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11. Facilitating the transition of women from the informal to theformal sector in Cameroon

Author:
Ghislain Stéphane and Larissa Ntoubia
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Around seven out of ten working women in Cameroon earn their living in the informal economy, inactivities that generate most national employment and about half of gross domestic product.Informal work provides essential income but is characterized by low productivity, lack of socialprotection and high vulnerability. Supporting women to move progressively towards formalemployment and structured entrepreneurship is therefore both an economic priority and a matterof social justice. It is also central to the achievement of Cameroon’s Vision 2035 and to progresson the Sustainable Development Goals, especially those relating to gender equality and decentwork. This policy brief summarizes key findings from the report “Women in the Informal Sector inCameroon: Opportunities and Economic Contributions” and proposes a set of practical measuresto encourage formalization while improving the quality of work in the informal economy.
Topic:
Labor Issues, Women, Employment, Entrepreneurship, and Informal Economy
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

12. Strengthening Cameroon’s Electoral Ecosystem: Lessonslearned from the 2025 presidential election

Author:
Antem Anthony
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Weeks after Cameroon’s 2025 presidential election, the dust is yet to settle on an election described by 9 members of the US Congress as a “serious erosion of democratic norms”.Between numerous killings, arbitrary arrests of peaceful protesters and opposition figures,kidnappings, looting and destruction of property, the post electoral scenario in Cameroon did notfall short of expectation as early indicators highlighted the risk of a polycrisis in Cameroon. Awayfrom the violent scenarios recorded, it would be of benefit to the enlarged public and policymakers to take note of some positive scenarios which were equally observed throughout thiselection and how multisectoral actions can shape positive outcomes for the community. In view ofinforming best practices locally and internationally, this article therefore highlights some keylessons from Cameroon’s just ended elections
Topic:
Democracy, Domestic Politics, and Presidential Elections
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

13. Strengthening Telecom Infrastructure and Governance forQuality Internet in Cameroon

Author:
Stephane Atangana
Publication Date:
12-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Cameroon’s digital economy is constrained by expensive and unreliable internet. Mobile datacosts are around two to three times higher than in some African peers, while fixed broadbandspeeds are more than five times slower than in countries such as Ghana. Poor quality connectivitylimits productivity, raises business costs and undermines efforts to build a modern digitaleconomy. This brief argues that the core problem is weak governance, maintenance and investmentincentives in the national fibre backbone and in the telecom sector as a whole. It proposes a set ofpriority reforms to restructure Cameroon Telecommunications (Camtel), strengthen pro-competitive regulation and ensure that internet becomes both affordable and widely accessible.
Topic:
Infrastructure, Governance, Digital Economy, Internet, and Telecommunications
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

14. Addressing Policy Issues to Support Women’s EconomicEmpowerment in the Care Economy in Cameroon

Author:
Nkafu Policy Institute
Publication Date:
06-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Cameroon is a middle-income country with a population of more than 29.4 million [1] . It ranked117 out of 146 in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index in 2021 [2], indicating asignificant gender gap. With an increasing global focus on women’s empowerment, Cameroonhas made strong policy commitments and developed sound policy measures to support Women’sEconomic Empowerment (WEE), backed by changes in macroeconomic frameworks to enable aninclusive approach to economic growth [3]. Nevertheless, gender equality cannot be taken forgranted and needs sustained attention in policy formulation and implementation. More womenhave been moving into paid work and increasingly leadership positions, yet globally, societalexpectations, employer policies, the legal environment and the availability of care continue to playan important role in the choice of educational tracks and career paths for these women. Womenremain disadvantaged at all levels of economic empowerment, especially in access to decentlivelihoods, resource ownership, infrastructure, and services to meet their productive, reproductive, and household needs. This article seeks to address various policy issues required tosupport women’s economic empowerment within the care economy in Cameroon. Thesubsequent sections consist of the Care Economy and Women’s Economic Empowerment, somechallenges and barriers women encounter in terms of economic empowerment, and policychallenges affecting WEE and the care economy. This is followed by a variety of policyrecommendations and future directions.
Topic:
Economics, Women, Empowerment, and Care Economy
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

15. Inflation Threatens Food Security in Cameroon: NavigatingChallenges in a Context of Poly-crisis

Author:
Adeline Nembot and Larissa Ntoubia Ngapmen
Publication Date:
07-2025
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Despite the government’s price-stabilizing efforts, such as putting a ban on cereal’s exportation in2021, subsidies and tax exemptions in 2023, and promotional sales on widely consumedproducts, the cost of food in Cameroon has not dropped. In fact, food prices in January 2025 stillstood at a 7.90% increase over the same month in the previous year. Mostly driven by foodinflation, the overall level of inflation in 2024 still reached 4.5%, above the Central AfricanEconomic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) threshold of 3%. As a result, the country isprogressively diving into significant food shortage caused by persistent inflation coupled withconflicts, displacing populations, and severe flooding, affecting agricultural production. Accordingto the 2024 Cadre Harmonisé Report, 5,637,855 (20.27%) and around 3 million (11%) people inCameroon faced moderate and severe food and nutritional insecurity, respectively, between March and October 2024 , a 5% increase compared to the same period in 2022.
Topic:
Food Security, Crisis Management, Inflation, and Public Policy
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

16. Borders Without Belonging: Statelessness, Displacement, and Human Insecurity in Post-Handover Bakassi

Author:
Seun Bamidele
Publication Date:
10-2025
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:
Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:
The Bakassi Peninsula conflict remains one of the most complex and enduring examples of postcolonial territorial disputes in Africa, rai-sing urgent questions about legal sovereignty, resource control, and human security. Originally situated within the fluid and often contested borders of colonial cartography, Bakassi was subject to shifting territorial claims by Nigeria and Cameroon, a conflict that culminated in the 2002 International Court of Justice (ICJ) judgment awarding the peninsula to Cameroon (ICJ 2002a; 2002b). While hailed internationally as a triumph of legal diplomacy and pacific settlement (International Peace Institute 2008; United Nations 2008), the ruling and its aftermath exposed the severe disjuncture between international law and local realities, particularly for Bakassi’s inhabitants who faced statelessness, displacement, and legal ambiguity (Odinkalu 2012; Hussain 2023; Oyewo 2021).The existing scholarship on the Bakassi conflict has primarily focused on its geopolitical and legal dimensions, particularly the role of the ICJ in adjudicating territorial disputes and enforcing treaty obligations between sta-tes (Bonchuk 2014; Ezeilo 2010; Nwoko 2015). Other studies have examined Nigeria–Cameroon bilateral relations, the role of natural resources in fueling the conflict, and the enforcement challenges of international decisions (Hart 2022; Ebolo 2022; Egeran 2015). While these contributions are valuable, they tend to adopt a state-centric lens that overlooks the lived experiences of affected populations, particularly in relation to citizenship, displacement, and social exclusion.This study departs from such frameworks by foregrounding the human consequences of legal diplomacy, particularly the emergence of pos-tcolonial statelessness and the marginalization of displaced persons. It builds on, but also critiques, literature that under-theorizes the link between inter-national legal processes and everyday governance failures in borderlands.
Topic:
Displacement, Borders, Human Security, Statelessness, and Insecurity
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Bakassi Peninsula

17. A security dilemma during Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration in the Lake Chad Basin

Author:
Mariana Llorens Zabala
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Conflict Trends
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The security crisis in the Lake Chad Basin (LCB) region has been of great concern since its turning point in 2009 due to the expansion of Boko Haram (BH) as one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the continent. This crisis is characterised by complex causes, including a development deficit, the lack of a social contract between the state and the population, weak governance structures, and a consequent violent extremist insurgency that has emerged and grown from and within the instability. While the efforts of those tasked to fight against the spread of these threats are numerous and commendable, much still needs to be done to ensure a safe and secure environment for all populations in the region. Through kinetic operations and non-kinetic interventions, the four governments of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, with the support of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC), the African Union (AU), United Nations (UN) agencies, and other critical partners have scaled up their interventions in the region. The scaled-up interventions include the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes as part of the Regional Strategy for the Stabilisation, Recovery and Resilience (RS-SRR) of the Boko Haram-affected areas. However, it is common knowledge that these four countries are faced with challenges in the handling and treatment of individuals associated with BH – and other affiliated groups – when they surrender or exit these groups. First and foremost, these challenges include the lack of pre-conditions for traditional DDR to take place. A further challenge is the proliferation of arms and ammunition in the region among the civilian population due to a lack of security and safety provision.
Topic:
Security, Counter-terrorism, Disarmament, Boko Haram, African Union, Demobilization, and Reintegration
Political Geography:
Africa, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Niger, and Lake Chad Basin

18. Reflecting On Post-Electoral Disputes: A Need To Promote Living Together And The Authority Of The State In Cameroon

Author:
Kuba Abouem Perpétue
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
The “years of embers” of 1990 marked the return to a multi-party system in Cameroon (Cameroon-tribune 2017), putting an end to the single-party system instituted in 1966, with the symbolic transformation of the Cameroonian Union (CU) into the Cameroonian National Union (CNU). Two major currents triggered this movement. These were upheavals on the international scene and their effects on national politics. In 1989, the fall of the Berlin Wall symbolized the end of the Cold War, perceived as the triumph of the West and “the end of history” (Fukuyama, 1992). Against this backdrop, the French President François Mitterand gave a speech at La Baule that marked the beginning of the “third wave of democratization” (Huntington, 1991). On June 20, 1990, at the 16th France/Africa Conference, France decided to make access to Development Aid conditional on the establishment of democracy, in a sort of “Democracy against Aid”. Popular demands and tensions erupted, jeopardizing security and peace. This break with the past, marked by what was seen at the time as an easing of East-West antagonisms and tensions, which had the opposite effect on the African continent. Despite its perverse effects, however, respect for democratic freedoms was reaffirmed by the African Union in 2007 in the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
Topic:
Democratization, Elections, and State
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

19. Accelerating National Value Chains Through a Better Implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement in Cameroon

Author:
Adeline Nembot, Sandrine Viesi Maingeh, and Jean-Cedric Kouam
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Like most African countries, Cameroon, a country endowed with abundant human and natural resources, has for decades been grappling with the challenge of developing and strengthening its national value chains. Value chains refer to the sequence of activities that create value for a product or service, from the raw material to the final consumer. Indeed, Cameroon’s national value chains face numerous difficulties, including poor infrastructure, limited access to finance, lack of diversification, lack of skilled labor and corruption (1). This results to low levels of processing and value addition, leading to low export prices and high import bills. This is particularly the case for the country’s cocoa bean exports, which are processed and sold elsewhere and therefore make only a small contribution to GDP (15%) (2) Fortunately, the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement, signed by Cameroon in 2020, appears to be a significant opportunity to accelerate its national value chains. Indeed, this agreement aims to promote intra-African trade and economic integration by eliminating tariffs on intra-African trade, facilitating the movement of goods and services, and encouraging investment. From this perspective, this article seeks to explore how Cameroon can position itself to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the implementation of the AfCFTA on its national value chains. In doing so, it will highlight to African leaders and governments, economic operators and national and multinational companies the importance of developing their manufacturing sector and achieving the target of 30% of GDP by 2030. This article presents the trade and economic profile of Cameroon in Section 2, the role of the AfCFTA in promoting Cameroon’s value chains in Section 3, and the conclusion in Section 4.
Topic:
Regional Cooperation, Natural Resources, Free Trade, and Value Chains
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

20. The Role of Civil Society During Elections In Cameroon

Author:
Guy Beaudry Jengu Jengu
Publication Date:
09-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
In 2024, 19 African countries are organizing elections (1). More than half of these elections will take place during the last quarter of the year. In French-speaking African countries, more or less violent post-electoral crises (2) are quite common, and similar patterns observed. On one hand, the democratic openings of the 1990s either transformed single-party systems into ruling parties or brought former military personnel to power. On the other hand, the political landscape lacks robust policy platforms and ideological depth (3), and the vibrancy of civil society has rarely persisted past the 2000s. Yet, Cameroon currently has more than 50,000 entities claiming represent civil society (4). It is this civil society that is the focus of this analysis. First, the question of defining African civil society must be addressed, as its conceptualization outside of African democratic contexts and its ubiquitous usage in media make it a somewhat identifiable yet difficult to precisely define phenomenon (5). For the purposes of this work, civil society refers to an “autonomous associative sector, independent from the state” (6). Following Hegel, we distinguish it from political society, recognizing its intermediary position between prominent political actors and families (7). How does civil society deploy itself in Cameroon during the electoral period? The electoral period is divided into three distinct periods: before the election, on the day of the election, and after the election. More than 30 years after the advent of pluralist elections and multipartyism, this work aims to analyze the political, institutional and social logics that inform the practices of civil society during these moments, based on the events of the last presidential election. The objective is to uncover the actual repertoire of action employed by civil society actors during electoral periods in Cameroon, in order to identify ways to promote civic and citizen-oriented behaviors.
Topic:
Civil Society, Politics, and Elections
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon