causes of the issue.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Territorial Disputes, and European Union
Political Geography:: Europe, Turkey, Middle East, Greece, and Cyprus

63. Turkish Foreign Policy in 2020s: Designed for a "Gentle Giant"?

Author:: Emre Kalay
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: Türkiye does not refrain from utilizing its hard power components to influence the conjecture in its region in the 2020s. The utilizing of hard power instruments has different levels: producing and providing military equipment to one side of the conflict as in the Ukrainian case; in addition to producing and providing military equipment, providing technical assistance as in the Nagorno-Karabakh issue and Libya; using military power to confront, standoff and deter other parties as in Eastern Mediterranean question and, conducting extraterritorial military operations as in Syria case. What makes Türkiye a gentle giant is what comes with/after the utilization of hard power. If Türkiye’s interests are considered to be satisfied with/after the usage of hard power, Turkish foreign policy starts to send messages towards peace and prosperity in the region. By doing so, it tries to ensure the countries in question that Türkiye has no interest in further violent conflict or has the ambition to violate their sovereignty.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Strategic Interests, and Hard Power
Political Geography:: Turkey, Ukraine, Middle East, Syria, and Nagorno-Karabakh

64. Moscow’s African relations: Unveiling Russia’s strategy in Africa and its impact on global politics

Author:: Seun Bamidele
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: This paper aims to investigate Russia’s growing involvement in African affairs and understand how its actions are shaped by broader geopolitical calculations. The research also seeks to assess the implications of this engagement for global peace and security. To achieve these objectives, the study employs case studies and geopolitical analysis as its primary methodological tools. It focuses on key African regions -North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sahel region to examine Russia’s strategic goals and how they are pursued through specific initiatives and partnerships. This approach allows for a nuanced understanding of the regional variations and broader patterns in Russia’s African strategy. The findings reveal that over the past decade, Russia has significantly expanded its presence in Africa through a multifaceted strategy, which includes economic investments, military cooperation, and diplomatic outreach. By analysing Russia’s activities in the areas such as natural resource investments, military alliances, and political partnerships, the study identifies a clear alignment between Russia’s regional actions and global geopolitical ambitions. These engagements underscore a deliberate effort by Russia to reassert itself as a global power while reshaping the balance of influence in Africa. The study concludes that Russia’s strategic calculus in Africa is complex and deeply intertwined with its broader foreign policy goals. Its growing influence on the continent has significant implications for Africa’s political and economic development, as well as for international relations, in broad terms. By offering a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s strategies, the study enhances our understanding of the evolving dynamics of global power competition and the shifting geopolitical landscape.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, International Security, Geopolitics, and Regional Stability
Political Geography:: Africa and Russia

65. Anchoring NATO’s eastern flank: A neoclassical realist analysis of Romania’s Black Sea policy and its strategic interaction with Turkey

Author:: Zoltán Lechner
Publication Date:: 09-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: This study addresses two specific objectives. First, it aims to examine Romania’s foreign and security policy towards the Black Sea region and explain how and why Bucharest’s position in regional power dynamics has changed over time. Second, it aims to describe how Romania’s and Turkey’s strategic perspectives on the Black Sea relate to each other. The paper employs a qualitative, theory-informed case study methodology to examine Romania’s foreign and security policy in the Black Sea region. This is complemented by a comparative foreign policy analysis to explore the relationship between Romania’s and Turkey’s strategic perspectives. Accordingly, the research design integrates both single-case analysis and paired comparison to capture the dynamics of strategic regional interaction. Using the theory of neoclassical realism, the paper describes Romania’s strategic initiatives in the Black Sea region, explains how structural and domestic influences have shaped Bucharest’s foreign and security policy, and examines the complex relationship between the regional strategies of Romania and Turkey, by identifying the common and divergent interests of the two states. Romania’s Black Sea policy has been shaped by both external variables—structural power dynamics affecting the region—as well as internal variables—elite perceptions and the shifting dynamics of domestic politics. The relationship between the Black Sea strategies of Romania and Turkey can be described as a mixture of convergence, rooted in common security interests, and divergence, fuelled by distinct threat perceptions, domestic political dynamics, and regional ambitions.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, NATO, International Security, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Russia, Turkey, Romania, and Black Sea

66. USSR-Africa Relations in the 1970s and 1980s: An Analytical Proposal of Motivations, Conditioning Elements and Impacts

Author:: Paulo Gilberto Fagundes Visentini
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The actuality of the theme of USSR relations with African countries in the 1970s and 1980s is grounded in the revision of a dimension of the mainstream historiography of the Cold War and in the current Russia-Africa interaction, which has deeper roots, essential for its comprehension. The USSR-Africa relations constitute a historiographical gap, dominated by subtly instrumental works produced in the context of the late escalation of the Cold War on the continent. Within this framework, the present text is based on ongoing research. In two previous articles, here taken as a starting point, the focus was on the African Revolutions of the 1970s and 1980s, followed by the analysis of African Marxist Military Regimes during the same period. From this point forth, relevant matters emerged, such as the profile of the relations between the Second and Third Worlds, and the doubling of the number of self-proclaimed socialist states with a Marxist-Leninist orientation, all of which emerged in the periphery (rising from 14 to 30). Two-thirds of these new regimes were African. In this context, the present article examines the Soviet Union (USSR) relations with the African States that were its allies in the 1970s and 1980s. The analysis focuses on the reciprocal motivations, the conditioning elements and the resulting impacts and legacies. This process gained significance belatedly, within a short period of two decades (1969-89), targeting a limited number of countries, yet it was intense (sometimes motivated by Cuba) and had a considerable impact on the transformation of Africa. It is argued that African nations were not “pawns” of the Cold War in their cooperation with Moscow, nor that the USSR pursued a systemic project of “exporting the revolution” or a geopolitical Grand Design for Africa (Coker 1985)
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, History, Socialism/Marxism, Geopolitics, and Soviet Union
Political Geography:: Africa and Soviet Union

67. Mapping Algeria's Foreign Policy in Africa Through Complex Network Analysis: Security and Energy Dynamics (2019-2025)

Author:: Mourad Benguita
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: In recent years, Africa has emerged as a pivotal space of geopolitical realignment, strategic competition, and region-wide integration experiments. The continent’s growing significance is fueled by its energy potential, evolving security configurations, and the multiplication of cross-border infrastructure and connectivity initiatives. As states navigate this increasingly interdepen-dent environment, foreign policies have shifted from traditional bilateralism to more fluid and multi-layered forms of engagement, including overlapping alliances, regional corridors, and transnational institutional frameworks.Within this continental transformation, Algeria has embarked on a recalibrated foreign policy, particularly since 2019. Internally, the Hirak pro-test movement and the subsequent reconfiguration of the political order ushe-red in demands for a more assertive and diversified external policy posture. Externally, Algeria has faced growing competition over African influence, particularly from regional rivals like Morocco, which has reasserted itself diplomatically across the continent, and from global powers, both traditional (France and the EU) and emerging (China, Russia, Turkey and Gulf states). This dual pressure has compelled Algeria to adopt a more proactive and systemic approach to its African policy.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Geopolitics, Energy, Regional Politics, and Network Analysis
Political Geography:: Africa, Algeria, and North Africa

68. Françafrique, Neocolonialism and the Political Economy of Coups d'État in the Franc Zone (2020-2023)

Author:: Mussa Jau and Karine de Souza Silva
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: In recent years, Francophone African countries have been the scene of coups d’état launched by the military class dissatisfied with the regimes in power between 2020 and 2023. With the events that occurred in Mali, Burkina Faso, Gabon, Niger and Guinea-Conakry, it was possible to observe some similarities in the justifications invoked by the protagonists of the coups, such as: economic depression, insecurity or the lack of progress in the fight against terrorism, corruption and, last but not least, the fight against economic imperialism and French neocolonialism on the continent.The population appears to be aligned with the ideals of the current military regimes and demonstrates its discontent with France’s track record of diplomatic, military, and economic activity on the continent. Consequently, incisive demonstrations were organized in front of French embassies in practically all affected territories — in which the population demanded the expulsion of the French diplomatic corps, the withdrawal of African countries from the Franc Zone3, and consequently the deinstitutionalization of the CFA Franc4, delimited here as the object of the research.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Political Economy, Coup, Regional Politics, and Neocolonialism
Political Geography:: Africa, Europe, France, Mali, Niger, Gabon, Burkina Faso, and Guinea-Conakry

69. Pan-African-Foreign Policy Theory: A Conceptual Significance of Foreign Policy Analysis Within Policy Agenda Setting for Africa

Author:: Chris Landsberg, Sandile Moloi, and Oscar Van Heerden
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: This article claims that Pan-Africanism Foreign Policy Theory is about Africa’s states’ foreign policy. This claim and theory have not been developed before. The closest argument to our Pan-Africanism Foreign Policy Theory is the writing in 2009 by McDougal (2009), which contends that, as the continental states and its premier integration bodies seek to craft a new-Pan-Africanism, African foreign policies should be based on three aspects: cultural and political unity; Afro-centric development, and the Afri-can conceptualisation of Ubuntu. We lay further claim that Pan-Africanism is rarely analysed by reviewing the goals pursued by states, specifically those of security, prosperity, and world reorganisation. This paper aims to make a constructive contribution to the overall literature by examining Pan-Africanism as African foreign policy, given that little has been written about it from this viewpoint.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Economics, Pan-Africanism, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: Africa

70. The Weaponization of Energy Resources: Fossil Fuels as Instruments of Geopolitical Leverage in the EU–Russia Context

Author:: Nataliia Khoma and Maiia Nikolaieva
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: This paper examines how energy functions as a strategic instrument of geopolitical coercion, focusing on Russia’s prolonged weaponization of natural gas and the European Union’s evolving response. Building on Soviet-era infrastructure, Moscow has employed price increases, supply cuts, and control of pipelines to pressure states. At the same time, the EU has countered with sanctions, diversification of suppliers, and accelerated investment in renewable energy. For more than fifty years, energy has served as leverage that blurs the boundary between economics and security, imposing heavy economic and political costs on both producers and consumers. Interdependence amplifies these vulnerabilities, allowing energy to operate as a “weapon” on both supply and demand sides. Although the EU plans to end Russian gas imports by 2027, Moscow’s continuing circumvention efforts demonstrate that energy remains a critical tool of power and national security worldwide.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, European Union, Fossil Fuels, Energy, Russia-Ukraine War, and Weaponization
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

71. Accessing Foreign Policy Information in the Digital Age: Evidence from Greece

Author:: Péter Kacziba
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: The digitalization of governance and media has increased the visibility and accessibility of foreign policy, reshaping how citizens engage with international affairs. However, limited research exists on how digital platforms influence the way foreign policy information is accessed and evaluated in specific national contexts. This study addresses this gap by examining the case of Greece. Drawing on a nationwide online survey conducted in February 2024 (N = 800), this analysis investigates citizens’ source preferences, perceptions of credibility, and engagement patterns across socio-demographic groups. The findings reveal that digital platforms have emerged as the dominant sources of foreign policy information. Nevertheless, traditional dynamics of political polarization, selective trust, and fragmented media consumption remain prevalent. These results underscore the constraints of digitalization in expanding democratic participation and highlight the need for foreign policy research and practice to pay greater attention to public opinion and societal dynamics.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Public Opinion, Democracy, Media, Polarization, and Digitalization
Political Geography:: Europe and Greece

72. Aproximación a las estrategias y políticas de la Unión Europea en el Sahel: el dilema pendiente de Bruselas

Author:: Francisco José Marcos Martín
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:: Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:: Este artículo analiza las políticas y los documentos estratégicos dentro del área de seguridad y defensa elaborados por la Unión Europea para el Sahel, estudiando su evolución y el estado de ejecución en el que se encuentran. El análisis de los documentos estratégicos y de la actuación de la Unión Europea concluye que ha habido diversas etapas en la ejecución de estas estrategias europeas. Algunas etapas fueron fructíferas y prometedoras; otras han estado marcadas por desencuentros, algunos de los cuales no se han superado aún. La situación actual en el Sahel es extremadamente complicada ya que no se han alcanzado los objetivos principales que se marcaron desde Bruselas en sus distintas estrategias y la región corre el riesgo de entregarse a terceros actores o incluso de colapsar. Sería, por tanto, deseable abrir el debate sobre el diseño e implementación de las estrategias de la Unión Europea y la actuación de los estados miembros.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Treaties and Agreements, Bilateral Relations, and European Union
Political Geography:: Africa, Europe, Mali, and Sahel

73. Turkish Foreign Policy and the Kosovo War: Discussions on the Kosovo Issue in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (1998-1999)

Author:: Majlinda Misini and Ibrahim Gashi
Publication Date:: 10-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:: Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:: The Balkans were one of the most important issues on Turkey's foreign policy agenda during the 1990s. When the war in Kosovo began, Ankara adopted an active policy, demonstrating that, as a Balkan country, Turkey embraced the Kosovo issue, took responsibility for it, and fulfilled its moral obligations. In line with its geostrategic partners, the Turkish state emphasised the need to reduce tensions and balance the demands of the parties involved, initially adopting a moderate stance in relation to other potential political solutions for Kosovo. However, as Serbian repercussions in Kosovo increased, Turkey reconsidered its foreign policy, adopting a tougher stance on the Kosovo issue. This article examines the influence of these actors on the final positioning of Turkey, highlighting discussions on the Kosovo issue in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, NATO, History, Media, and Kosovo War
Political Geography:: Turkey, Kosovo, and Balkans

74. Netanyahu and the End of the Jewish State

Author:: Christopher Datta
Publication Date:: 05-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: I support Israel’s right to exist and its right to defend itself. Hamas is a terrorist organization and the attack by Hamas on Israel on October 7, 2023, was an outrage and a war crime. Hezbollah in Lebanon is also a terrorist organization, and Iran is a rogue state. However, the atrocities committed by Israel’s enemies cannot be allowed to obscure the fact that Binyamin Netanyahu and his policies have condemned Israel to eventual collapse. Sadly, Israel as a Jewish state is now locked into a trajectory that it cannot survive in the long run. This has major implications for the future of American foreign policy in the region. Primarily, this is because of the end of the two-state solution. Netanyahu has spent his entire long career working to annex the West Bank, and his settlement policies have succeeded to all intents and purposes in doing just that. It only remains for Netanyahu to one day make annexation official. According to Peace Now, the Israeli movement advocating for peace, as of 2024 there are 141 settlements in the West Bank (settlements in the West Bank were officially established by the government, East Jerusalem excluded) and 224 outposts (outposts are settlements that were established since the 1990’s without government approval and are considered illegal according to Israeli law). According to the same source, there are almost 504,000 Jews living in those settlements and outposts, with just under 3 million Palestinians in the West Bank, Israeli settlers consider the West Bank Jewish land, their land. They are determined to keep it and they are well armed. Any attempt to remove them will spark a civil war within Israel. A conversation I had with a group of these settlers brought home to me the depth of their feelings. They said the solution to what to do with the Palestinians in Israel was to push them all into Jordan, or else kill them. They then praised Baruch Goldstein, the man who in 1994 attacked the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron and killed 29 people, including children, wounded 125 others, and was himself killed. The settlers said he was a hero, and they wanted to build a shrine to him.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Demographics, Hezbollah, Settlements, Hamas, and Benjamin Netanyahu
Political Geography:: Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, and West Bank

75. My Ambassador Was a Spy for Cuba

Author:: Melissa Clegg-Tripp
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: In 2001, I was on my third tour in the Foreign Service, excited to be serving for the first time as the “Information Officer” as it was then termed in La Paz, Bolivia. (The job title sounded fancier when translated into Spanish; I was the “Agregada de Prensa.”) Counternarcotics dominated the bilateral agenda because Bolivia, then the poorest country in Latin America, was a major producer of coca leaves, raw material for cocaine. The drug was trafficked to the United States and Europe and fueled addiction and violent crime. A big part of my job was to work with the Bolivian media to showcase US-Bolivian cooperation in eradicating coca and to profile the success of the “alternative development” programs the United States was funding. Those programs included health and educational assistance as well as support to farmers who elected to grow legal trade crops such as bananas and pineapples. It was a bit of a hard sell in that Bolivia, like other Andean countries, had a tradition of using coca leaves for medicinal, spiritual, and social purposes. Coca, a mild stimulant, also has nutritional value, helps with high altitude headaches, and is consumed either by way of chewing or by being made into a tea. Many Bolivians did not like the demonization of the leaf. Also, frankly, it was harder to grow bananas and pineapples. They took a long time to mature; they were susceptible to disease; they had to be carefully transported on bad roads to foreign markets. Furthermore, not many Bolivians seemed to be addicted to cocaine, and there was a sentiment out there that Bolivia produced cocaine only because “North Americans” wanted it, and the social ills accompanying the drug were really our problem, not theirs.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Memoir, Drugs, and Espionage
Political Geography:: Cuba, Latin America, and Bolivia

76. Not Your Average Visitor: Senator Edward “Ted” Kennedy in London and Bucharest

Author:: Jonathan Rickert
Publication Date:: 11-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: Visits by CODELs, or Congressional delegations, long have been an inescapable fact of life for US missions overseas. And serving as “control officer” for legislative visitors is a rite of passage for many Foreign Service officers stationed abroad. There are two main categories of CODEL. First are the boondoggles, during which the Congresspeople visit only developed countries and spend more time on tourism and shopping than anything else. We had more than our fair share of those in London. Then there are what I would call “substantive” CODELs, which visit countries that often are not garden spots and look into issues that are of serious concern to the US, such as human rights abuses and drug trafficking. These are rarer but can be helpful to the posts visited in promoting our foreign policy objectives. A very few CODELs have a third purpose, providing an opportunity for a senator or representative seeking higher office to raise his or her profile, at home and abroad. Among several experiences that I had over the years as a CODEL control officer, two stand out. Both involved Senator Edward “Ted” Kennedy; one had all the earmarks of a boondoggle, while the other seemed to have a profile-raising objective.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Memoir
Political Geography:: United Kingdom, Romania, and United States of America

77. Shifting Sands for Public Diplomacy in the USSR and Russia

Author:: Michael Hurley
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: Public diplomacy (PD) work in the Soviet Union and Russia from the Cold War to the current time has presented some unique and variable challenges. As an example, during the pre-1985 Cold War years, interaction with in-country media was most often possible only by attending Foreign Ministry press briefings. In the Gorbachev era, 1985-91, this began to change. In the Yeltsin years, 1991-99, the Russian media became much more open to questioning Russia’s own past, and it was also much easier for western journalists to get appointments in the ministries. In the Putin years, 2000 to the present time, independent Russian media have disappeared from Russia and report in Russian to home and abroad readers from exile. PD practitioners have had to adjust across the full range of public diplomacy activities, including dealing with the media. In this article I will draw on my personal and professional experiences from the 1970s to the 2020s to look briefly at some of the challenges of conducting public diplomacy over the years in this closed society and recount how I and my colleagues achieved some successes in our work. I’ll conclude by looking at some of the current challenges public diplomacy faces.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Cold War, Diplomacy, Soviet Union, and Public Diplomacy
Political Geography:: Russia, North America, and United States of America

78. Differences with Hanoi About “Peace Talks”

Author:: Thomas E. McNamara
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: On my first diplomatic assignment in the embassy in Paris, I spent most of my time on Vietnam War issues, in which the French were heavily involved. Shortly after President Johnson’s March 1968 address to the nation, the US and North Vietnamese negotiations opened in Paris. In the first private meetings and press conferences after the talks opened, Le Duc Tho, head of the North Vietnamese delegation, asserted that they came to Paris to talk about “the timing and the manner of the US withdrawal of its forces from Vietnam.” The US delegation heads, Averell Harriman and Cyrus Vance, said they came “to negotiate peace, an end to the war.” After a few weeks of inconclusive talks, Le Duc Tho gave a press conference directly accusing the US of reneging on the agreement to meet in Paris. My boss, Ambassador Sargent Shriver, recently arrived in Paris, called me in, and said: “Find out about this.” Shriver was briefed on the talks. But he paid little attention to Vietnam and was focused on his new job, ambassador to France. I suspect this issue came up in his introductory calls on ministers and parliamentary leaders, who were interested in the negotiations. He needed a response.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Negotiation, Memoir, and Vietnam War
Political Geography:: Vietnam, North America, and United States of America

79. Reducing Inequity Globally Will Make America Safer, Stronger, and More Prosperous

Author:: Marianne Scott
Publication Date:: 05-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: The views of the Biden and Trump administrations on diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility (DEIA) could not be in greater contrast. President Biden issued three Executive Orders (EOs) on the subject, mandating that the federal government support and extend equity to a broad variety of individuals and communities facing poverty and discrimination. His secretary of state, Anthony Blinken, directed the State Department to engage with foreign governments and foreign peoples on equity and justice, calling the EOs “based on hard-nosed self-interest.” On his first day in office, President Trump revoked President Biden’s EOs on equity. His secretary of state, Marco Rubio, introduced three criteria for the State Department: If it doesn’t make America safer, stronger, and more prosperous, don’t do it. Although the current administration is scrubbing all talk of equity, I think using Secretary Rubio’s yardstick to measure whether addressing equity globally will make America safer, stronger, and more prosperous shows that equity considerations do belong in our nation’s foreign policy. Here’s how I came to that conclusion.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Inequality, Equity, State Department, Diversity, Equity, and and Inclusion (DEI)
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

80. The Destruction of USAID

Author:: W. Robert Pearson
Publication Date:: 08-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: American Diplomacy
Institution:: American Diplomacy
Abstract:: The final destruction of USAID by President Trump in early July 2025 is the greatest strategic surrender of global American influence in the 80 years since the end of WWII.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Soft Power, Donald Trump, and USAID
Political Geography:: North America and United States of America

81. Revisiting Securitization Theory within the Context of North Korea: A Theoretical Analysis of the Success of Trump’s Policy

Author:: Tayyar Arı and Özge Gökçen Çetindişli
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: This empirical study, grounded in securitization theory, questions whether the security utterances of former U.S. President Donald Trump on North Korea between January 20, 2017, and June 12, 2018, constituted only a securitizing move or evolved into a successful securitization practice. The research employs a hybrid methodology, combining discourse and content analyses supported by quantitative data. The focus is on analyzing the discourse within a corpus of 44 securitization statements made by the president. These statements were discerned through a comprehensive review of all the president's public remarks throughout the designated period, using queries such as “North Korea,” “Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK),” “Kim Jong Un,” etc. Employing discourse analysis, the study reveals the referent objects and securitization arguments in these statements. The data gleaned from these statements is subsequently analyzed utilizing content analysis methodology. This study also evaluates the securitization discourse by examining its compliance with the facilitating conditions of an effective securitization rhetoric, a capable securitizer, and an audience-acceptable threat selection. Subsequently, it discusses the efficacy of the securitization discourse in terms of the two principal parameters proposed by the Copenhagen School: audience acceptance of the threat narrative contained in the securitizing moves, and the adoption of extraordinary measures.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Donald Trump, Kim Jong-un, and Securitization
Political Geography:: Asia and North Korea

82. The Hegemonic Transition in Latin America: To What Extent is China Challenging US’s Hegemony?

Author:: Andoni Maiza-Larrarte and Ricardo Bustillo-Mesanza
Publication Date:: 07-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace
Institution:: Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research
Abstract:: In this paper, we examine the geopolitical consequences of China’s enhanced engagement in Latin America. China is increasing its economic weight among Latin American countries, reinforcing its external image to counter the perception that the US is a unique relevant ally. In previous research, some authors have supported the idea that China could become a sort of neocolonial power in Latin America, substituting the hegemony of the United States. In this article, we carry out an in-depth review of Western literature and a comprehensive analysis of the bilateral relationship to discuss China’s role in the region. We apply the principles of the hegemonic stability and the power transition theories, and we also include an assessment of “soft power” components. We conclude that China is eroding US power in Latin America but is still far from becoming the new regional hegemon.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Hegemony, Transition, and Regional Politics
Political Geography:: China, Asia, Latin America, and United States of America

83. The Nexus of Power, Culture, and Elite Interactions: A Neoclassical Realist Framework for Foreign Policy Analysis

Author:: Ayla Akdoğan
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: Neoclassical Realism (NCR) combines international and domestic factors, offering a multidimensional framework for analyzing foreign policy. While this integration of external and internal dynamics has advanced foreign policy analysis, NCR remains constrained by its reliance on static unit-level variables. This limitation impedes NCR’s potential to fully bridge International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). In particular, NCR’s treatment of ideational variables as fixed overlooks the dynamic role of elite interactions, which significantly shape a state’s specific and fluid actions toward certain regions or actors— even under stable systemic pressures and enduring strategic-cultural ideas. This article addresses this gap by proposing the inclusion of inter-elite interactions as an intervening variable within the NCR framework. It argues that while the distribution of power sets the parameters for foreign policy, strategic culture and inter-elite interactions shape the specific foreign policy choices. By incorporating a socio-psychological focus on elite relations, the paper aims to enhance NCR’s explanatory power and fully unlock its potential for FPA. This theoretical development offers a more comprehensive framework for analyzing the complexities of foreign policy, advancing a systematic and integrative approach that bridges the divide between agents and structures, and strengthens the theoretical link between IR and FPA.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Behavior, Elites, Decision-Making, Strategic Culture, and Relative Power
Political Geography:: Global Focus

84. Spatial Context of Ontological Security in Foreign Policy Analysis: The Case of Türkiye’s Blue Homeland Policy

Author:: Yumuşak Güç
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: The concept of ontological security in foreign policy analysis (FPA) and International Relations highlights that states seek not only physical but also existential security. States, like individuals, aim to perceive themselves as meaningful entities and create stable identities through consistent routines and biographical narratives. These narratives are formed from collective memories and help the state maintain historical continuity and identity. However, FPA studies often overlook the importance of space, a crucial factor emphasized in psychological studies on individual ontological security. Space contributes to feelings of consistency, control, status, autonomy, and identity. This study explores the significance of space for a state’s ontological security in foreign policy, using Türkiye’s “Blue Homeland” (Mavi Vatan) policy as a case study. Türkiye’s ambitious maritime policy, involving activities like natural gas exploration and military exercises, reflects its quest for physical and ontological security. The Blue Homeland policy not only addresses physical security but also Türkiye’s need for ontological security through its discourses, symbols, and narratives. This study aims to introduce the spatial dimension into FPA’s ontological security approach and analyze Türkiye’s Blue Homeland policy through this new lens.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Autonomy, and Blue Homeland Policy
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

85. The State and Human Trafficking

Author:: John Cotton Richmond and Isabella Wei
Publication Date:: 03-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Institution:: Brown Journal of World Affairs
Abstract:: John Cotton Richmond is an attorney and diplomat focused on ethical business, human rights, democracy, and rule of law. He currently leads the Libertas Council that works to galvanize global leaders to shape solutions that affirm human dignity by combatting human trafficking. He also serves as the Chief Impact Officer at Atlas Free, working to resource and accelerate organizations fighting human trafficking. Previously, he served as the U.S. Ambassador to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons from 2018 to 2021. Serving in the nation’s highest-ranking position dedicated to human trafficking, he led U.S. foreign policy related to modern slavery and coordinated the U.S. government’s response to the crime. Ambassador Richmond also served for over a decade as a federal prosecutor with the U.S. Department of Justice’s Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit, where he prosecuted numerous victim-centered labor and sex trafficking cases. He also lived in India for three years pioneering International Justice Mission’s slavery work.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, State, Interview, and Human Trafficking
Political Geography:: Global Focus

86. Neoclassical Geo-strategic Analysis of Türkiye’s Military Operations in Syria and Iraq Till Assad’s Fall

Author:: Kanan Ahmadzada and Ramazan Safa
Publication Date:: 12-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: This article examines and evaluates the reasons, strategic logic, outcomes, and effectiveness of Türkiye's military operations in northern Syria and Iraq until Assad's fall in 2024 as part of its campaign against Kurdish militant factions, particularly the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Adopting a neoclassical geostrategic framework, paper treats environmental realities and elite perceptions of the threats and opportunities associated with them as central factors explaining elites' strategic decisions. In this way, it explores the evolution of Türkiye’s military confrontation with PKK and associated groups along with Justice and Development Party (JDP) elites' perceptions of threats and opportunities and ideological leanings of neo-Ottomanism and Turkish-Islamic nationalism. Relying on extensive examination of primary and secondary data, the article argues that Türkiye’s operations in Syria and Iraq are mainly a calculated response to an insecure border reality marked by the expansion of PKK, the humanitarian crisis in Syria, and regional instability amid the Arab Spring. Thus, it is argued that these operations are the results of a preventive strategic logic aimed at countering separatism and terrorism threats, under the imperative of "better now than later" in both Syria and Iraq.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Syrian War, Bashar al-Assad, PKK, Neo-Ottomanism, Preventive Measures, Military Operations, and Neoclassical Geostrategy
Political Geography:: Iraq, Turkey, Middle East, and Syria

87. Public intelligence as a strategic tool: The role of real-time intelligence disclosure in the Ukraine War

Author:: Alfred Marleku
Publication Date:: 06-2025
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:: War Studies University
Abstract:: This paper aims to analyse the role of public intelligence as a strategic tool in modern conflicts, focusing on its use during the Russo- Ukrainian war. It employs a qualitative research design, combining comparative case analysis and document analysis to examine the role of public intelligence as a strategic tool in the Ukraine War. The primary data sources include declassified intelligence reports, official government statements, media coverage, and academic literature on intelligence disclosure and strategic communication. The findings of this study indicate that public intelligence disclosure in the Ukraine War has been highly effective in countering Russian disinformation and strengthening diplomatic cohesion among Western allies. Unlike previous conflicts, intelligence transparency played a crucial role in shaping global narratives and mobilising international support. However, its deterrence value remains uncertain, as intelligence disclosures did not prevent Russia’s full-scale invasion. The findings of this paper highlight how intelligence dissemination has shifted from classified circles to a public tool of strategic statecraft. The Ukraine War marked a departure from traditional intelligence practices, as the United States and the United Kingdom used real-time declassification to counter Russian disinformation, unify allies, and shape global opinion. This shift underscores both opportunities and limitations, as intelligence transparency did not deter Russia’s invasion. Public intelligence disclosures proved effective in neutralising misinformation and influencing diplomatic responses. Intelligence disclosure also had diplomatic ramifications. While it helped rally allies, initial scepticism from Germany and France revealed lingering distrust due to past intelligence failures.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Intelligence, International Security, Transparency, Russia-Ukraine War, and Strategic Disclosure
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

88. Guam in Washington, 1972-Present: The Overlooked Strategic Implications of Congressional Polarization

Author:: Mirabai Venkatesh
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:: School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:: Contrary to the long-held logic that giving Guam a stronger, more autonomous voice will undermine U.S. strategic interests, failing to provide Guam with a stable pathway of interest advancement beyond Congress hinders its development and with it the federal government’s ability to achieve soft-power advantages and basic military readiness in the Indo-Pacific theater. Since the United States assumed responsibility for administering the territory of Guam in 1898, it has treated the prospect of Guam’s status improvement as detrimental to U.S. strategic interests. This has informed its chosen method of territorial administration, which places U.S. territories under the authority of the Department of the Interior. Each territory is then given only one formal representative in Congress, specifically the U.S. House of Representatives, but without full-voting rights. This paper will explore how Guam has managed to advance its interests in Washington since 1972, highlighting how congressional representation has become Guam’s most successful pathway of interest advancement with the federal government to date. However, the agency and success of Guam’s congressional delegates must be framed within a broader discussion of the fragility of the U.S. approach to territorial administration, which has relegated Guam to a pathway of interest advancement incredibly vulnerable to political sea change. Ultimately, this paper will illustrate how Guam’s main pathway of interest advancement in Washington is quickly narrowing at the expense of U.S. strategic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics, History, Soft Power, Autonomy, and Strategic Interests
Political Geography:: Asia-Pacific, United States of America, Indo-Pacific, and Guam

89. Friends in Need: Russian Strategic Communications in Africa Before and After the Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

Author:: Christopher Babcock
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:: School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:: Africa is becoming an important strategic hub for the Russian state as Putin’s regime faces rising ostracization elsewhere. In this paper, I analyze Russian influence in Africa by examining over 1,700 pieces of online content created or re-posted by 4 Russian embassies in Ghana, Ethiopia, the Republic of the Congo, and Tanzania between January 15 and December 31, 2022. I demonstrate that, despite new developments in Russian strategic communications, the full-scale invasion of Ukraine has mostly fed pre-existing narratives rather than drastically shifting the focus or direction of state rhetoric. All four of the embassies used in the analysis promoted narratives that depicted Russia as a revisionist power going up against a “neocolonial” West, portrayed Ukraine as a neo-Nazi puppet of the West, and attempted to contrast this with Russia’s purportedly friendly relations with Africa. The scale and intensity of these narratives exploded in the leadup to and in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine—to the extent that some embassies began to focus almost exclusively on Ukraine in their communications. Meanwhile, many African nations were willing to pragmatically engage with Russia as an alternative (or complementary) ally to the West. Using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, I show that the war in Ukraine has revealed the fault lines of Russian and African thinking, loyalty, and strategy.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Strategic Engagement, Russia-Ukraine War, and Strategic Communication
Political Geography:: Russia and Africa

90. RBPI and the Study of IR: Fostering a Multifaceted Platform for Global Dialogue, Debate and Academic Cooperation

Author:: Haroldo Ramanzini Junior, Antônio Carlos Lessa, and Wilton Dias
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional (RBPI)
Institution:: Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais (IBRI)
Abstract:: This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the evolving landscape of international politics, the challenges this scenario presents for the field of International Relations (IR) and the pivotal role played by Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional (RBPI) in shaping both academic knowledge and policy frameworks. The study aims to achieve two primary objectives. First, to contextualize the significant shifts in international politics in the last few years, such as the rise of China and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, while advocating for interdisciplinary approaches and highlighting the contributions of Latin American, particularly Brazilian, scholars to global academic debates. Second, to trace the history, evolution, and international impact of RBPI since its inception in 1958, emphasizing its role in leveraging the standards of academic publishing in Brazil and Latin America, fostering international collaborations, and influencing policy decisions. The paper proposes that RBPI serves as an indispensable platform for advancing rigorous academic inquiry and offers a more inclusive perspective on international relations, thereby having a lasting impact on both the academic and policy landscapes globally
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, Research, and Publishing
Political Geography:: Brazil, South America, and Global South

91. Domestic regimes and national preferences as factors of regionalism’s crisis. The case of Guatemala’s regional integration policy

Author:: Francisco Santos-Carillo and Luis Andrés Padilla Vassaux
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional (RBPI)
Institution:: Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais (IBRI)
Abstract:: The article analyzes the influence of internal factors in the Central American integration crisis, based on Guatemalan politics and from a liberal intergovernmental approach. The results confirm the relationship between national preferences, some alignment with the preferences of partner states, and the results and effects of the process. For Guatemala, integration is an ideational commitment conditioned by the absence of negative externalities for the interests of governments and other key actors. National preferences limited the scope and determined the institutional design. The identity commitment and the creation of regional institutions seem to be insufficient for integration.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Government, Regional Integration, and Regionalism
Political Geography:: Latin America, Central America, and Guatemala

92. South Africa as a Leading Regional Power in Africa? An Analysis of the Implementation of the African Union, Auda-Nepad and Agenda 2063

Author:: Murilo Gomes da Costa
Publication Date:: 12-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional (RBPI)
Institution:: Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais (IBRI)
Abstract:: The article analyzes South Africa’s role in the African Union’s Agenda 2063. It examines South Africa’s position as a leading regional power post-apartheid. The study contends that Pretoria has developed a strategy towards its region. The argument is supported by a descriptive analysis of the implementation of Auda-Nepad and South Africa’s efforts to broaden the thematic scope of the AU. The results show that South Africa’s strategy as a leading regional power in Africa has been achieved through Pretoria’s role as a paymaster in both the AU and Auda-Nepad, alongside the development of its own Agenda 2063 projects.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, African Union, and Regional Power
Political Geography:: Africa and South Africa

93. US Hegemony in Latin America: Think Tanks and the Formation of Consensus about the Chinese Presence

Author:: Luciana Wietchikoski and Livia Peres Milani
Publication Date:: 05-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional (RBPI)
Institution:: Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais (IBRI)
Abstract:: In recent years, U.S. government agencies have defined the Chinese presence in Latin America as a challenge, which has organized foreign policy towards the region. Departing from a neo-Gramscian approach, this paper investigates the bibliographical production of U.S. think tanks and seeks to understand the construction of consensus about the Chinese presence in Latin America. The methodology is based on content analysis and we identified two main narratives: in the first, the Chinese presence is presented as a threat to U.S. regional hegemony; in the second, the Chinese adaptation to liberal precepts is sought. There are therefore nuances in how the Chinese power is perceived, although the discourses remain restricted to the promotion of capitalism and neoliberalism under U.S. leadership.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Hegemony, and Think Tanks
Political Geography:: China, Latin America, North America, and United States of America

94. The Long Shadow of Structural Marxism in International Relations: Historicising Colonial Strategies in the Americas

Author:: Samuel Parris and Armando Van Rankin
Publication Date:: 06-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: Over the past decades, Marxist-inspired approaches from the field of International Historical Sociology (IHS) have theorised the relationship between 16th and 17th Century European colonial expansion and the development of relations of production and economic growth on both sides of the Atlantic. In this article, we argue that such attempts – from Dependency Theory (DT), World-Systems Theory (WST), and Uneven and Combined Development (UCD) – are premised on a structuralist perspective which overextend the notion of capitalism and under examine the sphere of production, rendering divergent and distinct strategies of European colonialism a homogenous and under-historicised process. Embracing theoretical innovations from Geopolitical Marxism (GPM), we dispute this unitary logic of expansion, instead applying a radical historicist methodology to demonstrate that British and Spanish colonial strategies in the Americas (intra-imperial free trade vs. mercantilism) were shaped by nationally specific class relations (capitalism vs. feudalism/absolutism), generating unique patterns of settlement on the ground (mineral extraction vs. cash-crop production). Promoting historicism thus allows Marxist International Relations to better recognise "the 'making of' the international order" during the period of European colonial expansion from the 16th century onwards, and, in doing so, further understand its enduring legacies.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, International Political Economy, Socialism/Marxism, Colonialism, International Historical Sociology, and Radical Historicism
Political Geography:: South America, Central America, and North America

95. Civilizational War: The Will to Win

Author:: Andrey Ilnitsky
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations
Institution:: East View Information Services
Abstract:: The US National Security Strategy defines the US as a global hegemon that sees no dividing lines between domestic and foreign policies and treats the world as its sphere of interests.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Globalization, National Security, War, Hegemony, Ideology, Civilization, Deep State, and Generative Models
Political Geography:: Russia and United States of America

96. Understanding EU-NATO Cooperation: How Member States Matter

Author:: Pınar Atakara
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: “Understanding EU-NATO Cooperation: How Member States Matter” by Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters conducts a distinctly member-state based theoretical examination of interorganizational cooperation between the EU and NATO. Ewers-Peters mainly intends to demonstrate member states’ foreign/security policy orientations, roles and positions affecting the functionality and dys-functionality of Euro-Atlantic security, between the period of the end of the Cold War and 2021. The book is composed of seven chapters including conclusion and implications. By providing 28 face-to-face semi-structured interviews carried out in Berlin and Brussels between February 2017 and February 2018, with different member states’ representatives (see Appendix A.), as well as document analysis of primary and secondary sources, the book relies on well-designed qualitative research.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, NATO, International Cooperation, European Union, and Book Review
Political Geography:: Europe and North America

97. Goodbye to Russia, Russia and Russia!1: Finland’s New NATO Chapter Within the Framework of Shelter Theory

Author:: Yeliz Kulali Martin
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: One significant impact on the international system of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine War has been Finland’s NATO membership. This article suggests that Baldur Thorhallsson’s shelter theory is the most suitable explanation for Finland’s decision. According to the theory, an alliance relationship with NATO will remedy the lack of hard security shelter of a state categorized as a small state in the literature. Many experts believe that this is a pragmatic choice by Finland against the Russian threat. On the other hand, Finland has a long history with Russia and is known for its neutral and peaceful policies, trying to establish a balance between East and West. For the above-mentioned reasons, membership in NATO is a much more difficult decision than it seems on the surface. In this framework, this article will first explain the place of Thorhallsson’s theory in International Relations. Then, Finland’s general foreign policy choices will be examined in light of current shelter relationships. Finally, in presenting the country’s history with NATO, it will focus on the potential consequences of the membership.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, NATO, Behavior, Russia-Ukraine War, Shelter Theory, Small States, and Hard Security
Political Geography:: Russia, Europe, Ukraine, and Finland

98. Assessing the Impact of Turkey’s Quest for Status Since the 2000s on Foreign Policy Change: Transformational or Transactional?

Author:: Samiratou Dipama and Emel Parlar Dal
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Uluslararasi Iliskiler
Institution:: International Relations Council of Turkey (UİK-IRCT)
Abstract:: This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey’s quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey’s search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey’s foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey’s status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey’s foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey’s foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Politics, Status, and International Politics
Political Geography:: Turkey and Middle East

99. The Russia Factor in China’s Relations with the West

Author:: Klaus W. Larres and Lea Thome
Publication Date:: 04-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Baku Dialogues
Institution:: ADA University
Abstract:: Tension between China and the Western world has been a characteristic of global affairs for the better part of the last decade. Notwithstanding Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the United States continues to view China as its greatest global rival and competitor. In fact, many policymakers in Washington (though by no means all of them) view China as an existential threat to America’s global influence and predominance. As the European Union and its 27 member states are not among the world’s superpowers, the Europeans have a somewhat more relaxed attitude toward China. Still, according to an important policy statement issued by the EU Commission in 2019, Brussels has come to see Beijing not only as a “partner and competitor” but also as a serious “systemic rival.” This refers less to geopolitical concerns but very much to global governance issues and geoeconomic, trade, and investment relations with China. The EU is deeply concerned about the continuing lack of reciprocity of market access, intellectual property theft, and China’s frequently state-subsidized competition regarding cutting-edge technology products, including solar panels, EV vehicles, and many other products, which may soon swamp the EU market. The EU Commission has launched an investigation into China’s production of EV vehicles and also Beijing’s shipbuilding industry, which it suspects may well work on the basis of rather unfair and highly subsidized support from the Chinese state.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Markets, Geopolitics, Economy, Strategic Competition, and Production
Political Geography:: China, Europe, Asia, and United States of America

100. Revitalizing the 3+3 Platform: A Formula for a New Regional Security Order?

Author:: Vasif Huseynov
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Baku Dialogues
Institution:: ADA University
Abstract:: On 23 October 2023, the second meeting of the 3+3 Consultative Regional Platform took place in Tehran, Iran. This platform is built upon the idea of bringing together Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia ‘plus’ Iran, Russia, and Türkiye for regional cooperation had been introduced by the presidents of Azerbaijan and Türkiye after the Second Karabakh War. Georgia, owing to its ongoing territorial conflict with Russia, refused to participate in the platform, though its leaders signaled that they might reconsider this position in the future. The initiative, even in the 2+3 format (i.e., without Georgia), has faced several challenges, including Russia’s war in Ukraine and Iran’s mercurial policies in the region. The first meeting within this initiative (without Georgia’s participation) was held in Moscow on 10 December 2021 at the level of deputy foreign ministers. At that inaugural meeting, each side expressed optimism regarding the future of this framework. However, this optimism did not materialize for a long time. While Moscow and Tehran remained supportive of the 3+3 initiative, it mostly lost its relevance and importance for the other actors, including Azerbaijan. Despite repeated announcements by Russian and Iranian officials regarding preparations for the second meeting in this format, it took nearly two years for the meeting to actually occur. According to Russia’s leadership, the West was undermining this initiative
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Regional Politics, and Regional Security
Political Geography:: Russia, Iran, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and South Caucasus

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS