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Begin New Search Political Geography Cameroon Publication Year within 10 Years

1. A security dilemma during Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration in the Lake Chad Basin

Author:
Mariana Llorens Zabala
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The security crisis in the Lake Chad Basin (LCB) region has been of great concern since its turning point in 2009 due to the expansion of Boko Haram (BH) as one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the continent. This crisis is characterised by complex causes, including a development deficit, the lack of a social contract between the state and the population, weak governance structures, and a consequent violent extremist insurgency that has emerged and grown from and within the instability. While the efforts of those tasked to fight against the spread of these threats are numerous and commendable, much still needs to be done to ensure a safe and secure environment for all populations in the region. Through kinetic operations and non-kinetic interventions, the four governments of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, with the support of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), the African Union (AU), United Nations (UN) agencies, and other critical partners have scaled up their interventions in the region. The scaled-up interventions include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes as part of the Regional Strategy for the Stabilisation, Recovery and Resilience (RS-SRR) of the Boko Haram-affected areas. However, it is common knowledge that these four countries are faced with challenges in the handling and treatment of individuals associated with BH – and other affiliated groups – when they surrender or exit these groups. First and foremost, these challenges include the lack of pre-conditions for traditional DDR to take place. A further challenge is the proliferation of arms and ammunition in the region among the civilian population due to a lack of security and safety provision.
Topic:
Security, Counter-terrorism, Disarmament, Boko Haram, African Union, Demobilization, and Reintegration
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Niger, and Lake Chad Basin

2. Reflecting On Post-Electoral Disputes: A Need To Promote Living Together And The Authority Of The State In Cameroon

Author:
Kuba Abouem Perpétue
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The “years of embers” of 1990 marked the return to a multi-party system in Cameroon (Cameroon-tribune 2017), putting an end to the single-party system instituted in 1966, with the symbolic transformation of the Cameroonian Union (CU) into the Cameroonian National Union (CNU). Two major currents triggered this movement. These were upheavals on the international scene and their effects on national politics. In 1989, the fall of the Berlin Wall symbolized the end of the Cold War, perceived as the triumph of the West and “the end of history” (Fukuyama, 1992). Against this backdrop, the French President François Mitterand gave a speech at La Baule that marked the beginning of the “third wave of democratization” (Huntington, 1991). On June 20, 1990, at the 16th France/Africa Conference, France decided to make access to Development Aid conditional on the establishment of democracy, in a sort of “Democracy against Aid”. Popular demands and tensions erupted, jeopardizing security and peace. This break with the past, marked by what was seen at the time as an easing of East-West antagonisms and tensions, which had the opposite effect on the African continent. Despite its perverse effects, however, respect for democratic freedoms was reaffirmed by the African Union in 2007 in the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
Topic:
Democratization, Elections, and State
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

3. Accelerating National Value Chains Through a Better Implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement in Cameroon

Author:
Adeline Nembot, Sandrine Viesi Maingeh, and Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Like most African countries, Cameroon, a country endowed with abundant human and natural resources, has for decades been grappling with the challenge of developing and strengthening its national value chains. Value chains refer to the sequence of activities that create value for a product or service, from the raw material to the final consumer. Indeed, Cameroon’s national value chains face numerous difficulties, including poor infrastructure, limited access to finance, lack of diversification, lack of skilled labor and corruption (1). This results to low levels of processing and value addition, leading to low export prices and high import bills. This is particularly the case for the country’s cocoa bean exports, which are processed and sold elsewhere and therefore make only a small contribution to GDP (15%) (2) Fortunately, the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement, signed by Cameroon in 2020, appears to be a significant opportunity to accelerate its national value chains. Indeed, this agreement aims to promote intra-African trade and economic integration by eliminating tariffs on intra-African trade, facilitating the movement of goods and services, and encouraging investment. From this perspective, this article seeks to explore how Cameroon can position itself to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the implementation of the AfCFTA on its national value chains. In doing so, it will highlight to African leaders and governments, economic operators and national and multinational companies the importance of developing their manufacturing sector and achieving the target of 30% of GDP by 2030. This article presents the trade and economic profile of Cameroon in Section 2, the role of the AfCFTA in promoting Cameroon’s value chains in Section 3, and the conclusion in Section 4.
Topic:
Regional Cooperation, Natural Resources, Free Trade, and Value Chains
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

4. The Role of Civil Society During Elections In Cameroon

Author:
Guy Beaudry Jengu Jengu
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
In 2024, 19 African countries are organizing elections (1). More than half of these elections will take place during the last quarter of the year. In French-speaking African countries, more or less violent post-electoral crises (2) are quite common, and similar patterns observed. On one hand, the democratic openings of the 1990s either transformed single-party systems into ruling parties or brought former military personnel to power. On the other hand, the political landscape lacks robust policy platforms and ideological depth (3), and the vibrancy of civil society has rarely persisted past the 2000s. Yet, Cameroon currently has more than 50,000 entities claiming represent civil society (4). It is this civil society that is the focus of this analysis. First, the question of defining African civil society must be addressed, as its conceptualization outside of African democratic contexts and its ubiquitous usage in media make it a somewhat identifiable yet difficult to precisely define phenomenon (5). For the purposes of this work, civil society refers to an “autonomous associative sector, independent from the state” (6). Following Hegel, we distinguish it from political society, recognizing its intermediary position between prominent political actors and families (7). How does civil society deploy itself in Cameroon during the electoral period? The electoral period is divided into three distinct periods: before the election, on the day of the election, and after the election. More than 30 years after the advent of pluralist elections and multipartyism, this work aims to analyze the political, institutional and social logics that inform the practices of civil society during these moments, based on the events of the last presidential election. The objective is to uncover the actual repertoire of action employed by civil society actors during electoral periods in Cameroon, in order to identify ways to promote civic and citizen-oriented behaviors.
Topic:
Civil Society, Politics, and Elections
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

5. Electoral Fraud and the Weakening Of Cameroonian Democracy

Author:
Joseph Thierry Okala Ebode
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The resurgence of democracy in Cameroon, mirroring trends across Francophone sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, was characterized by electoral system reforms and the introduction of multiparty elections (1). However, the outcomes of these reforms and subsequent elections have often fallen short of expectations. The March 1992 multiparty legislative elections saw opposition parties secure a majority (92 out of 180 seats), yet they were unable to assume power. Since then, despite numerous presidential and local elections, the country has seen neither a transfer of power at the highest levels of government nor the local-level changes citizens have long desired. This aspiration for political alternation continues to be thwarted by a system that consistently reinstates the same leadership. Paradoxically, despite a proliferation of political parties (2), the influence and significance of the opposition continue to wane. This diminishing role of the opposition, coupled with growing democratic disillusionment (3), can be largely attributed to electoral fraud (4). Electoral fraud encompasses any illegal actions aimed at favoring particular candidates or party lists at the expense of others. This raises a critical question: How does electoral fraud, an illegal practice, lead to the disengagement of members of the opposing political landscape, the general public, and particularly the youth, from the political process? To address this, our analysis will focus on two main areas: first, examining fraudulent practices that operate within legal loopholes, and second, investigating overtly illegal fraudulent activities.
Topic:
Elections, Democracy, Domestic Politics, and Fraud
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

6. Financing Innovations – Cameroonian Startups and the Rise of Alternative Funding

Author:
Adeline Nembot, Yollande Meli Tankeu, and Larissa Ntoubia
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
In Cameroon, startups have always relied on personal resources and bank financing despite their heavy investment requirements. Yet, rigorous collateral and high interest rate requirements limit access to bank loans. As a result in 2021, only 15% of Cameroonian startups had access to formal funding options, while the majority relied on personal savings or informal funding sources (1), such as Informal Saving Groups and Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs). Moreover, according to the Central African Startup Finance Report 2022, funds raised in 2022 by startups in Cameroon remained stable year to year at 7.3 billion francs CFA ($12 million) (2). In 2023, the Africa platform’s report showing the breakdown by country of funds raised by young African startups revealed that Cameroon attracted fewer investors, raising just $4 million, far behind Côte d’Ivoire ($17 million), Senegal ($44 million), Benin ($71 million), Kenya ($88 million), South Africa ($410 million), and Egypt ($640 million) (3). This restricted access hinders startups’ potential to innovate, create jobs, and contribute to economic growth. In this context, there is a need for exploring alternative financing options, which demands a shift from traditional to emergent financing solutions.
Topic:
Economics, Finance, Innovation, and Startup
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

7. Training-Employment Transition and New Digital Professions: A Solution to Women’s Employability in Cameroon

Author:
Yollande Meli Tankeu, Emilie Bitongo, and Adeline Nembot
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The primary objective of all training programs is to facilitate integration into the job market. However, the transition from training to employment—encompassing young people who study and work simultaneously, as well as those who are unemployed, underemployed, or dissatisfied with self-employment (ILO, 2020) remains a significant challenge in Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly for women. In Cameroon, the female participation and opportunity rate stands at 70.4%, which is 29.6% lower than that of men (Global Gender Gap, 2022). Nearly eight out of ten female workers are engaged in vulnerable employment, with 93% in informal jobs, and only 11% of paid workers have contracts lasting more than 12 months (Elder and Kring, 2016), from the ILO School to Work Transition Survey). Although there have been some advancements in the Cameroonian job market in recent years, the situation for women remains concerning compared to that of men. Recent advances and innovations in the digital sector present opportunities for a successful transition from training to employment, particularly for women, due to the emergence of new professions. In Cameroon, the digital economy accounted for 3.5% of GDP in 2016 (Djon, 2020). Since then, the digital sector has introduced a variety of professions, including digital marketing, community management, web writing, and blogging, which could facilitate a positive training-employment transition for women in Cameroon. However, women currently represent only 20% of digital workers in the country (Business & Finance International, 2023). This article examines the challenges of the training-employment transition for women and the emergence of new digital jobs as a potential solution to enhance their employability in Cameroon. Our analysis is structured into two parts: the first provides an overview of the training-employment transition for women in Cameroon, while the second highlights new digital professions as opportunities for improving this transition.
Topic:
Women, Employment, and Digital Economy
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

8. The Partograph: A Tool to Reduce Mother-Child Mortality Rate During Labour

Author:
Fobella Nkengafac, Regina Sinsai, Ghyslaine Bruna Djeunang Dongho, Solange Dabou, Evrard Kepgang, and Ronald Gobina
Publication Date:
11-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The Safe motherhood initiative is a fundamental aspect of healthcare that was launched in 1987 with an aim to reduce maternal mortality and ensure positive birth outcomes in developing countries(1) [1]. In many parts of the world, women face numerous challenges during childbirth. As a result, maternal and child mortality remains a global concern as the rates continue to remain high with more than 69% of maternal deaths occurring in African countries with rates ranging between 500 and 999 deaths per 100 000 live births (2) [2]. These elevated rates of maternal mortality are generally attributed to complications that arise, during pregnancy, before birth, during birth or after birth, and are commonly avoidable through appropriate interventions. WHO set as part of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), to reduce maternal deaths to 70 maternal deaths per 100 000 live births (1) [1]. Despite significant progress in healthcare, complications during labour and delivery continue to contribute to a substantial number of preventable deaths. The partograph, a simple yet effective tool, has shown promising results in reducing these mortality rates during labour. Yet, its use remains relatively low in some medical facilities in Cameroon (2,3) [2,3]. This article aims to shed light on the importance of the partograph, its role in improving maternal and child health outcomes and highlights its role in reducing complications during labour.
Topic:
Women, Public Health, Healthcare System, and Infant Mortality
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

9. R2P Monitor, Issue 68, 1 March 2024

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 68 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Cameroon, Central African Republic, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, North Korea, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Sahel, Central African Republic, and Global Focus

10. R2P Monitor, Issue 67, 1 December 2023

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
R2P Monitor is a quarterly publication applying the atrocity prevention lens to populations at risk of mass atrocities around the world. Issue 67 looks at developments in Afghanistan, Cameroon, Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger), China, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Myanmar (Burma), Nicaragua, Nigeria, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Central African Republic, South Sudan and Yemen.
Topic:
Human Rights, International Law, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, China, Sudan, Ukraine, Israel, Yemen, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Nicaragua, Haiti, Syria, Venezuela, Ethiopia, Mali, Myanmar, South Sudan, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Niger, and Burkina Faso