Author: / Political Geography: Cameroon / Publication Year: within 10 Years

1. Oil and the Cameroonian Economy: A Story of Unfulfilled Potential

Author:: Léonce Ndikumana, Hans Tino Mpenya Ayamena, and Juste Lokossou
Publication Date:: 01-2025
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Political Economy Research Institute (PERI), University of Massachusetts Amherst
Abstract:: While Cameroon is one of the most endowed African countries in a wide range of overground and underground natural resources, it has struggled to leverage these resources to secure a decent living standard for the majority of its population. Instead of boasting impressive development outcomes, Cameroon is among African resource rich countries that are known for suffering high financial hemorrhage through capital flight. In a sense, capital flight from Africa has become a chronic manifestation of the ‘resource curse’ that tends to plague countries that are endowed with vast amounts of resources in a context of poor institutions and weak regulatory frameworks. This study provides a detailed analysis of the historical emergence of an externally dominated oil sector and the institutional and regulatory arrangements governing the sector to shed light on the causes of the country’s failure to fulfill its potential considering its impressive resource endowment. The evidence may shed light on strategies to usher a new path towards a Cameroonian economy beyond oil.
Topic:: Oil, Natural Resources, and Economy
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

2. A security dilemma during Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration in the Lake Chad Basin

Author:: Mariana Llorens Zabala
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Conflict Trends
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: The security crisis in the Lake Chad Basin (LCB) region has been of great concern since its turning point in 2009 due to the expansion of Boko Haram (BH) as one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the continent. This crisis is characterised by complex causes, including a development deficit, the lack of a social contract between the state and the population, weak governance structures, and a consequent violent extremist insurgency that has emerged and grown from and within the instability. While the efforts of those tasked to fight against the spread of these threats are numerous and commendable, much still needs to be done to ensure a safe and secure environment for all populations in the region. Through kinetic operations and non-kinetic interventions, the four governments of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, with the support of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), the African Union (AU), United Nations (UN) agencies, and other critical partners have scaled up their interventions in the region. The scaled-up interventions include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes as part of the Regional Strategy for the Stabilisation, Recovery and Resilience (RS-SRR) of the Boko Haram-affected areas. However, it is common knowledge that these four countries are faced with challenges in the handling and treatment of individuals associated with BH – and other affiliated groups – when they surrender or exit these groups. First and foremost, these challenges include the lack of pre-conditions for traditional DDR to take place. A further challenge is the proliferation of arms and ammunition in the region among the civilian population due to a lack of security and safety provision.
Topic:: Security, Counter-terrorism, Disarmament, Boko Haram, African Union, Demobilization, and Reintegration
Political Geography:: Africa, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Niger, and Lake Chad Basin

3. Reflecting On Post-Electoral Disputes: A Need To Promote Living Together And The Authority Of The State In Cameroon

Author:: Kuba Abouem Perpétue
Publication Date:: 01-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The “years of embers” of 1990 marked the return to a multi-party system in Cameroon (Cameroon-tribune 2017), putting an end to the single-party system instituted in 1966, with the symbolic transformation of the Cameroonian Union (CU) into the Cameroonian National Union (CNU). Two major currents triggered this movement. These were upheavals on the international scene and their effects on national politics. In 1989, the fall of the Berlin Wall symbolized the end of the Cold War, perceived as the triumph of the West and “the end of history” (Fukuyama, 1992). Against this backdrop, the French President François Mitterand gave a speech at La Baule that marked the beginning of the “third wave of democratization” (Huntington, 1991). On June 20, 1990, at the 16th France/Africa Conference, France decided to make access to Development Aid conditional on the establishment of democracy, in a sort of “Democracy against Aid”. Popular demands and tensions erupted, jeopardizing security and peace. This break with the past, marked by what was seen at the time as an easing of East-West antagonisms and tensions, which had the opposite effect on the African continent. Despite its perverse effects, however, respect for democratic freedoms was reaffirmed by the African Union in 2007 in the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
Topic:: Democratization, Elections, and State
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

4. Accelerating National Value Chains Through a Better Implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement in Cameroon

Author:: Adeline Nembot, Sandrine Viesi Maingeh, and Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:: 07-2024
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Like most African countries, Cameroon, a country endowed with abundant human and natural resources, has for decades been grappling with the challenge of developing and strengthening its national value chains. Value chains refer to the sequence of activities that create value for a product or service, from the raw material to the final consumer. Indeed, Cameroon’s national value chains face numerous difficulties, including poor infrastructure, limited access to finance, lack of diversification, lack of skilled labor and corruption (1). This results to low levels of processing and value addition, leading to low export prices and high import bills. This is particularly the case for the country’s cocoa bean exports, which are processed and sold elsewhere and therefore make only a small contribution to GDP (15%) (2) Fortunately, the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement, signed by Cameroon in 2020, appears to be a significant opportunity to accelerate its national value chains. Indeed, this agreement aims to promote intra-African trade and economic integration by eliminating tariffs on intra-African trade, facilitating the movement of goods and services, and encouraging investment. From this perspective, this article seeks to explore how Cameroon can position itself to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the implementation of the AfCFTA on its national value chains. In doing so, it will highlight to African leaders and governments, economic operators and national and multinational companies the importance of developing their manufacturing sector and achieving the target of 30% of GDP by 2030. This article presents the trade and economic profile of Cameroon in Section 2, the role of the AfCFTA in promoting Cameroon’s value chains in Section 3, and the conclusion in Section 4.
Topic:: Regional Cooperation, Natural Resources, Free Trade, and Value Chains
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

5. The Role of Civil Society During Elections In Cameroon

Author:: Guy Beaudry Jengu Jengu
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: In 2024, 19 African countries are organizing elections (1). More than half of these elections will take place during the last quarter of the year. In French-speaking African countries, more or less violent post-electoral crises (2) are quite common, and similar patterns observed. On one hand, the democratic openings of the 1990s either transformed single-party systems into ruling parties or brought former military personnel to power. On the other hand, the political landscape lacks robust policy platforms and ideological depth (3), and the vibrancy of civil society has rarely persisted past the 2000s. Yet, Cameroon currently has more than 50,000 entities claiming represent civil society (4). It is this civil society that is the focus of this analysis. First, the question of defining African civil society must be addressed, as its conceptualization outside of African democratic contexts and its ubiquitous usage in media make it a somewhat identifiable yet difficult to precisely define phenomenon (5). For the purposes of this work, civil society refers to an “autonomous associative sector, independent from the state” (6). Following Hegel, we distinguish it from political society, recognizing its intermediary position between prominent political actors and families (7). How does civil society deploy itself in Cameroon during the electoral period? The electoral period is divided into three distinct periods: before the election, on the day of the election, and after the election. More than 30 years after the advent of pluralist elections and multipartyism, this work aims to analyze the political, institutional and social logics that inform the practices of civil society during these moments, based on the events of the last presidential election. The objective is to uncover the actual repertoire of action employed by civil society actors during electoral periods in Cameroon, in order to identify ways to promote civic and citizen-oriented behaviors.
Topic:: Civil Society, Politics, and Elections
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

6. Electoral Fraud and the Weakening Of Cameroonian Democracy

Author:: Joseph Thierry Okala Ebode
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The resurgence of democracy in Cameroon, mirroring trends across Francophone sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, was characterized by electoral system reforms and the introduction of multiparty elections (1). However, the outcomes of these reforms and subsequent elections have often fallen short of expectations. The March 1992 multiparty legislative elections saw opposition parties secure a majority (92 out of 180 seats), yet they were unable to assume power. Since then, despite numerous presidential and local elections, the country has seen neither a transfer of power at the highest levels of government nor the local-level changes citizens have long desired. This aspiration for political alternation continues to be thwarted by a system that consistently reinstates the same leadership. Paradoxically, despite a proliferation of political parties (2), the influence and significance of the opposition continue to wane. This diminishing role of the opposition, coupled with growing democratic disillusionment (3), can be largely attributed to electoral fraud (4). Electoral fraud encompasses any illegal actions aimed at favoring particular candidates or party lists at the expense of others. This raises a critical question: How does electoral fraud, an illegal practice, lead to the disengagement of members of the opposing political landscape, the general public, and particularly the youth, from the political process? To address this, our analysis will focus on two main areas: first, examining fraudulent practices that operate within legal loopholes, and second, investigating overtly illegal fraudulent activities.
Topic:: Elections, Democracy, Domestic Politics, and Fraud
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

7. Financing Innovations – Cameroonian Startups and the Rise of Alternative Funding

Author:: Adeline Nembot, Yollande Meli Tankeu, and Larissa Ntoubia
Publication Date:: 09-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: In Cameroon, startups have always relied on personal resources and bank financing despite their heavy investment requirements. Yet, rigorous collateral and high interest rate requirements limit access to bank loans. As a result in 2021, only 15% of Cameroonian startups had access to formal funding options, while the majority relied on personal savings or informal funding sources (1), such as Informal Saving Groups and Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs). Moreover, according to the Central African Startup Finance Report 2022, funds raised in 2022 by startups in Cameroon remained stable year to year at 7.3 billion francs CFA ($12 million) (2). In 2023, the Africa platform’s report showing the breakdown by country of funds raised by young African startups revealed that Cameroon attracted fewer investors, raising just $4 million, far behind Côte d’Ivoire ($17 million), Senegal ($44 million), Benin ($71 million), Kenya ($88 million), South Africa ($410 million), and Egypt ($640 million) (3). This restricted access hinders startups’ potential to innovate, create jobs, and contribute to economic growth. In this context, there is a need for exploring alternative financing options, which demands a shift from traditional to emergent financing solutions.
Topic:: Economics, Finance, Innovation, and Startup
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

8. Training-Employment Transition and New Digital Professions: A Solution to Women’s Employability in Cameroon

Author:: Yollande Meli Tankeu, Emilie Bitongo, and Adeline Nembot
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The primary objective of all training programs is to facilitate integration into the job market. However, the transition from training to employment—encompassing young people who study and work simultaneously, as well as those who are unemployed, underemployed, or dissatisfied with self-employment (ILO, 2020) remains a significant challenge in Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly for women. In Cameroon, the female participation and opportunity rate stands at 70.4%, which is 29.6% lower than that of men (Global Gender Gap, 2022). Nearly eight out of ten female workers are engaged in vulnerable employment, with 93% in informal jobs, and only 11% of paid workers have contracts lasting more than 12 months (Elder and Kring, 2016), from the ILO School to Work Transition Survey). Although there have been some advancements in the Cameroonian job market in recent years, the situation for women remains concerning compared to that of men. Recent advances and innovations in the digital sector present opportunities for a successful transition from training to employment, particularly for women, due to the emergence of new professions. In Cameroon, the digital economy accounted for 3.5% of GDP in 2016 (Djon, 2020). Since then, the digital sector has introduced a variety of professions, including digital marketing, community management, web writing, and blogging, which could facilitate a positive training-employment transition for women in Cameroon. However, women currently represent only 20% of digital workers in the country (Business & Finance International, 2023). This article examines the challenges of the training-employment transition for women and the emergence of new digital jobs as a potential solution to enhance their employability in Cameroon. Our analysis is structured into two parts: the first provides an overview of the training-employment transition for women in Cameroon, while the second highlights new digital professions as opportunities for improving this transition.
Topic:: Women, Employment, and Digital Economy
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

9. The Partograph: A Tool to Reduce Mother-Child Mortality Rate During Labour

Author:: Fobella Nkengafac, Regina Sinsai, Ghyslaine Bruna Djeunang Dongho, Solange Dabou, Evrard Kepgang, and Ronald Gobina
Publication Date:: 11-2024
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The Safe motherhood initiative is a fundamental aspect of healthcare that was launched in 1987 with an aim to reduce maternal mortality and ensure positive birth outcomes in developing countries(1) [1]. In many parts of the world, women face numerous challenges during childbirth. As a result, maternal and child mortality remains a global concern as the rates continue to remain high with more than 69% of maternal deaths occurring in African countries with rates ranging between 500 and 999 deaths per 100 000 live births (2) [2]. These elevated rates of maternal mortality are generally attributed to complications that arise, during pregnancy, before birth, during birth or after birth, and are commonly avoidable through appropriate interventions. WHO set as part of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), to reduce maternal deaths to 70 maternal deaths per 100 000 live births (1) [1]. Despite significant progress in healthcare, complications during labour and delivery continue to contribute to a substantial number of preventable deaths. The partograph, a simple yet effective tool, has shown promising results in reducing these mortality rates during labour. Yet, its use remains relatively low in some medical facilities in Cameroon (2,3) [2,3]. This article aims to shed light on the importance of the partograph, its role in improving maternal and child health outcomes and highlights its role in reducing complications during labour.
Topic:: Women, Public Health, Healthcare System, and Infant Mortality
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

10. R2P Monitor, Issue 68, 1 March 2024

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 03-2024
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 68 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Cameroon, Central African Republic, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, North Korea, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, Central African Republic, and Global Focus

11. R2P Monitor, Issue 67, 1 December 2023

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 12-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 67 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Niger, and Burkina Faso

12. R2P Monitor, Issue 66, 1 September 2023

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 09-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 66 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Haiti, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Niger, and Burkina Faso

13. R2P Monitor, Issue 65, 1 June 2023

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 06-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 65 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Mozambique, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Mozambique, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Niger, and Burkina Faso

14. R2P Monitor, Issue 64, 1 March 2023

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 03-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 64 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nigeria, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Mozambique, South Sudan, Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:: Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Mozambique, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Niger, and Burkina Faso

15. Capital Flight from Natural Resource-Dependent African Countries: Updated Estimates and Analysis for the Cases of Cameroon, Ghana, and Zambia, 1970-2021

Author:: Léonce Ndikumana
Publication Date:: 08-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Political Economy Research Institute (PERI), University of Massachusetts Amherst
Abstract:: This paper is part of a project that investigates domestic and global drivers and enablers of capital flight from Cameroon, Ghana, and Zambia, three countries that are significantly endowed in natural resources. It presents estimates of capital flight from these three countries and discusses the key drivers of the phenomenon. The results show that as of 2021, estimated total capital flight stood at $71.1 billion for Cameroon, $50 billion for Ghana, and $71.5 billion for Zambia. External borrowing and, in the cases of Zambia and Cameroon, trade misinvoicing, are key correlates of capital flight. While external borrowing directly and indirectly drives capital flight, trade misinvoicing constitutes an important mechanism of unrecorded cross-border capital flows. This study contributes to the efforts to uncover the mechanisms and enablers of capital flight from Africa, with the aim of shedding light on possible strategies to curb further capital outflows in the context of efforts to scale up and diversify development financing to support recovery from global crises, the transition to green growth, and sustainable development in Africa.
Topic:: Development, Political Economy, Natural Resources, Capital Flight, and Trade
Political Geography:: Africa, Zambia, Ghana, and Cameroon

16. Preventing and MitigatingMass Atrocities in Northwest and Southwest Cameroon

Author:: Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide
Publication Date:: 05-2023
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Abstract:: The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide released a brief in May 2023, “Preventing and Mitigating Mass Atrocities in Northwest and Southwest Cameroon: Identifying Policy Options.” This brief outlines policy options to prevent and mitigate mass atrocities in the Anglophone region of Cameroon, where continued conflict between armed Anglophone separatists and government security forces has resulted in over 6,000 people killed and over 600,000 people internally displaced since 2017. After years of grinding crisis, armed actors on both sides may have little incentive to shift towards peace and global powers have made insufficient and so far unsuccessful efforts to end the violence. The situation necessitates coordinated, sustained, and calibrated responses. Based on expert consultations, this brief calls on the Cameroonian government and armed separatist groups to immediately cease the targeting of civilians and for foreign governments and multilateral organizations to re-energize and support efforts for the conflict parties to reach a mediated agreement, among other recommendations, to prevent atrocities and protect civilians.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Armed Conflict, Atrocity Prevention, and Protection
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

17. Financial Autonomy of Decentralized Local Authorities and Local Development

Author:: Herve Ondoua, Bin Meh, Boris Andzanga Ndzana, and Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:: 02-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The financial autonomy of Decentralized Territorial Collectivities (DTCs) is today considered as the foundation of local governance. It confers decision-making power in financial matters to municipalities and regions, as well as a certain level of independence in the management of the resources at their disposal. In Cameroon, the general principles of financial autonomy are defined in the law on the General Code of DTCs, in particular in the Fifth Book, which repeals the law establishing the financial regime of local authorities and that on the financial regime of the State. Thus, financial autonomy should enable DTCs to develop by using their own resources in improving the living conditions of their populations. Despite these powers, DTCs still depend for the most part on income from municipal taxes and income transferred by the State. However, DTCs in Cameroon have real economic and financial potential but not a degree of financial autonomy that would allow them to accelerate the development of their locality. This reflection is aimed at local elected officials, political authorities, government authorities and civil society, with the aim of examining the effectiveness of financial autonomy in the face of the economic and financial potential of DTCs and their ability to implement their own local development projects. This article relates financial autonomy and local governance, on the one hand, and shows how financial autonomy is a factor of valorization of local resources, on the other hand.
Topic:: Development, Government, Finance, Local, Decentralization, and Autonomy
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

18. What Synergy of Action in the Fight Against Corruption in Cameroon?

Author:: Theophile Nguimfack Voufo
Publication Date:: 02-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The phenomenon of corruption is growing so much in Cameroon, to the point where we must be careful that it does not become a characteristic of Cameroonian identity. Cameroon has twice held the rank of the highest corruption index in the world.[1] However, the will of the public authorities to put an end to it is matched only by the determination of the actors of corruption to escape the meshes of the control mechanisms. Given the government strategy and the proliferation of organizations fighting against corruption, one could expect a significant reduction of this scourge in Cameroon. But like a hydra, corruption remains a major problem in Cameroonian society. A substantial literature has been able to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of administrative, political, and jurisdictional bodies in the fight against corruption.[2] Among other weaknesses are prominently the subordination of the power of sanction to the will of the president of the Republic, the politicization of special operations to fight against corruption, and the lethargy of certain control bodies. The creation of the NACC, an organization specializing in the fight against corruption, has created hope in Cameroon. But, the decree fixing its attributions does not give it its own power of sanction. Consequently, NACC limits itself to noting the facts of corruption and reports them to the public authorities or seizes the judge by denunciation. This technique of referral by denunciation was mainly oriented toward the judicial judge. In practice, however, NACC had to experiment with referral to the Audit Bench of the Supreme Court, which opens up the prospect of collaboration between these two bodies in the fight against corruption in Cameroon. The question arises as to how NACC and the jurisdiction of accounts can combine their actions in the fight against corruption in Cameroon. After analysis, it appears that the ways of functional collaboration between the two organizations exist (I); however, they require some operational coordination (II).
Topic:: Corruption, Courts, Bureaucracy, and Efficiency
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

19. Entrepreneurship, Youths, and Women Economic Inclusion in Cameroon

Author:: Laurent Brice Nsengue, Bin Joachem Meh, and Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:: 01-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Bentham’s theory of utilitarian morality leads us to know that the purpose of economic activity is to ensure social progress for the happiness of the greatest number. Thus, excluding people from an economic system without considering their interests is considered a destruction of the common good. According to the United Nations (1962), population is one of the most important factors of economic productivity, as it influences the rate of development of a country. Women represent 49.6% of the world’s population and young people aged 10 to 24 represent 15.5% of the world’s population (UN World Youth Report, 2020; World Bank, 2020). In Cameroon, youth and women represent more than 60% of the population, but remain the most economically excluded (BUCREP, 2005). This reality appears to be a challenge for a country that wants to be an emerging country by 2035. The main objective of this paper is to show the role that entrepreneurial development could play in promoting the economic inclusion of youth and women in Cameroon. It is expected to raise awareness among public authorities as well as the private sector of the importance of economic inclusion of youth and women through entrepreneurship development. Based on studies carried out by credible international and local institutions, we focus on the challenges of entrepreneurship in the context of the economic inclusion of youth and women and the opportunity of entrepreneurship for the economic inclusion of young people and women in Cameroon.
Topic:: Economics, Women, Entrepreneurship, Discrimination, Youth, Equality, and Inclusion
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

20. Cameroon: The State’s Transfer of Powers to the Regions

Author:: Pacome Vouffo
Publication Date:: 01-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: If there is one thing that is hardly debatable in legal science, it is the evolution of law through constitutional or legislative textual reform on a given issue. The issue of decentralisation in Cameroon is an illustration. The constitutional and legislative dynamics since independence reflect this, particularly with the inclusion of local authorities in the Constitution of 4 March 1960, the 1974 laws applicable to the Communes and their subsequent amendments , the constitutional reform of 18 January 1996 explicitly raising decentralisation to the constitutional rank , the laws of 22 July 2004 on decentralisation and today Law No. 2019/024 of 24 December 2019 to lay down the General Code of Regional and local authorities(CGCTD). This Code enshrines an evolution in decentralisation law and sets out the terms and conditions for the exercise by the State of powers transferred to regional and local authorities in general and to the Regions in particular. From a legal point of view, this reframing does not seem to have aroused the interest of the doctrine in the same way as the question of the special regime for the North-West and South-West Regions, which has been addressed . In view of its scope, however, it is easy to admit that the legislator has made a significant change. It is necessary to examine the contours of this evolution in order to untangle the threads and consequently set the markers for understanding, following an approach based solely on the Regions as a framework for analysis and not on all the Regional and Local Authorities. Indeed, the choice of the Regions as the analytical framework is not insignificant. As the first level of decentralisation in Cameroon, the Region has only recently been established since its consecration in 1996. It is the characteristic of regionalism instituted since the constitutional reform of 18 January 1996. This regionalism is legally translated by the erection in 1996 of administrative provinces into Regions, headed by a President, an indigenous personality of the Region elected by his peers , and an elected Regional Council whose political colouring prints a mixture of traditional chiefs with the other departmental Councils. Compared to the Commune, therefore, the Region is a new feature of decentralisation which finds its basis in the controversy that took place during the 1996 reform on the form of the State between the supporters of the centralised State and those of the federal State. According to the doctrine, it is a point of agreement between these two (02) trends. When we know that regionalism as a technique for organising the unitary State is an advanced version of decentralisation that could border on federalism without being one, we can only subscribe to the idea that the Region is the point of agreement that would have federated the actors of the 1996 reform. With these considerations in mind, the attention given to the Region is justified. Following this logic, it must be agreed that the exercise by the State of powers transferred to the Regions did not disappear with the advent of the CGCTD, as some authors have suggested. It was maintained, however, with a reform of the legal framework that underpins an evolution in this area. If yesterday, the exercise by the State of powers transferred to the local and regional authorities in general and to the Regions in particular was legally self-evident (I), in the current state of Cameroonian decentralisation law, it is now only a possibility (II).
Topic:: Governance, Reform, State, and Local
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

21. The Regional Administrative Structure in Cameroon

Author:: Ebenezer David Ngahna Mangmadi
Publication Date:: 01-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Be it from a common law or a special status, a regional and local authorities[1] resulting from the constitutional reform of January 18, 1996[2], has an administration in charge of instructing and implementing the decisions taken by its executive organs. Under the authority of a secretary general who is appointed by the President of the Republic[3], it is implemented according to the standard organisation set out in decree n°2021/742 of 28 December 2021. It should be noted that this important legal text taken in application of article 496 of law n°2019/024 of 24 December 2009 on the general code of regional and local authorities (hereafter CGCTD), has greatly contributed to the acceleration of the process of establishing the regions initiated by the elections of December 6, 2020. The configuration of the standard model of regional administration that it suggests, highlights a complex combination of structures with diverse functions, the articulation of which may vary from case to case. This organisational scheme reveals the extent of the tasks that a regional administration must undertake, but it is not easy to access. As such, it deserves to be explained. This note is intended for professionals in the field of decentralisation, researchers and citizens seeking information. More clearly, the aim is to inform the reader about the subtleties of the structuring of the regional administration. To achieve this, it relies on an interpretive approach to the texts, mainly, the law n°2019/024 of 24 December 2019, and the decree of 28 December 2021. After presenting the different structures of the regional administration (I), the text will dwell on their articulation (II).
Topic:: Government, Local, Decentralization, and Regionalism
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

22. The Contribution of Private Health Insurance to the Financing of Healthcare in Cameroon

Author:: Jean Bruni Essono Oyono
Publication Date:: 03-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: By definition, health insurance is part of personal insurance. The purpose of health insurance is to protect the insured against the risks associated with illness, or more precisely, against all events leading to medical intervention. Elsewhere, in the event that a medical intervention is necessary, the health expenditure linked to this intervention is shared between the patient and the social protection system. However, social security does not have the economic capacity to support and reimburse each individual for all the costs related to their personal consumption of medical care. It covers only a percentage of the medical expenses incurred. Health insurance has therefore been set up to allow people to take out a contract that will reimburse them for the share of treatment costs not covered by social security. It is therefore intended, as its name suggests, to insure people against the economic consequences of a state of health that requires treatment.
Topic:: Public Policy, Health Insurance, and Healthcare System
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

23. Visa Digitalization and Tourism in Cameroon: A Promising Future?

Author:: Yollande Meli Tankeu and Boris Andzanga Ndzana
Publication Date:: 07-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Cameroon is endowed with a culture rich in natural reserves and breathtaking landscapes, making it a popular destination for tourists from all over the world. However, the cost and hassle of obtaining a visa have long been one of the main obstacles to the growth of tourism in Cameroon. In order to respond to the growing interest of travelers and to make Cameroon a preferred destination for tourists, the government has recently made significant progress by switching from the manual visa procedure to the electronic visa procedure. By Decree No. 2023/147 of March 2, 2023 (1), the electronic visa application came into force on April 30, 2023, in diplomatic missions, consular posts, international airports, air, land, and sea borders. It could be a potential solution to boost tourism in Cameroon. This transition to a digital visa procedure has many advantages. This article analyses the impact visa digitalization on the tourism sector in Cameroon. In the first part, the paper will present an overview of tourism in Cameroon, and in the second part, the expected effects of visa digitalization on the tourism sector in Cameroon.
Topic:: Economics, Tourism, Visa, and Digitalization
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

24. Does local infrastructure determine trust in local government councils?

Author:: Thomas Isbell, Wilfried Youmbi, and Daniel Kofi Banini
Publication Date:: 05-2023
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Afrobarometer
Abstract:: The relationship between infrastructure and trust in local government is under-researched yet relevant for many countries. This paper examines how proximity to local infrastructure relates to public trust in local governments. Using data from the sixth round of the Afrobarometer survey in Cameroon, we construct an infrastructure indicator index to measure respondents’ proximity to local infrastructure. The index considers whether the respondent lives in a primary sampling unit (PSU) with access to electricity, water, cell phone service, and a sewerage system. It also takes into account whether the respondent lives in a PSU with paved roads where a school, police station, and health centre are within walking distance. We examine causality by using the presence or absence of a bank in the respondent’s PSU as an instrumental variable for local infrastructure. The study shows a robust positive and statistically significant relationship between proximity to infrastructure and public trust in local government. The results suggest that Cameroonians’ willingness to reward infrastructure in their neighbourhoods by trusting their government officials who might provide these facilities is indicative of a desire for bottom-up political accountability in the absence of citizens’ ability to hold top government officials accountable due to limited levels of democracy. Infrastructure provision and its variations have become an important measure of government performance, with communities that have better access to infrastructure conditions expressing greater trust in local government officials.
Topic:: Infrastructure, Institutions, Trust, Energy, and Local Government
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

25. Rebels, Victims, Peacebuilders: Women in Cameroon’s Anglophone Conflict

Author:: International Crisis Group
Publication Date:: 02-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: International Crisis Group
Abstract:: Years of fighting between separatists and the state in Cameroon have hit women hard, uprooting hundreds of thousands. The government and external partners should step up aid for the displaced. Donors should start planning now for including women activists in future peace talks.
Topic:: Women, Conflict, Peace, Victims, and Peacebuilding
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

26. Return migration and entrepreneurship in Cameroon

Author:: Sévérin Tamwo, Ghislain Stéphane, Gandjon Fankem, and Dieudonné Taka
Publication Date:: 07-2022
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: United Nations University
Abstract:: In this paper, we examine the determinants of the entrepreneurial behaviour of returnees to Cameroon based on original survey data from 2012. Contrary to the existing literature, we focus on the skills received from abroad without omitting the effect of savings. We distinguish between three types of competences related to qualifications. We also differentiate between the probability of starting a business in the primary sector and the probability of starting a business in the tertiary sector. The main results, obtained from a probit model, show that: (i) degrees and qualifications and qualifications acquired abroad do not positively influence the probability of migrants to undertake a new activity once back home; in contrast, accumulated savings, captured by the time spent abroad, have a positive influence; (ii) other qualifications have no influence on the entrepreneurial behaviour of return migrants; and (iii) the entrepreneurial behaviour of return migrants is not oriented towards the primary sector but rather towards the tertiary sector. These results are robust when we account for endogeneity.
Topic:: Migration, Entrepreneurship, Economy, and Skills
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

27. R2P Monitor, Issue 63, 1 December 2022

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 63 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Yemen, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Sudan and Sudan.
Topic:: International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Norms, Atrocities, and International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Mozambique, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, and Central African Republic

28. R2P Monitor, Issue 62, 1 September 2022

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 09-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 62 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, South Sudan, Yemen, Mozambique, Nigeria and Sudan.
Topic:: International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Norms, Atrocities, and International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Mozambique, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, and Central African Republic

29. R2P Monitor, Issue 61, 1 June 2022

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 06-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 61 looks at developments in Cameroon, Central African Republic, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Yemen, Afghanistan, Nigeria, South Sudan, Mozambique and Sudan.
Topic:: International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Norms, Atrocities, and International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Mozambique, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, and Central African Republic

30. R2P Monitor, Issue 60, 1 March 2022

Author:: Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:: 03-2022
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:: R2P Monitor is a quarterly bulletin applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 60 looks at developments in Cameroon, Central African Republic, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan, Nigeria, South Sudan, Sudan and Venezuela.
Topic:: International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Norms, Atrocities, and International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
Political Geography:: Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, and Central African Republic

31. Analysis of Cameroon – Nigeria Trade and Prospects for the African Continental Free Trade Area

Author:: Henri Kouam and Vera Kum
Publication Date:: 01-2022
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Free trade between Cameroon and Nigeria is about reducing barriers to cross-border trade between the two countries by allowing traders on both sides of the spectrum to explore a larger market and private sector producers to expand their business. This policy brief examines the nature of Cameroon and Nigeria’s trade whilst illustrating the benefits of free trade on living standards, employment, and income inequality. It recommends that Cameroon and Nigeria cooperate on trade facilitation measures to increase the benefits of the African Continental Free Trade Area.
Topic:: Economics, International Trade and Finance, Regional Cooperation, Bilateral Relations, and Free Trade
Political Geography:: Africa, Nigeria, and Cameroon

32. Coercion and Violence in German Labor Conscription in Cameroon, 1880s-1914

Author:: Henry Kam Kah and Emmanuel E. Kengo
Publication Date:: 12-2022
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Cameroon is officially bilingual with English and French used in public administration and in busines. It is multi-ethnic and multi-lingual consisting of over 250 ethnic polities that mek it aptly described as "a babble of tongues". Its location straddles the Central and West African sub-regions. The ecological zones of the country include the Sahel, Savanna and forest. through this, the coungry has been nicknamed "Africa in miniature" (Fanso 2017, 9). The country has a triple colonial heritage. It was first annexed in July 1884 by Germany. After the german defeat in World War I, the country, like other German colonies, was seized from Germany and eventually partitioned into two unequal halves by Britain and France after a botchd condominium. The economic foundation of the territory during the colonial period was laid by the Germans. Labour played a cutting-edge role in the German economic enterprise in Cameroon. The conscription and treatment of labour in the country and other German colonies was barbaric and dehumanising to say the least. This paper discusses this poor labour treatment and the ramifications on the population and in the redefinition of German labour policy in the territory.
Topic:: History, Labor Issues, Economy, Colonialism, Exploitation, and Conscription
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

33. The Proliferation Of Informal Housing In Major Cities In Cameroon: Evidence, Drivers And The Way Forward

Author:: Dr. Louis-Marie Kakdeu and Egoh Aziz
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The proliferation of informal settlements in Cameroon is problematic. A range of factors explain why this is becoming recurrent. Some of these factors include a deficit of housing supply, unaffordability issues, critical market factors, weak legal and institutional systems, and the socio-economic conditions of the country. This article focuses on the roots of Cameroon’s informal housing crisis. Reviewing the literature on the topic, we provide the context of the problem in Cameroon by pointing out some evidence and magnitude of the issue and probe into some historical facts on housing. We then explore some of the negative conduits to the housing problem and propose key recommendations to the government that can help improve the situation. We used the content analysis method in collecting data.
Topic:: Economics, Governance, Regulation, Housing, and Real Estate
Political Geography:: Cameroon

34. Low Covid-19 Cases In Africa. What Explains This?

Author:: Wilfred Ngwa, Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Denis Foretia, Gobina Ronald, Charlotte Bongfen, Odette Kibu, and Nkengafac Fobellah
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Since the first case of COVID 19 was made known worldwide in December 2019, the world as of November 10, 2020 had recorded over 51 million cases and over 1.2 million deaths [1]. The African continent as of the same date had recorded the lowest number of cases when compared the other continents of the world, with close to 2 million cases and over 45 thousand deaths [1]. Africa is therefore seen to contribute to about 3.7% of the global caseload and to about 3.6% of the global death roll [1,2,3]. Although some few countries in Africa such as South Africa, Morocco and Egypt are witnessing a surge in the number of COVID-19 cases, a drastic decline in the number of cases was observed in the months of July, August and September 2020 [4,5]. According to preliminary analysis by the African branch of the World Health Organization, Africans may be twice as likely to experience COVID-19 without any illness, compared with people in the rest of the world [6]. The trend of COVID 19 cases observed in Africa contrasts with several other parts of the world. Just the Unites States of America alone (as of November 10, 2020) had close the 6 times the number of cases and deaths recorded in the entire African continent [1]. This bulletin therefore seeks to explore possible reasons for the low number of COVID 19 cases and deaths observed in Africa when compared to other continents of the world.
Topic:: Pandemic, COVID-19, and Global Health
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

35. Building And Strengthening Public Trust In Government Policy Decisions And Institutions To Effectively Tackle Covid-19 In Cameroon

Author:: Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Denis Foretia, Gobina Ronald, Wilfred Ngwa, Charlotte Bongfen, Odette Kibu, and Nkengafac Fobellah
Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: In Cameroon the battle against COVID-19 is far from over as the disease still continue to claim many lives and aggravates the deepening poverty situation of Cameroonians. According to reports from the Ministry of Health (as from 8th of December, 2020), Cameroon has recorded 24,752 infected cases, 23,344 recoveries and 433 deaths. [1] The economic consequences of the disease remain preoccupying as many people have experienced a decline in their businesses. The government of Cameroon through the Prime Minister published a national response plan which aimed at combating the disease, highlighting preventive measures and effective management of confirmed positive cases. Some of these measures include the prohibition of mass gatherings above 50 persons, maintaining physical distancing, wearing of face mask in public places, frequent handwashing with soap or using hand sanitizers and isolation of infected persons. [2] These measures and others are currently being implemented since March, 2020. Although the government has been doing its best to bring this pandemic to an end, this has not been without challenges. One of the challenges is the decline of public trust in government’s policy decisions and institutions, which if not given sufficient attention may compromise all the efforts and resources already galvanize for this battle against COVID-19.[3] Drawing from published literature, we discuss the factors responsible for the decline of public trust, how the lack of trust can hamper interventions and control efforts and some suggestions how this challenge can be tackled to enhance effective interventions to combat COVID-19 in Cameroon.
Topic:: Government, Health, Institutions, Public Sector, Public Health, Pandemic, COVID-19, and Global Health
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

36. Overcoming The Challenge Of Fiscal Transition In Cameroon

Publication Date:: 01-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: On 16 November 2020, Cameroon’s government published the 2030 National Development 2020- Strategy (SND30), which operationalises the second phase of the emergence vision for 2035. This 10-year plan aims to implement favourable conditions for sustainable economic growth and an accumulation of national wealth through structural changes essential for industrialisation. The strategic objectives to be achieved can be summarised as follows: achieve approximately a double-digit economic growth attain the 25% threshold as the share of manufacturing production in GDP reduce poverty to less than 10% in 2035 consolidate the democratic process and strengthen national unity while respecting the diversity that characterises the country To achieve these clearly defined objectives, public authorities must increase their efforts to encourage local production. In other words, local producers need to be supported and supervised by being rewarded with a package of tax relief measures. The challenge is to promote the “made in Cameroon” and progressively reduce the dependence on manufactured products’ imports.
Topic:: Economics, Economic Growth, Tax Systems, and Fiscal Policy
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

37. Impact Of Covid-19 On The Continuum Of Care

Author:: Wilfred Ngwa, Nkengafac Fobellah, Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Mbuwir Charlotte, Kibu Odette, Gobina Ronald, and Denis Foretia
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The outbreak of the novel coronavirus disease (widely referred to as COVID-19), caused by the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), was first reported in Wuhan (Hubei province) China in December 2019. By January 30, 2020, WHO Director General declared that the outbreak constitutes a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) [1]. The virus has since December 2019, spread to all the 7 continents of the world. The highest concentration of infected persons has shifted several times since mid-February 2020 from China to Iran, and then to Italy and Spain and is presently in the United States of America, India and Latin America and [3]. According to The Lancet, it is inevitable that Africa will be experiencing the next wave of infections [4]. Africa as of November 2nd, 2020, had registered more than 1.8 million cases and over 43 thousand deaths, thus contributing to about 3.9% of the global caseload and to about 3.6% of the global death roll [5].
Topic:: Public Health, Pandemic, COVID-19, Health Crisis, and Global Health
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

38. Obtaining Construction Permits In Cameroon: Dealing With The Law

Author:: Dinga Tambi and Henri Kouam
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Infrastructure is a prerequisite for economic development. It forms the backdrop of sustained economic progress, creates employment opportunities and improves citizens’ quality of life. To this end, the World Bank created the “Doing Business Index” to measure the performance of countries. Admittedly, construction permits comprise a sub-category of the overall index where Cameroon ranks from 166th in 2019 to 167th in 2020. This article looks at current legislation for obtaining construction permits, the various parties involved and the implications for Cameroon’s economic development.
Topic:: Infrastructure, World Bank, Business, and Economic Development
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

39. Assessing The Mechanism Of The Issuance Of Construction Permits In Cameroon

Author:: Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The building permit is a preliminary declaration that allows for the verification of a construction initiative in a given locality, in line with the respect of town planning and architectural rules in force. In Cameroon, this document issued by the local council authority is mandatory for any possible new construction or modification of an existing construction. Therefore, any construction without an official permit is liable to a penalty of 30% of the estimated cost of the building. According to Law No.2004/003 of April 21, 2004 governing the Cameroonian Urban Planning Code and the decree of 23 April 2008; the process of obtaining this document has been considerably shortened. Yet, it remains quite complex. This complexity is evident in the plurality of procedures, requirements, norms, offices, conditions, actors, documents, and stakeholders involved in the process. All these are accompanied by the heavy financial burden, time-consuming processes, boycotts, administrative bottlenecks and corruption; all of which lead to unorganized and slow urban development. Moreover, within this complexity, is the reality that such mechanisms differ from one place to another across the national territory; thereby creating some sought of uncertainty, non-uniformity, and lack of trust in the system. The improvement in the issuance mechanism of Construction Permits in Cameroon is very vital for a country that has the ambition to achieve its economic emergence by 2035.
Topic:: Infrastructure, Regulation, Business, and Economic Development
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

40. The Promise Of Digital Health In Africa

Author:: Odette Kibu, Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Wilfred Ngwa, Charlotte Bongfen, Ronald Gobina, Nkengafac Fobellah, and Denis Foretia
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Digital Health holds enormous potential to improving access to health care services. It has been well documented that the African health sector is facing challenges in the delivery of high quality healthcare both in terms of development of high quality programs and also in increasing access to health care services. Despite decades of foreign assistance, few countries in the region are able to spend even the $34-$40 per person per year that the World Health Organization (WHO) considers the minimum necessary to provide a population with basic health care. In spite of the billions of dollars of international aid dispensed, an astonishing 50 percent of Sub-Saharan Africa’s total health expenditure is financed by out-of-pocket payments from its largely impoverished population. Interventions that aim at increasing access to high quality healthcare in a cost effective way have the potential to greatly transform the health sector. Digital healthcare technology stands out in the 21st century as a major game changer for the health sector and the African continent is well positioned to benefit greatly since technology can help tackle the rising burden of disease and major obstacles in infrastructure and the environment.
Topic:: Science and Technology, World Health Organization, Health Care Policy, Digital Policy, and Global Health
Political Geography:: Africa, Cameroon, and Sub-Saharan Africa

41. Cameroon: Almost 97% Of Household Have Problems In Food Crop Production

Author:: Sundjo Fabien
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Agriculture is critical to achieving global poverty reduction target and it is the single most important sector in most low-income countries, as concern its share in the Gross Domestic Product and equally in terms of number of people it employs (World Bank, 2009). According to the World Bank report (2007), agricultural development is one of the most powerful tools to end extreme poverty, boost shared property and feed a projected 9.7 billion people by 2050. In addition, the same report holds that growth in agricultural sector is two to four times more effective in raising income amongst the poorest as compared to other sectors. This has made agriculture to remain a core activity in the developing economies. It is believed that, over the past decades, hunger and malnutrition persist in many countries because of slow agricultural productivity (WFP, 2018). The expected increase in agricultural demand associated with population growth requires a continuous increase in the investment in agricultural activities be it at the national or individual levels. Goal two of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which is emphasized in the Millennium development Goals (MDGs) aims at eliminating hunger to zero level by 2030. But unfortunately, hunger and malnutrition remain a barrier of development in developing countries. In this light identifying factors that can hamper agricultural production is remarkably important. The objective of this write-up is therefore to investigate the challenges faced by farmers in order to implement informed decision to boost productivity in the food crop farming sector in Cameroon.
Topic:: Agriculture, Food, Food Security, Millennium Development Goals, Sustainable Development Goals, Economic Development, and Farming
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

42. Market Research: A Key Determinant Of Success For SME Start-Ups In Cameroon

Author:: Dinga Tambi and Dr. Fuein Vera Kum
Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) are regarded as vectors for job and wealth creation throughout the world. They contribute to generating growth as well as redistributing wealth in both developed and developing countries [1]. In Cameroon, SMEs constitute 95% of the country’s economy and also helps in job creation especially among the youths [2]. This, to a greater extent, means that their successes or failures have significant implications for economic growth. To be successful, and to stand out as a pillar of national growth in the country, SMEs need to invest in essential practices that nurture a high level of mastery of the contextual factors that foster their growth. They also need to demonstrate an understanding of factors that may impede the growth trajectory they require to be the drivers of economic growth which they represent. Hence, it becomes imperative for SMEs to invest in market research. This will help them to grow and develop sustainably and not quickly go out of business. Market research is a fundamental determinant for the success and growth of SMEs. However, this is not always the case in Cameroon as most local investors fail to carry out market research before their establishment and in the course of their operations that can help them grow sustainably. Most SMEs in Cameroon do not survive after the incubation phase. According to business and finance experts, this happens due to the absence of market research and the inability of these enterprises to create a specialized market for themselves and their products [3].
Topic:: Business and Economic Development
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

43. Barriers To Formalization Of Businesses In Cameroon: High Tax Rates

Publication Date:: 02-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: Clearly expressed in its National Development Strategy 2020-2030 (SND30), Cameroon’s desire for the coming decade is to achieve sustainable growth driven by the manufacturing industry. Thus, the government hopes to increase (i) manufacturing value-added from 14.5% in 2017 to 25% in 2030 and (ii) the share of manufacturing exports to 54.5%. However, in the absence of an efficient industrial sector, the economy tends to specialize in the “end of the chain” activities, including extraction (mining and oil) and subsistence agriculture on the one hand and trade and services on the other. According to the Third Survey on Employment and the Informal Sector conducted by Cameroon’s National Institute of Statistics in 2018, nearly 90% of the Cameroonian labor force remains trapped in the informal sector. The sector comprises a set of individual companies – generally nonagricultural – that operate on a small scale and are not registered with the competent authorities. Many entrepreneurs choose to operate informally because of barriers to formalization. For example, businesses spend an average of 624 hours to make 44 payments per year to the tax authorities. The total tax rate remains one of the highest in Central Africa, at 57.7% of business profits than 47.1% in Gabon (World Bank, 2020).
Topic:: Labor Issues, Business, Tax Systems, Economic Development, Sustainability, Labor Market, and Informal Economy
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

44. State-Centric Approach to Resolving the Anglophone Conflict in Cameroon: What Prospects?

Author:: Francis Tazoacha
Publication Date:: 04-2021
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The Nkafu Policy Institute, a think–thank of Denis and Lenora Foretia Foundation, Simbock, Yaoundé, Cameroon, hosted a webinar on January 26, 2021 on the theme: “Can the Anglophone Crisis be Solved Through a State-Centric Approach?” Hosted in partnership with the National Endowment for Democracy based in Washington DC, the webinar sought to know if the ongoing conflict in North West and South West Cameroon can be resolved through a state–centric approach. Bringing together about 68 participants, the January 2021 webinar sought to provide a platform for knowledge sharing and dialogue on the anglophone conflict and brainstorming to see if the state alone can resolve the conflict without the involvement of other stakeholders. The meeting sought to address a widely recognized need for the government of Cameroon to ensure greater involvement of civil society organizations, regional bodies, the United Nations, the African Union, Nation States and international mediators in the sustainable resolution of the conflict. For the past four years, the socio-political climate of the Anglophone regions of Cameroon has been very volatile. The long-standing grievances among the Anglophone population in the North West and South West Regions of Cameroon concerning marginalisation particularly in the educational and legal systems by the Francophone-dominated government led to widespread protests in October 2016.1 The conflict escalated from a peaceful demonstration that was met with a heavy crackdown from the government security forces in 2017. As a result, the situation morphed into an armed conflict with increasing support by the population in the Anglophone regions to seek independence from Cameroun – French Cameroon – as an independent “Republic of Ambazonia.” Since 2017, the conflict has continued unabated without any party seeming to surrender and thus end the war. Despite attempts from the national and international communities to intervene and resolve this destructive conflict, it has nevertheless, resulted in an impasse.2 The government of Cameroon opted for a military strategy from the very beginning of the peaceful protest that quickly changed into an armed conflict. Some pundits attribute this escalation to November 30, 2017 when President Biya, upon his return from Abidjan, Ivory Coast – after attending the 5th African Union-European Union Summit – declared to pressmen at the Yaoundé Nsimalen International Airport that he would put an end to the series of killings of forces of law. He also said he would order in general and the massacres around Mamfe in the South West Region, at the time all claimed to have been perpetrated by “Anglophone separatists.”
Topic:: Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Conflict, Nation-State, and African Union
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

45. An Analysis of the Effects of Oil Price Fluctuations on the Conduct of Monetary Policy in the Economic

Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: For many years, the economies of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa, like most of the world’s economies, have been confronted with numerous fluctuations in the price of raw materials on international markets. For these predominantly extroverted economies, that is, those dependent on export earnings, these price variations have consequences for their macroeconomic performance and the conduct of economic policy. Like most economic crises in the world in the past, the pandemic caused by the new Coronavirus that has been raging since 2020 has also brought with it many changes. Between the confinement measures taken by public authorities to curb the spread of the virus and the resulting slowdown in global economic activity, there has been an inevitable significant drop in global oil demand. The direct consequence of such a scenario is the fall in oil prices on world markets, which is very bad news for the public finances of oil-exporting countries. The main objective of this report is to analyze the effects of oil price fluctuations on the conduct of monetary policy in the CEMAC. We start from the observation that oil shocks are the source of strong inflationary pressures in these economies. It is the responsibility of monetary policy to ensure price stability. Thus, after analyzing the effects of oil price fluctuations on the world economy as well as the macroeconomic and financial implications of these fluctuations on the economies in 2020, we use a Vector Auto Regressive model to analyze the contribution of oil price shocks on the historical dynamics of macroeconomic variables in the various CEMAC countries between 2001 and 2020. Then, we use a Panel Smooth Transition Regression model to analyze the impact of oil price changes on monetary policy in the CEMAC.
Topic:: Economics, International Political Economy, Oil, Natural Resources, Monetary Policy, Global Markets, Inflation, and Macroeconomics
Political Geography:: Africa, Cameroon, and Central Africa

46. Should We Consider A Post-Covid-19 Reform Of The VAT In Cameroon?

Publication Date:: 03-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The COVID-19 pandemic so far has had a profound impact on the global economy. The containment measures adopted by governments to curb the spread of the disease have curtailed business activities, making it impossible for companies to adequately meet their tax obligations. As a result, forecasts for customs revenues and internal tax resources have been revised downward, mainly due to the closure of borders. Collected both at the borders and within the country, Value Added Taxes revenues have naturally been very negatively affected by the crisis. In Cameroon, losses related to value added tax in 2020 were estimated at CFAF 298.017 billion, representing 50.73 percent of recorded tax losses, which is hardly surprising. Value-added taxes are identified as the main source of tax revenue in Cameroon. They were estimated at 44.73% of tax revenue in 2019 and about 7% more than in 2016. The importance of VAT in tax revenue mobilization requires an examination of the Cameroonian tax system, particularly the factors that could explain a reform of the tax. Moreover, given that Cameroon is at high risk of external debt distress (IMF, 2018), there is an urgent need to find new ways to ensure the continued sustainability of public finances. This Tax Policy Letter analyzes the rationale for VAT reform in Cameroon. First, we present the severity of the economic repercussions of the coronavirus health crisis at the level of VAT revenues in Cameroon. Noting that VAT is the main source of indirect tax revenue – 60.19% in 2019 compared to 54.54% in 2016, for example – we then examine the guiding principles that govern its collection and application in Cameroon. A careful examination of these principles has allowed us to analyze the benefits associated with a reform of this tax on final consumption.
Topic:: Economics, International Political Economy, Tax Systems, Macroeconomics, Fiscal Policy, and Revenue Management
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

47. The Declaration and Payment of Taxes in Cameroon: A Critical Appraisal

Author:: Dr. Louis-Marie Kakdeu, Ulrich D’POLA KAMDEM, and Dinga Tambi
Publication Date:: 05-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:: The Nkafu Policy Institute is delighted to share with you the results of a report that critically appraises the declaration and payment of taxes in Cameroon. Indeed, since 2004 the Doing Business Index (DBI) of the World Bank has been ranking national economies based on their performance in several domains. One of these domains includes the “paying taxes” indicator. It records taxes and mandatory contributions that medium-size companies must pay in a given year and equally measures the administrative burden of paying taxes and contributions and complying with post-filing procedures. Therefore, the weight of the tax burden remains a decisive element in the attractiveness of an economy as it encourages or dissuades national and foreign investors, widens or reduces the tax base, stimulates or refrains entrepreneurship. During the 2009 and 2016 General Census of Enterprises by the National Institute of Statistics, the following key question was asked to top management personnel: “What are the most important obstacles to entrepreneurship in Cameroon?” Taxation was cited as the first major obstacle regardless of cities, according to National Institute of Statistics reports.
Topic:: Economics, Governance, World Bank, Regulation, and Tax Systems
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

48. Expert Meeting on Assessing Atrocity Risk in Northwest and Southwest Cameroon: Rapporteur's Report

Author:: Alex Vandermaas-Peeler
Publication Date:: 04-2021
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Abstract:: In response to ongoing atrocities in Cameroon’s Northwest and Southwest regions, this expert meeting focused on ways in which atrocity risk could be heightened. In order to better specify the mass atrocity risks, meeting participants explored plausible scenarios in which atrocities would significantly worsen. These “worst-case” scenarios, detailed below, can inform atrocity prevention efforts and assist in generating targeted policy suggestions. The scenarios are not predictions, but they highlight some of the ways atrocities could worsen in coming months and years.
Topic:: Violence, Public Policy, Risk, and Atrocities
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

49. State Legitimation Crisis and Violent Extremism among Young People in Nigeria

Author:: Adejoh Pius Enechojo, Ottoh Ferdinand, Onah Emmanuel, and Agugua Augustine
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: This article assessed the perceptions of youth towards perceived failures of the Nigerian State and their resulting disposition towards violent extremism as a response. The subjects for the study were drawn from, and representative of Lagos, Delta and Plateau States of the Country. The article adopted an eclectic theoretical approach and utilised a crosssectional survey design to generate quantitative data from 2 106 young people aged 18 and 35 years. The chi square statistical test was used to analyse the quantitative data. The results indicated among others, that although most young people feel disenchanted by the failure of the state to fulfil its contractual mandate of delivering the public good, they are however, unwilling to personally accept acts of extremism/terrorism as legitimate means of pursuing desired goals, and are not positively disposed towards the use of violence or terrorism as a means of actualising their goals. However, the study revealed a positive relationship between young people’s belief that it is incumbent on citizens to use violence to oppose underperforming government and their willingness to adopt violence or terrorism to achieve desired goals at P-value of 0.000. The article, recommends a re-doubling of efforts by the political state to fulfil her contractual obligations of improving the socioeconomic well-being of her citizens, among others.
Topic:: Violent Extremism, Youth, State, and Legitimacy
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

50. The Anglophone problem in Cameroon: The change from crisis to conflict, and a possible way forward to resolution

Author:: Billy Agwanda and Hacer Soykan Adaoğlu
Publication Date:: 06-2021
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: African Journal on Conflict Resolution
Institution:: The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:: Since the dissolution of the federal system in 1972, Cameroon has been entangled in an internal crisis between the Anglophone region and the government. After four years of violence, the outcome of peace efforts have largely been countered by more incidents of violence. This article traces how the crisis has evolved over the years from a political crisis into a conflict situation. While appreciating the theoretical perspectives of internal colonialism and ethnonationalism in explaining the conflict, the authors highlight that the evolution from a crisis into a conflict has been driven by factors such as the expanding waves of democratisation, the emergence of new actors (militias) and the evolution of the digital space (social media as platform for mobilisation). The article emphasises that whereas grievances over marginalisation form the underlying drivers of the conflict, disagreements over the judicial (common law) and education system in the Anglophone regions exacerbated the crisis, thereby leading to the outbreak of violence. Against this background, the article provides recommendations that may encourage a recourse to peace and stability for a nation previously lauded as one of the (few) stable countries in the Central Africa region.
Topic:: Nationalism, Political stability, Ethnicity, Conflict, Peace, Marginalization, and Anglophone
Political Geography:: Africa and Cameroon

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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS