Publication Year: within 25 Years and within 5 Years

17751. Weathering the Storm: Weather Shocks and International Migrants from the Philippines

Author:: Marjorie Pajaron
Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center
Abstract:: The growing literature on environmental migration presents conflicting results. While some find that natural disasters induce international migration, others discover a dampening effect. We aim to reconcile these differences by using a comprehensive list of weather shocks from the Philippines, a country prone to natural disasters and a major exporter of labor. We constructed a longitudinal provincial dataset (2005–2015) from an assemblage of administrative and survey datasets and tested linear, quadratic, and lagged models. Our fixed-effects results are consistent with both strands in the literature with caveats. First, Filipinos are more likely to work abroad when they experience less-intense tropical cyclones and storm warning signal but are more likely to stay with a more damaging storm warning signal. Second, differential effects of weather shocks on international migration contingent on agriculture exists. Third, non-environmental factors such as economic (unemployment rate) and infrastructure (number of high schools) also push Filipinos abroad.
Topic:: Agriculture, Environment, Migration, Natural Disasters, and Weather
Political Geography:: Philippines and Asia-Pacific

17752. Civil Wars, Intrastate Violence, and International Responses

Author:: Todd Richardson
Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center
Abstract:: From October 22–23, 2018, the U.S.-Asia Security Initiative (USASI) at Stanford University, in conjunction with the Institute for China-U.S. People-to-People Exchange at Peking University and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (AAAS), gathered scholars and policy practitioners at the Stanford Center at Peking University to participate in the “Civil Wars, Intrastate Violence, and International Responses” workshop. The workshop was an extension of a project examining the threats posed by intrastate warfare launched in 2015 and led by AAAS and Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. The goal of this workshop was to facilitate frank discussions exposing participants to a wide range of views on intrastate violence and international responses. The workshop was divided into sessions that assessed trends in intrastate violence since the end of the Cold War, examined the threats to international security posed by civil wars and intrastate violence, and evaluated international responses, including an analysis of the limits of intervention and a discussion of policy recommendations. Participants also had an opportunity to make closing comments and recommendations for future research. This report provides an executive summary and summaries of the workshop sessions on a non-attribution basis.
Topic:: Civil War, Humanitarian Intervention, Conflict, and Violence
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17753. Healing One-fifth of Humanity: Progress and Challenges for China’s Health System

Author:: Karen Eggleston
Publication Date:: 10-2019
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center
Abstract:: China’s national health reforms over the past two decades have brought the system closer to the modern, safe, reliable and accessible health system that is commensurate with China’s dramatic economic growth, improvement in living standards, and high hopes for the next generation. Celebrating a decade this year, China’s national health reforms of 2009 consolidated a system of social health insurance covering the entire population for basic health services, contributing to a surge in healthcare utilization while reducing out-of-pocket costs to patients – which declined from 56% to 28% of total health expenditures between 2003 and 2017. An expanded basic public health service package, funded by per capita government budget allocations that include a higher central government subsidy for lower income provinces, provides basic population health services to all Chinese. A higher percentage of Chinese accessed hospital admissions in 2017 than in the average high-income (OECD) country – a large increase from the turn of the 21st century.i A recent re-shuffle of the governance structure consolidates the purchaser role for social health insurance schemes under the newly created National Healthcare Security Administration, with most other health sector functions under the re-christened National Health Commission, among other changes. China’s world-leading technological prowess in multiple fields spanning digital commerce to artificial intelligence—and accompanying innovative business models such as WeDoctor that have not yet been fully integrated into the health system—hold promise for supporting higher quality and more convenient healthcare for China’s 1.4 billion.
Topic:: Health, Science and Technology, Governance, and Health Care Policy
Political Geography:: China and Asia

17754. Classification of Psychoactive Substances: When Science Was Left Behind

Author:: Global Commission On Drug Policy
Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Special Report
Institution:: Global Commission On Drug Policy
Abstract:: In Classification of Drugs: when science was left behind, the Global Commission on Drug Policy explains how the biased historical classification of psychoactive substances has contributed to the "world drug problem". It is the first-ever comprehensive report providing a political reading of the current evaluation and classification, or "scheduling" of drugs according to their harms. Psychoactive substances should be classified with regard to their potential for dependence and other harms. This is not the case today, where some substances are legally available because they are considered beneficial (medicines) or culturally important (alcohol), while others are seen as destructive, and are strictly prohibited. The classification of drugs is at the core of the international drug control system. As such, governments must ensure that such a classification is pragmatic and based on science and evidence, makes clear the benefits and harms of drugs, and allows for responsible legal regulatory models to control drugs.
Topic:: Health, War on Drugs, Drugs, Alcohol, Public Health, and Medicine
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17755. Just the Facts: A Selected Annotated Bibliography to Support Evidence-Based Policymaking on Women, Peace and Security

Publication Date:: 01-2019
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Our Secure Future
Abstract:: On March 8, 2000, Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury remarked in his International Women’s Day statement at the United Nations Security Council, …members of the Security Council recognize that peace is inextricably linked with equality between women and men. They affirm that the equal access and full participation of women in power structures and their full involvement in all efforts for the prevention and resolution of conflicts are essential for the maintenance and promotion of peace and equality.i Later that year, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed the landmark resolution (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace and Security. UNSCR 1325 is the first formal recognition of the critical role of women in effective conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The mandate requires attention to gender equality in all aspects of international peace and security decisionmaking. The vision of UNSCR 1325 is to fundamentally change often exclusionary peace and security approaches so that they are fully inclusive and sensitive to the needs and capacities of the entire population. Historically, gender inequality has remained outside the sphere of consideration for many security actors and policymakers. Unlike any other foreign policy agenda, Women, Peace and Security (WPS) originated from a global constituency of non-state actors—women. As a result, WPS promotes nonviolent, human rights–based approaches to peace and security decision-making. This approach explicitly acknowledges equality between men and women as intrinsic to achieving lasting peace.
Topic:: Security, Women, Peace, and WPS
Political Geography:: United States and Global Focus

17756. Women’s Participation and the Fate of Nonviolent Campaigns: A Report on the Women in Resistance (Wire) Data Set

Author:: Erica Chenoweth, Conor Seyle, and Sahana Dharmapuri
Publication Date:: 10-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Our Secure Future
Abstract:: The Women, Peace and Security agenda is a transformative policy mandate with a global constituency. It provides policymakers with the tools to end cycles of violent conflict, create more equitable peace processes, and promote gender equality on a global, national, and local scale. Passed in October 2000, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (UNSCR 1325) underscores women’s agency, voice, and capacities as intrinsic to creating more effective international peace and security–related policies. Since 2000, more than 80 countries have adopted national action plans and policies to robustly implement the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In 2017, the US Congress adopted the Women, Peace, and Security Act to incorporate the principle of gender equality into US foreign policy. As the global agenda on Women, Peace and Security is increasingly implemented, the transformational role of women as direct actors in issues of peace and security is becoming more obvious. This is certainly true in the case of formal institutions, where women are increasingly represented in higher positions internationally. It is also true in less formal, official domains: women have been at the forefront of civil resistance movements throughout history, and they have been visible leaders in contemporary nonviolent resistance movements from Sudan to Algeria and beyond.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Women, Peace, and Nonviolence
Political Geography:: United States and Global Focus

17757. Seizing the Moment? The U.S. Strategy for Women, Peace and Security

Author:: Ambassador Donald Steinberg
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Commentary and Analysis
Institution:: Our Secure Future
Abstract:: The White House has now released its long-awaited Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). The strategy is mandated under the bipartisan Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017, which requires the Administration to develop a broad national strategy to support meaningful roles for women around the world in peace operations and political, civic, economic, and security systems. The White House has instructed the Departments of State, Defense, and Homeland Security and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to produce specific implementation plans within 120 days. The short 15-page text is not the comprehensive strategy required by Congress, but rather a statement of principles and priorities that these four agencies are to use to adopt action plans. As such, it is vital that members of Congress and civil society organizations now assist these agencies in making time-bound, measurable commitments backed by accountability provisions and ample resources, and then hold the Administration’s feet to the fire.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Women, and WPS
Political Geography:: United States and Global Focus

17758. If You Want Improved Security Outcomes You Have Tools

Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Our Secure Future
Abstract:: THE GLOBAL FRAGILITY ACT OF 2019 Requires the U.S. government – in collaboration with civil society – to develop a 10-year strategy to enhance stability and to reduce violence and fragility globally. “The President...shall establish a comprehensive, integrated, ten-year strategy...to contribute to the stabilization of conflict-affected areas, address global fragility, and strengthen the capacity of the United States to be an effective leader of international efforts to prevent extremism and violent conflict. The strategy shall focus on addressing long-term causes of fragility and violence, and shall…address the long-term underlying causes of fragility and violence through participatory, locally led programs, empowering marginalized groups such as youth and women, inclusive dialogues and conflict resolutions processes, justice sector reform, good governance across all sectors, community policing and civilian security, and inclusive and accountable service delivery.”
Topic:: Security and WPS
Political Geography:: United States and Global Focus

17759. Transforming Security: Women Define Security Differently

Publication Date:: 05-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Our Secure Future
Abstract:: The findings in this poll came from two online surveys conducted in the summer and fall of 2018 by the Women’s Alliance for Security Leadership/ICAN and World Pulse. Additionally, two focus groups were held in Jakarta, Indonesia in July 2018. The final survey included both qualitative and quantitative questions in five different languages: English, French, Portuguese, Spanish and Arabic. Most participants completed the English version. Participants were asked questions about how they define security, their security concerns and priorities, and security and representation. Women were recruited to participate through ICAN’s membership network, as well as through World Pulse’s networks and through promotions on social media platforms.
Topic:: Security, Foreign Policy, Gender Issues, Women, Peace, and WPS
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17760. US Leadership on Women and Foreign Policy: Recommendations for the 116th Congress

Publication Date:: 02-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Our Secure Future
Abstract:: Passed unanimously in October 2000, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (UNSCR 1325) underscores women’s agency, voice, and capacities as intrinsic to creating better policies and more equitable peace agreements.1 UNSCR 1325 was drafted and adopted by the UN Security Council with significant leadership from women-led civil society groups around the world. It has been followed by seven other resolutions (UNSCRs 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, and 2242), which make up the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS).2 WPS is a transformative policy mandate with a global constituency. It provides policymakers with the tools to end cycles of violent conflict, create more equitable peace processes, halt inequalities between men and women, and promote gender equality on a global, national, and local scale.
Topic:: Security, Gender Issues, Women, Peace, and WPS
Political Geography:: United States and Global Focus

17761. Agostinho Neto University: An Analysis of Context and Process of Scientific Work Production

Author:: Paulo Conceição João Faria
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: ires a well-documented understanding of the existing institutional research environment, based on observable evidence. In particular, this article is aimed at Agostinho Neto University (ANU), to evaluate doctoral training processes at three faculties or organic units (OUs). In doing so, this paper recognizes the crucial connection between the University and the spheres of market productivity. It also recognizes that different countries have different trajectories, patterns and models of development in the Higher Education Subsystem (HES) which can sometimes undermine or make this connection possible. Although this topic is of great importance because of its potential to empirically hinder relevant studies, this article follows a different path, as it aims to explain how context and process influence the production of scientific work at ANU.
Topic:: Development, Science and Technology, Higher Education, Academia, and Knowledge Production
Political Geography:: Africa and Angola

17762. Of Marauders and Brigands: Scoping the Threat of Rural Banditry in Nigeria’s North West

Author:: Al-Chukwuma Okoli and Anthony Chinedu Ugwu
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Nigeria is, arguably, a country under distress. The country’s woes are most evident in the torrential spate of armed violence and criminality in various parts of the country. Nothing explains this awry situation better than the apocalyptically volatile security ambience in the wider northern Nigeria. The northeastern Nigeria is still patently under the Boko Haram scourge, amidst the precarious counter-insurgency endeavors of the government (Okoli 2017a; Zenn 2018). The north-central area has been afflicted by herdsmen militancy, which has plunged the region into dire humanitarian crisis (Okoli and Ogayi 2018). The northwestern region has recently been enmeshed in the rapid upsurge of rural banditry along its international frontiers as well as the forested interior.
Topic:: Security, Violence, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17763. Vigilante Groups and Policing in a Democratizing NigeriA: Navigating the Context and Issues

Author:: Adeniyi S. Basiru and Olusesan A. Osunkoya
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Before the advent of colonialism in Nigeria, the various indigenous communities, like elsewhere in Africa, had evolved various self-help institutions (vigilante groups in modern sense) for maintaining public order. But, with the emergence of the colonial state and all its coercive paraphernalia, these traditional institutions of public order management, that had for centuries served the people, were relegated to the background, as the modern police force, the precursor of the present day Nigerian Police, under the direction of the colonial authorities, became the primus inter pares, in the internal security architecture of the colony (Ahire, 1991, 18). With this development, the communal/collectivist-oriented frameworks of policing that had for centuries been part of people’s social existence now constituted the informal models of policing rendering subsidiary roles.
Topic:: Security, Democratization, Governance, Police, and Vigilantism
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17764. Economy of the Third World and Search for Greener Pastures in the Desert: Focus on Nigeria and Her Neighbours

Author:: Emmanuel Osewe Akubor
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Available historical accounts as documented by scholars, opines that this area presently described as Desert has not always been so, as before now it was an area with beehive of economic activities (KENNY J., 2000). As such, there was a great influx of both human and economics goods in and around the area (KWANASHIE et al., 1987). The resultant effect was that by about 700 CE the Kanem Empire began to form in what is now Chad and Libya. This empire was to later absorb other tribes and peoples of northern Nigeria and trade and diplomatic exchange took place in the area. [...] there has been a sort of symbiotic relationship and exchange of goods, services and idea over time across the region, a mark of traditional diplomatic relations and good neighborliness. This is particularly noticeable in the Northern part of Nigeria, where governments of most of the countries around and along the desert areas have continually maintained diplomatic contact. A good example is the case of Libya government uptill the last 2010’s which apart from educational exchange had massively funded the construction of Mosques and other Islamic Centers of worship in Kano and other cities of the North. The government particularly under Gaddafi had embarked on several humanitarian donations and visits to Kano and these other Northern states, most times unannounced, after which he would journey back to his country (KINGSLEY, 2011).
Topic:: International Relations, Diplomacy, History, and Trade
Political Geography:: Africa, Libya, and Nigeria

17765. The Ambiguity Towards Portugal’s African Colonies (1953-1985): Defining Aspects of Brazil’s African Policy

Author:: Kamilla Raquel Rizzi and Patrick Bueno
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The Portuguese colonization, throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, was the first bond established between Brazil and the African continent, and it was especially deepened by the slave trade. With the Brazilian independence in 1822, as well as with the end of the slave trade across the Atlantic, between 1845 and 1850, there was a gradual movement away from said continent, once the imperial foreign policy axis was now directed towards the River Plate, to the South, as well as to England, Western Europe and the North of the global system. In the 20th century, along with the two World Wars, the creation of the United Nations, and the Cold War, Brazil’s international projection was drawn according to the opportunities presented in this new world system. The aim of the present paper is thus to analyze the ambiguity between Brazilian political discourse and foreign practice with regard to the Portuguese colonies. The research problem consists in identifying which aspects have exerted an influence on the definition of Brazil’s African policy. As a research question, it is assumed that Brazil, since the Independent Foreign Policy (IFP), with its discourse of non-alignment with the powers of the world system, the identification with the Third Worldist theses, and based on the politics of the “3Ds” (development, decolonization and disarmament), supported the anti-colonial principle and was an advocate for the self-determination of peoples. However, an ambiguity was evident by the official political alignment with Portugal, due to the 1953 Treaty of Friendship and Consultation.
Topic:: International Relations, Foreign Policy, History, and Colonialism
Political Geography:: Africa, Brazil, and Portugal

17766. Uses, Reuses and Abuses: Crossing “Borders” and “Luso-Africanities” in the Historiographies of Angola, Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau for the 15th, 16th and 17th Centuries

Author:: Alec Ichiro Ito
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Contrary to a historiographical study, this article is an essayistic reflection on some notions and understandings that run through African studies about the Portuguese expansion in West and Central West Africa. Therefore, we will not dwell on the conditions of production, ideological affiliations or trends that competed for the elaboration of historical narratives, but on the “itinerant sharing” of ideas, the circularity of conceptual uses and reuses and the “general solutions” provided for some canonical problems. In this sense, we are influenced by a reflection proposal presented by Leila M. G. Leite Hernandez (2014). Our objects of analysis are the most influential works that address the stories of Angola, Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau for the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries. What are the shares and circularities that mesh the notions of border and Luso-Africanity? How are these ideas associated with meetings and contact studies? Is the notion of boundary necessary for the contemporary epistemic paradigm? Are there risks in neglecting it? These are some of the problems that will be analysed through the text.
Topic:: History, Colonialism, Borders, and Geography
Political Geography:: Africa, Portugal, Angola, Guinea-Bissau, and Cabo Verde

17767. Mining Policy and Socio-Cultural and Sustainable Integration of the Resettled in Cateme-Mozambique: 2009-2017

Author:: Cremildo de Abreu Coutinho
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The government of Mozambique has been developing various actions aimed at poverty reduction and the consequent shift towards development. One of the actions taken has been the permission of foreign investment in the country, which, in turn, contributes to gathering foreign currencies which, if used correctly, can contribute to the increase of development. It is in this context that, in 2007, the government signed a contract with Vale Moçambique to start the extraction of coal in the coal basin of Moatize district. Due to the fact that the object in question is located underground in several villages in the aforementioned district, it was essential to move the population from its usual place of residence and consequent resettlement in other locations, including the village of Cateme. However, during and after the resettlement process, there have been several conflicts between the affected population and the mining company Vale Moçambique, in which there is a resistance to leave the places where they previously lived, the reluctance to receive houses built by the company Vale Moçambique, by the potential resettled people, and later the occurrence of demonstrations that culminated in the blockade by the resettled population of access routes frequently used by the company. These issues gravitate to the following starting question: What are the reasons behind the resettlement conflicts in Cateme?
Topic:: Development, Poverty, Resettlement, and Mining
Political Geography:: Africa and Mozambique

17768. The Migration Flows in South Africa and Its Impacts on Southern Africa (1960-2000)

Author:: Pedro Brites and Yuri Debrai Padilha
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The end of World War II instituted a new geopolitical structure in international relations, changing the dynamics of these relations in Southern Africa, both by the change of European countries in relation to the countries of the region, and by the acceleration of the liberation processes of the African peoples. This scenario contributed to a change in the migratory processes of this period, still presenting impacts on the current migratory dynamics in South Africa (RSA). This research aims to investigate the migratory processes that occurred during the long road to freedom of the African peoples, from the1960s to the early 2000s. Therefore, we investigate the influence of the Cold War bipolar dispute and the reflexes that the peripheral capitalist development of South Africa had for the migration processes of the country. Currently, the state stands out as political and economic leadership in the region and is the destination of many migratory contingents. However, part of this prestige has bases linked to the Apartheid regime, whose “separate development” implied a framework of social inequality, persisting to this day in the country.
Topic:: Migration, Post Colonialism, History, Geopolitics, and Independence
Political Geography:: South Africa and Africa

17769. South Africa: A New Dawn?

Author:: Vladimir Shubin
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: In early July, 1991, the first National conference of the ANC2 after its political admission took place in Durban. There, the party’s new leadership was formed, Nelson Mandela was elected ANC President and Walter Sisulu its Deputy President, both unopposed. However, the race for the next top position, that of Secretary-General, did take place and Cyril Ramaphosa, a long-standing leader of the National Union of Miners (NUM), won by good majority over Alfred Nzo who had occupied this post for 22 years. I had the honor of addressing the conference and, on the way back home, a very fruitful discussion in the ANC Headquarters in Johannesburg with Joe Slovo, then Secretary-General of the South African Communist Party and member of the ANC National Executive Committee. Slovo was quite happy with the results of the conference and in particular with the composition of the NEC3 : “We haven’t made any canvassing, but it’s the best Executive we could have”. Comrade Joe, as we usually called him, was of high opinion of the ANC’s new Secretary-General: “He is not a member of the SACP4 , but we always cooperated well with him”. However, Slovo then stopped for a moment and said: “But we remember that before the NUM he worked for Anglo-American Corporation”. These words of
Topic:: Corruption, Government, and Domestic Politics
Political Geography:: Brazil and South America

17770. Between Domestic and Global Politics: The Determinants of Eritrea’s Successful Secession

Author:: Albano Agostinho Troco
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Secessionist conflicts are not a novel occurrence in the African continent. Since the dawn of independence in the 1960s, a number of countries have been home to rebellions involving marginalized communities or ethno-linguistic groups demanding territorial separation from existing states with the goal to create new independent states. The list is long and includes territorial units in countries such as Angola (Cabinda), Comoros (Anjouan and Mohedi), The Democratic Republic of Congo (Katanga, South Kassai) Ethiopia (Eritrea, Ogaden, and Oromia, Afar), Mali (Tuaregs), Niger (Tuaregs), Nigeria (Biafra, Niger Delta), Senegal (Casamance), Somalia (Somaliland) and Sudan (South Sudan) only to mention a few amongst others. [...] ants of successful secessions with particular reference to the African continent. Its central argument is that the successful outcome of the secessionist struggle in Eritrea is the result of a tight combination of domestic and external factors. These include Eritrea’s historical and legal claims for territorial self-determination, the Dergue’s policies of alienation, the effectiveness of the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front’s strategies (EPLF), the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, and the supportive role of the United States of America.
Topic:: Politics, Domestic Politics, Conflict, and Secession
Political Geography:: Africa, Sudan, Ethiopia, Senegal, Nigeria, Somalia, Angola, Eritrea, Mali, Niger, Comoros, and Democratic Republic of Congo

17771. Good Governance and Accountability: An Assessment of the Media’s Role in Achieving Transparency in the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria

Author:: Aondover Eric Mcsughter
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Paraphrasing the words of Mahatma Gandhi, one of the objects of the media is to understand the popular feeling and give expression into meaning, which arouse people to the desirable sentiments that will fearlessly expose popular defects. The foregoing statement by Gandhi explains the importance of media in upholding freedom and in expanding education, social reforms and change. Media can inform people, giving them a voice to be heard and heeded to. Democracy requires that people have the right to know the activities of the government, especially the decision of the government that affects their life, liberty and property. Information is important for people to make choices regarding their participation in the State, the market and civil society. Media also fearlessly exposes issues that make people more informed than uninformed. Sufficient information helps them decide rationally and take the right course of action beneficial to them. The media also helps people know what is happening around the globe. By publicizing information, it also makes public services more responsive to the people. Against the backdrop of the foregoing, this paper sets to assess the role of the media in achieving good governance and accountability especially in the 2019 general election. The provision of section 22 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria places an obligation on the press to uphold the responsibility and accountability of government to the people. Thus, democracy can hardly survive and achieve its yearnings in any society where there is no accountability, transparency and the inclusion of the majority of the people in governance and in determining the input into the process of development; all of which are guaranteed through a free and independent media (Auwal, 2018). Therefore, the responsibility of the media is in holding the government accountable to the people is fundamental to the overall success of democracy.
Topic:: Governance, Elections, Media, Accountability, and Transparency
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17772. Remembering the Massacre of Civilians in Aniomaland During the Nigerian Civil War

Author:: Odigwe A. Nwaokocha
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Civil War war fought between July 6, 1967, and January 12, 1970. The war was a result of the Nigerian federal government’s attempt to militarily force the Eastern Region, which had seceded as Biafra, back to Nigeria. The secession was followed by three waves of targeted killings of the Igbo group, mostly from the East in the Northern Region, in May/June, July/August and September/October 1966. The Igbo group was the primary target of the attacks (First 1970, 311-334). The Igbo-speaking Anioma people were not part of Biafra but the old Midwest Region on the Nigerian side. They are generally considered as Igbo (Talbot 1969; Isichei 1976, 16). They were classified as pro-Biafra by federal forces and encountered some unique challenges in the war. The conflict got to them on August 9 1967, when Biafran forces crossed the Niger Bridge, invaded the Midwest and opened a new phase in the war. The armed conflict in Aniomaland was mean, involving the killing of unarmed civilians in many places. This forms the focus of this work. The work shows that Biafran forces kick-started this terrible episode by invading the Midwest. Historical facts show that their atrocities were lower compared to those of federal forces. There were three waves of civilian killings in Aniomaland during the war. The first involved Biafran killing people of Northern descent and non-Nigerians. The second was the Agbor episode where Ika micro-nationalism, bred by fear of being slaughtered for being Anioma, led some Ika into attacking the Igbo, including the Anioma. The third was the killing of the Anioma people by Nigerian troops in Utagba-Unor, Isheagu, Ogwashi-Uku, Ibusa and Asaba when they overran the area.
Topic:: Civil War, Ethnic Conflict, History, Violence, and Civilians
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17773. Justice for the Rich, Judgement for the Poor: ‘Elite Immunity’, Rampant Impunity and the Administration of Criminal Justice in Nigeria

Author:: Mike Opeyemi Omilusi
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: The challenge of systematically studying the African power elite and the mode by which it governs has become urgent not only because of the conceptual and theoretical dead-ends to which much of current received wisdom leads, but also because a better understanding of the nature, composition and renewal of the elite is critical to our understanding of the governance of the public sphere (CODESRIA, 2003). A focus on political elites is a focus on the primacy of political interests. As both Mosca and Pareto underscore in their works, members of the elite act in order to preserve their position within their societies. Specifically, political elites’ action is aimed at the preservation of their political power. As Thomas Schwartz argues, members of the political elite are ‘ambitious people seeking office for individual recognition, career advancement, and the power to affect societies’ (Schwartz 2009, cited in Tardelli, 2013:88-89). [...] This study therefore, interrogates the content and context of executive immunity and its attendant culture of impunity that permeates the political environment. It contends that the immunity clause not only sanctifies, abinitio, criminal behavior by the said public officials but also gives them every incentive to be vile and depraved to their heart’s content – to turn immunity into impunity.
Topic:: Poverty, Criminal Justice, Impunity, and Elites
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17774. Afrocentrism and Regional Leadership: An Approach to the Identity of Nigerian Foreign Policy

Author:: Carla Maria Morasso
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Among the main legacies of the colonial period in sub-Saharan Africa, there’s the establishment of modern nation states and political systems alien to African traditions and cultures. The emerging ruling elites of the independence struggles sought to establish strong state structures under nationalist banners, where the preeminence of executive power and the centralization of power were the most common mechanisms for maintaining national unity. Thus, within artificial borders, the new governments took on the task of converting the multiethnic, multicultural and multireligious mosaics that made up their populations into cohesive political units, the case of Nigeria being a clear reflection of this journey.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Post Colonialism, Regional Cooperation, and Leadership
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17775. Post-Authoritarian Nigeria: Democratizing Under Pervasive Corruption

Author:: Adeniyi S. Basiru and Olusesan A. Osunkoya
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: In the last three decades, the global intellectual spaces have been proliferated with scholarly studies which have explored the processes of democratization in the hitherto authoritarian, but now “democratizing” societies of the Global South (see Diamond 1995; Alexander 2002). Interestingly, while these studies, would appear to have to added to scholarly understanding of democracy, outside the lenses of the early “democratizers”, by identifying conditions under which democracy, once launched, in new democracies, could be safeguarded from break-down or reversal. However, they seem to have been skewed, in focus and orientations towards the experiences of the early “Third Waver” of Latin America, with scanty attention to African countries (see Diamond 1996; Mainwaring, O’Donnell and Valenzuela 1992; Mainwaring and Scully 1995). Even, few Africanist works, such as Villalon and Von Doepp (2006) and Cho and Logan (2009), that focus on Africa, by interrogating the processes of democratization while no doubt, have offered robust arguments to explaining the poor performance of Africa’s new “democracies”; sidelined the issue of corruption. Yet, the incidence of corruption, going by the publicity it has been given by regional and global institutions remains a gargantuan monster that has thwarted the continent’s march to sustainable development (Schiller 2000). It is against the backdrop of this observed gap in the literature that this article, with a focus on post-authoritarian Nigeria, examines the character of democratization process, in Africa, under condition of pervasive corruption. Following this introductory preamble, which sets the background and significance of the study, is the second section that conceptualizes and contextualizes the key concepts that are germane to this study. Section three explores and surveys extant literature on the nexus between democracy and corruption. In the section that follows, the Nigerian experience with democracy and corruption, in the post-Authoritarian era, is interrogated and discussed. Section five develops an explanatory framework for explaining the core problematique in the discourse. The sixth section sums up the arguments, reflects and concludes with a number of submissions.
Topic:: Corruption, Democratization, Governance, and Authoritarianism
Political Geography:: Africa and Nigeria

17776. Argentina and the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (Zopacas)

Author:: Gladys Lechini
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Working Paper
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Here it is argued that despite a constant presence, Argentina has had a low profile in the Zopacas, following the actions of Brazil, due to its relatively low interest in the maritime issues of the South Atlantic and in the countries of the west African coast. Only the claim for the sovereignty of the Malvinas, Georgia and South Sandwich Islands – a constant question in the AFP – and substitute issues such as the care of the resources of the area and regional disarmament, appear as the most important incentive to justify their participation. Promoting a Zopacas free of weapons and nuclear submarines, control of fishing, exploitation of hydrocarbons and promotion of a safe environment are part of the Argentine external agenda, directly touching the dispute over the islands and the British presence. However, attention to these issues shows a pendulum movement, depending on the different governments and the systemic changes. Consequently, some aspects that show Argentina’s growing concerns in the South Atlantic, the different proposals for multilateral coordination in which it has participated, conditioned by the AFP towards Malvinas and the relationship with the countries of the eastern Atlantic coast will be addressed initially. They will be the explanatory context to position the Argentine interest and action in the Zopacas.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, International Cooperation, and Peace
Political Geography:: Argentina and South America

17777. South-South Cooperation and Technological Development in Defense: The Case of the Missile a-Darter

Author:: Tiago de Bortoli and Rafaella Pelliccioli
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: In the present work, from the case study of the A-Darter missile, a technology transfer project between Brazil and South Africa for its development, will seek to understand how this specific case of cooperation in the military technological development sector occurred and others, understanding their dynamics and consequences for international relations, especially for south-south cooperation. This study is considered relevant, since the technological growth of developing countries is important in unleashing the historical ties of dependence on developed countries, opening the door to independence in other technical areas, as well as the creation of common spaces for the debate of their interests and the discussion of their agendas, because technological knowledge has always been one of the factors that most influenced the international hierarchy, from the steam engine to nuclear technology.
Topic:: Development, International Cooperation, and Science and Technology
Political Geography:: Africa, South Africa, and Brazil

17778. From the Tripartite Agreement (1988) to the Peace Agreement in 2002: The Peace Process in Angola

Author:: Anselmo de Oliveira Rodrigues and Eduardo Xavier Ferreira Glaser Migon
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: Located on the West coast of Africa, Angola is the 6th largest African country in terms of territorial extension and is extremely rich in natural resources such as oil, natural gas and diamonds. It is bordered by the Republic of the Congo and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the north, by the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia to the east, by Namibia to the south, and by the Atlantic Ocean to the west. The small amount of neighboring countries on its borders contrasts with a sensitive and strategic part of Angola, the province of Cabinda, an exclave located further north, which accounts for most of the country’s oil production (Visentini 2012, 206). In observing the country’s history, it can be noted that it is strongly marked by political instability, mainly caused by the occurrence of intrastate and state conflicts. However, a watershed moment was April 4th, 2002, since it was on this date that the Angolan Government and the members of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) finally reached an agreement and signed the Luena Memorandum of Understanding (Visentini 2012, 208). This episode ended a long period of war and struggle, while allowing the celebration of the much awaited peace in the country.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, History, and Peace
Political Geography:: Africa and Angola

17779. Political Breakdown in South Sudan: United Nations and a New Challenge to Human Security (2014 - 2018)

Author:: Daniel Mendes Aguiar Santos
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: This article aims to examine the context of the political breakdown in South Sudan, highlighting its effects on human security in the country, and to analyze the response of the United Nations, with a focus on civilian protection, in the period 2014-2018. In this light, the theoretical hypothesis was that “within the framework of a United Nations peace mission, the implementation of a strategy for the protection of civilians corroborates human security in the region of crisis and/or conflict.” In this effort, after this introduction, the methodological considerations about the investigation are presented, followed by a theoretical and conceptual frame that fits the analysis. Subsequently, is the political breakdown in South Sudan, highlighting its effects on human security and, following the central question, the United Nations response focused on the protection of civilians. Finally, we present the conclusive aspects, illuminated by the theoretical hypothesis.
Topic:: Conflict Prevention, Security, International Cooperation, Politics, and United Nations
Political Geography:: Africa and South Sudan

17780. Thabo Mbeki as African Pantheon: Claiming the 21st Century for Global Africa

Author:: Chris Landsberg
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Institution:: Brazilian Journal of African Studies
Abstract:: This paper is inspired by the joint vision of the Vice Chancellor of the Universities of the West Indies, Professor Sir Hilary Beckles, and former Vice-Chancellor and Principal of the University of Johannesburg, Prof Ihron Rensburg, who challenged some of us in, 2016 and 2017, to brave, re-appraise and contest some of the Pan-African epistemologies, and go beyond old fashioned ideas of Africa and the Diaspora, review the concepts of epistemological ruptures in Pan-African and global contexts, and begin to re-interrogate and re-engage the ideas of Pan-Africanism in order to re-imagine Global Africa. There is need for self-examination as Africans and people of African descent. We come at the idea of a Global Africa re-engaged and re-imagined through the works and views of Thabo Mbeki, South Africa’s second democratically elected president, and arguably the most influential global Pan-African leader of his time, the man who Adekeye Adebajo depicted as Africa’s “Philosopher King” (Sunday Independent 2016). Called a ruthless Machiavellian by some, an AIDS-denialist by others, and thin-skinned by more others (Adebajo 2016), he was, no doubt, and continues to be, a global Pan-Africanist who pursued, and continues to pursue, a global African Renaissance vision.
Topic:: Development, International Cooperation, Natural Resources, and Economic Development
Political Geography:: Africa

17781. Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (2015) on Restricting Iran’s Nuclear Program and Russia-Iran Relations Century | İran’ın Nükleer Enerji Programı’nın Sınırlandırılmasına İlişkin Kapsamlı Ortak Eylem Planı (2015) ve İran-Rusya İlişkileri

Author:: Nurhan Hacıoğlu
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: After 11 September, Iran's nuclear energy program turned into an international crisis. However, Iran did not give up its nuclear energy program despite the pressure on it in the world public opinion. This crisis, which occurred in the early 2000s, did not cause a negative impact on relations between Iran and Russia. Russia continued to help Iran to develop its nuclear program. One of the main points of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signed between P5+ 1 countries and Iran in 2015 is that Iran limited its nuclear energy development for ten years. However, Iran could be a regional rival for Russia, especially in terms of energy and gas exports, after a decade. In this context, the focus of the study is to analyse whether there was any change in the good relations between the two countries after JCPOA. The study seeks answers to specific questions: How does Russia look at JCPOA? Why does Russia stand for a rival Iran? Are there any changes in the relations between Russia and Iran in the post-2015 period? According to the results, JCPOA did not have any negative effect on Russia-Iran relations. | 11 Eylül sonrası İran’ın nükleer enerji programı uluslararası bir krize dönüşmüştür. Ancak İran, uluslararası kamuoyunda kendisine yönelik baskılara rağmen nükleer enerji programından vazgeçmemiştir. 2000’li yılların başlarından itibaren ortaya çıkan bu kriz Rusya İran ilişkilerinde olumsuz bir etkiye neden olmamıştır. Rusya İran’a nükleer programını geliştirmesi için yaptığı yardımlara devam etmiştir. 2015 yılında P5+1 ülkeleri ve İran arasında imzalanan Kapsamlı Ortak Eylem Planı’nın (KOEP) temel noktalarından biri İran’ın nükleer enerji gelişimini on yıllık bir süre için sınırlandırmış olmasıdır. Ancak İran on yılın sonunda kendisine yönelik yaptırım ve ambargolardan kurtulmuş bir ülke olarak Rusya’ya özellikle enerji ve gaz ihracı noktasında bölgesel bir rakip olabilecektir. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın odak noktası, bütün bunlar göz önünde bulundurularak iki ülkenin KOEP sonrası iyi ilişkilerinde değişme olup olmayacağını analiz etmektir. Çalışma belli sorulara cevap aramaktadır: Rusya KOEP’e nasıl bakmaktadır? Rusya neden kendisine rakip olabilecek bir İran’ı göze almaktadır? 2015 sonrası dönemde Rusya-İran ilişkilerinde değişiklik olmuş mudur? Ortaya çıkan sonuçlara göre KOEP'in Rusya-İran ilişkilerine herhangi bir olumsuz etkisi olmamıştır.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Nuclear Power, Geopolitics, and JCPOA
Political Geography:: Russia, Iran, Eurasia, and Middle East

17782. The Collapse of Multilateral Trade Negotiations in Cancún

Author:: Ayçe Sepli
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: The Doha Round or the Doha Development Agenda (DDA), which was officially launched in 2001, is the very first trade round of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Since developed and developing countries have different priorities and interests, the Doha Round has witnessed a series of deadlocks over ten years until the Bali Ministerial Conference in 2013. The first deadlock occurred at the Cancún Ministerial Conference in 2003. The primary points of dispute between developed and developing countries were agriculture and the so-called Singapore issues. This study investigates the Cancún Ministerial Conference as it is a remarkable example of how participant countries strive to secure their interests even at the expense of the collapse of the multilateral trade negotiations. In that regard, this study aims to examine the opposing negotiation behaviour has witnessed and determine how their insistence on different proposals lead to the failure of trade negotiations in Cancún. The primary argument of this study is that developing countries’ common stance and the creation of so-called G-20under the leadership of Brazil, along with India and China, prove the triumph of these countries as they succeeded to block any agreement that disrupts their interests at the Cancún Ministerial Conference. Although the Cancún failure damages the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, developing countries appreciate their coherent coalition strategies, which trigger the shift in the balance of power within the WTO in their favour.
Topic:: G20, Multilateral Relations, Negotiation, Trade, and WTO
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17783. Cyber Space and International Law as a 21st Century Paradox | 21. Yüzyıl Paradoksu Olarak Siber Uzay ve Uluslararası Hukuk

Author:: Vahit Güntay
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: The studies in the base of international relations and security have revealed a different research subject with the developments of technology. Cybersecurity that is in the focus of the technical area has also been argued in the political base. The cyber dimension of security with discussing concepts like cyber politics, cyber deterrence or cyberwar has succeeded to remain on the agenda of states. As a central actor of the international system, states’ interest in cybersecurity has carried this subject to the international law research area. In this study, the historical process and theoretical approach have been evaluated in the base of international relations discipline and it is practised to detail problems about international law. Different data have also supported the approach to the core of this study. | Uluslararası ilişkiler ve güvenlik temelindeki çalışmalar teknolojik gelişmelerle birlikte farklı bir araştırma konusunu karşımıza çıkarmıştır. Teknik bir alanın ilgi odağında olan siber güvenlik politik bir temelde de tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. Siber politikalar, siber caydırıcılık ya da siber savaş gibi isimlerle tartışılmaya başlanan güvenliğin siber boyutu devletlerin de siyasi ajandalarına girmeyi başarmıştır. Uluslararası aktörlerin merkezinde olan devletlerin ilgisi siber güvenliği uluslararası hukukun inceleme alanına taşımıştır. Bu çalışma dahilinde siber güvenliğe ilişkin tarihsel süreç ve teorik yaklaşım uluslararası ilişkiler disiplini temelinde ele alınmış ve uluslararası hukuka dair sorunlar detaylandırılmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın özüne dair yaklaşım farklı verilerle de desteklenmiştir.
Topic:: International Relations, Crime, International Law, and Cybersecurity
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17784. The Power of the Words: Discourse in Turkish Foreign Policy | Kelimelerin Gücü: Türk Dış Politikasında Söylem

Author:: Gökhan Koçer
Publication Date:: 04-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: Language is one of the essential tools in politics. In this context, as for people, the importance of language is very high for states to express themselves politically. The language that states use to carry out their foreign policies has original qualities or at least is believed it should have. For this reason, the language used by the state in its foreign policy is different from the others. If it is not different, it is sometimes differentiated, or new meanings are assigned to the words in line with this purpose. It is a common practice that states produce and implement foreign policy by utilising the language and especially words. However, this can sometimes lead to various problems in foreign policy. Similar practices and problems exist in Turkish foreign policy as well. Naming, changing the name, naming it differently, labelling it in a negative manner, pronouncing the name differently, not-to-mention the name are of the tactics in this regard. In this study, two main topics on Turkish foreign policy are discussed. The first is the debate in Turkey on the last name of Syrian President "Bashar al-Assad" within the framework of what it is or how to pronounce it. Once the relationship between Turkey and Syria began to deteriorate, "Esed" instead of "Esad" has chosen to be used by some politicians, particularly Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The second one is the name of the terrorist organisation "ISIS“(Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham). The terrorist organisation formerly known as ISIS started to be named "DEAŞ", "DAİŞ", "DAEŞ" by a great number of people, especially Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The main reason for this is that the word of Islam takes place in the name of this terrorist organisation. Two inferences can be made on the subject. First, the language debates that took place inside Turkey are more frequent than the debates done between Turkey and its counterparts in the international arena and made by the outside world without Turkey's involvement. Secondly, the interventions in language and playing with words did not give the desired results. | Dil, siyasetin en önemli araçlarından biridir. Bu bağlamda kişilerin olduğu gibi, devletlerin de kendilerini siyaseten ifade etmelerinde dilin önemi çok yüksektir. Devletlerin dış politikalarını gerçekleştirmek için kullandıkları dil, özgün niteliklere sahiptir ya da en azından öyle olması gerektiğine inanılır. Bu nedenle de, devletin dış politikada kullandığı dil başkalarınınkinden farklıdır, değilse bazen farklılaştırılır ya da kelimelere farklı anlamlar yüklenir. Dili ve özelde de kelimeleri kullanarak dış politika üretmeye ve uygulamaya çalışmak, rastlanılan bir durumdur. Ancak, bu durum, bazen çeşitli dış politika sorunlarına da neden olabilmektedir. Türk dış politikasında da benzer uygulamalar ve sorunların varlığı, zaman zaman söz konusudur. Adlandırma, ad değiştirme, farklı adlandırma, olumsuz adlandırma, adını farklı telaffuz etme, adını anmama, bu konuda taktiklere örnektirler. Bu çalışmada, esas olarak, Türk dış politikasında yakın zamanda gündemde yer almış iki tartışma konusu ele alınmıştır. Bunlardan birincisi Suriye Devlet Başkanı “Beşir Esad”ın soyadının ne olduğu ya da nasıl telaffuz edileceği konusunda Türkiye’de yaşanan çok ciddi tartışmadır. Türkiye ile Suriye arasındaki ilişkiler bozulmaya başladıktan sonra, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan başta olmak üzere bir kesim, “Esad” yerine “Esed” kelimesini kullanmayı tercih etmiştir. İkincisi ise, terör örgütü “IŞİD”in (Irak Şam İslam Devleti) adı konusunda olmuştur. Daha önce IŞİD adıyla anılan örgüt, sonraları Recep Tayyip Erdoğan başta olmak üzere, büyük bir kesim tarafından DEAŞ, DAİŞ, DAEŞ gibi adlarla ifade edilmeye başlanmıştır. Bu yaklaşımın temel nedeni, terör örgütünün adında yer alan “İslam” kelimesinin kullanılmak istenmemesi olmuştur. Konu hakkında, iki saptama yapılabilir. Birinci olarak, Türkiye’de yapılan tartışmalar, Türkiye dışında yapılanlardan ve Türkiye’nin dışarıyla yaptıklarından daha fazladır. İkinci olarak ise, dile yapılan müdahaleler, kelimelerle oynamalar, istenilen sonuçları vermemiştir.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Politics, Islamic State, and Language
Political Geography:: Turkey, Middle East, and Syria

17785. Global Governance of Terrorism and Transnational Organized Crimes: Challenges and Complexities | Terrörizm ve Ulusötesi Organize Suçların Küresel Yönetişimi: Zorluklar ve Karmaşıklıklar

Author:: Halil Peçe
Publication Date:: 04-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: In recent years, with the globalising world, countries are trying to obtain too many military equipment such as nuclear weapons, continental rockets, and high-tech armours. On the other hand, every service is becoming more private which used to belong to the government in history. After the cold war era, security details such as border security, presidential protection, abroad activities, intelligence, and security strategy are provided by private organisations. This study tries to explain what is ‘cold war? , what is a private military company? What is the change for the private military industry after cold war?’ | Küreselleşme nedeniyle artık bir yerel sorundan bahsetmek zor olmaktadır. Bunun yanında, teknolojik gelişmeler erişim kolaylığı ve sosyal medya gibi yeni imkânlar sunmaktadır. Bütün bunlar göz önüne alındığında, terörist gruplar daha önce görülmemiş bir kolaylıkla propaganda yapıp, takipçilerini yönlendirebilmektedirler. 11 Eylül saldırılarından bu yana, terörizm tartışmaları ve çalışmaları üzerine yoğunlaşma devam etmektedir. Terörizme karşı tek taraflı çabalar meşruiyet eksikliği ve meselelere çözüm bağlamında uzlaşma olmaması dolayısıyla küresel yönetişimi daha karmaşık hale getirmektedir. Güncel küresel meselelerin daha iyi anlaşılabilmesi adına terör ve sınır aşırı organize suçların etraflıca analiz edilmesi gerekmektedir. Oluşabilecek otorite boşluklarına çözüm üretme adına uluslararası örgütler harekete geçmek zorundadır. Aksi halde, yeni terörist örgütlerin tartışmalı bölgelerden ortaya çıkacak ve sınır aşırı organize suçlar dolayısıyla elde edilen gelirlerin bu örgütlerin eylemlerini finanse edecektir. Her ne kadar Birleşmiş Milletlerin küresel problemlere çözüm üretmesi gereken kurum olduğu düşünülse de, BM organlarının terörizm ve sınır aşan suçlar özelinde etkili olduğunu söylemek zor olacaktır. Bunun ötesinde, terörizm tanımının ne olduğu noktasında netliğin olmaması, egemen devletlere çıkarlarına göre bir terörizm tanımı yapmalarına imkân sağlamaktadır. Genellikle devletler çözümün parçası olmak yerine problemin bir parçası olma eğilimindedirler. Böylece, küresel yönetişim çatışmaların çözüme kavuşması noktasında ciddi zorluklarla karşılaşmaktadır. Bu çalışma bu zorluklar üzerine odaklanmaktadır.
Topic:: Terrorism, United Nations, Governance, Transnational Actors, and 9/11
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17786. The Red Geopolitics of the Middle East ISIS as a Religious Terrorist Organization | Orta Doğu’nun Kırmızı Jeopolitiği Bir Dini Terör Organizasyonu Olarak DAEŞ

Author:: Bora İyiat
Publication Date:: 04-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Novus Orbis: Journal of Politics & International Relations
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: An organization that emerged in the Middle East in recent years with the claim of being a state and it rapidly and surprisingly captured territories in Iraq and Syria, attracting the attention of the whole world. This organization calls itself the “Islamic State” although its movement style and ideological foundations have no connection whatsoever to Islam. And, there is a possibility that it can be an actor like every global project again even though it seems to be out of play in regional developments. This article aims to take a close look at the geopolitics of the Middle East, where similar organizations frequently emerge, and to get to know the organization which calls itself the Islamic State of Iraq and the Damascus. | Sadece medeniyetlerin değil, çatışmalarında merkezi olarak algılanan Ortadoğu’da yakın zamanda devlet iddiasıyla ortaya çıkan bir örgüt süratle ve şaşırtıcı bir biçimde Irak ve Suriye topraklarında ilerleyerek tüm dünyanın dikkatini üzerinde toplamıştır. Hareket tarzı ve ideolojik temelleri uzaktan, yakından İslamiyet ile alakası olmadığı halde kendisine “İslam Devleti” adı veren bu örgüt her ne kadar son zamanda bölgesel gelişmelerde oyun dışı kalmış gibi görülse de her küresel proje gibi yeniden bir aktör olabileceğine dair ciddi kuşkular barındırmaktadır. İşte bu makale benzer organizasyonların sıklıkla duyulduğu Ortadoğu’nun jeopolitiğine yakından bakmak ve kendisine Irak ve Şam İslam Devleti adını veren örgütü yakından tanımak amacıyla yazılmıştır.
Topic:: Terrorism, Geopolitics, and Islamic State
Political Geography:: Iraq, Middle East, and Syria

17787. Changing Role of Private Military Contractors after the Cold War | Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Dönemde Özel Askeri Şirketlerin Değişen Rolü

Author:: Selçuk Denek
Publication Date:: 04-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Institution:: Department of International Relations, Karadeniz Technical University
Abstract:: In recent years, with the globalising world, countries are trying to obtain too many military equipment such as nuclear weapons, continental rockets, and high-tech armours. On the other hand, every service is becoming more private which used to belong to the government in history. After the cold war era, security details such as border security, presidential protection, abroad activities, intelligence, and security strategy are provided by private organisations. This study tries to explain what is ‘cold war? , what is a private military company? What is the change for the private military industry after cold war?’ | Küreselleşen Dünya ile birlikte son yıllarda birçok ülke nükleer silahlar, kıtalararası balistik füzeler ve yüksek teknolojili silahlar gibi gereğinden fazla askeri materyale sahip olmaya çalışmaktadır. Diğer taraftan, geçmişte devletlerinyapmakla sorumlu olduğu tüm hizmetler artık özel sektör tarafından yapılır hale gelmeye başlamıştır. Soğuk savaş döneminden sonra ise sınır güvenliği, devlet başkanlarının korunması, sınır ötesi faaliyetler, istihbarat ve güvenlik stratejileri gibi askeri konular artık özel sektör kuruluşları tarafından karşılanmaktadır. Bu çalışmada “soğuk savaşın ne olduğu”, “özel askeri şirketlerin ne anlama geldiği” ve “soğuk savaş sonrası dönemde özel sektörün sunduğu güvenlik endüstrisinin değişimi” ile ilgili konular açıklanmaya çalışılacaktır.
Topic:: Cold War, Weapons, Private Sector, and Military Contractors
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17788. Updating the DFIs’ Operating Models and Methods Towards Helping to Achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development

Author:: Franque Grimard and Christian Novak
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: Development financial institutions, especially their private sector windows, must play a more effective role in contributing to achieve the 2030 Agenda. In order to achieve such higher needed effectiveness, DFIs must update their operating models and methods, and the most recently launched DFIs, like FinDev Canada, must widely adopt a modernized approach towards development financing. In this regard, we recommend that DFIs: • Increase mobilization volumes of private capital. • Widen the offering of financial products and structures with high financial additionality. • Maximize their investment potential. We believe that the implementation of the specific recommendations presented in this Policy Brief would significantly contribute to the necessary actions to achieve the 2030 Agenda. However, accomplishing the SDGs is not only dependent on the adaptation of DFIs, but also on complementary effective actions from countries, the international financial system and the private sector, in addition to collaboration among all stakeholders.
Topic:: Development, United Nations, Finance, and Sustainable Development Goals
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17789. The Return of Internally Displaced Persons: Patterns, Possibilities and Gaps in Knowledge

Author:: Megan Bradley
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: • An estimated 41.3 million people are internally displaced worldwide, constituting 60% of those displaced by conflict. Though low for both groups, rates of return are higher among IDPs than refugees, with an estimated 16% returning to their areas of origin in 2016. Return of IDPs largely occurs outside of official programs or with minimal support. The lack of available data makes it unclear whether return functions as a durable solution for IDPs. • In national laws and policies, return is often presented as the “preferred” approach to resolving displacement, although IDPs have the right to choose alternate durable solutions such as local integration. Important normative developments help clarify when return represents a durable solution for IDPs. Debates are ongoing on what respect for the right of return requires in cases of internal displacement. • More attention is needed to returns in the context of ongoing conflict, the relationship between refugee repatriation and internal displacement, and the risk that returning refugees may become IDPs. Greater international support should be devoted to return movements, taking into account returnees’ own strategies and perspectives.
Topic:: Migration, Refugees, and Internal Displacement
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17790. The Return of Internally Displaced Persons: Patterns, Possibilities and Gaps in Knowledge

Author:: Megan Bradley
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: • An estimated 41.3 million people are internally displaced worldwide, constituting 60% of those displaced by conflict. Though low for both groups, rates of return are higher among IDPs than refugees, with an estimated 16% returning to their areas of origin in 2016. Return of IDPs largely occurs outside of official programs or with minimal support. The lack of available data makes it unclear whether return functions as a durable solution for IDPs. • In national laws and policies, return is often presented as the “preferred” approach to resolving displacement, although IDPs have the right to choose alternate durable solutions such as local integration. Important normative developments help clarify when return represents a durable solution for IDPs. Debates are ongoing on what respect for the right of return requires in cases of internal displacement. • More attention is needed to returns in the context of ongoing conflict, the relationship between refugee repatriation and internal displacement, and the risk that returning refugees may become IDPs. Greater international support should be devoted to return movements, taking into account returnees’ own strategies and perspectives.
Topic:: Migration, Refugees, and Internal Displacement
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17791. Peru’s JUNTOS Cash Conditional Transfer Program: Geographic Targeting(2005-2017)

Author:: Miguel Angel Carpio, Farhan Majid, Sonia Laszlo, Alan Sanchez, and Zeljko Janzic
Publication Date:: 06-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: Conditional Cash Transfers (CCTs) have become an important anti-poverty policy globally in recent decades by aiming to alleviate poverty through financial incentives tied directly to human capital investments (namely primary and secondary schooling and maternal and child health). In Peru, the CCT program JUNTOS targeting poor families was established in 2005. By 2017, it has covered 693 thousand families in 1,305 of Peru’s 1,943 districts. 1 Official sources estimate that 72% of all potential household beneficiaries were already covered by the program by 2015.2 In order to select its beneficiaries, JUNTOS implemented a two-stage procedure. The first stage involves geographic targeting by selecting districts in need. The second stage then selects households in the targeted districts. In both cases the program follows an eligibility rule. Like most large-scale anti-poverty programs, JUNTOS was rolled out in several phases. However, despite considerable work evaluating JUNTOS, to our knowledge the various phases and changes observed in the eligibility rule over these phases have not yet been described in detail in one single public document. Furthermore, in discussions with researchers who have evaluated JUNTOS, some discrepancies have been noted between de jure criteria for selection and de facto receipt of benefits. With this in mind, this report has two objectives: (i) to document the information available about the eligibility rule at the district level (also known as the geographic rule); and (ii) to use the information available to replicate the eligibility rule using information that is publicly available. One key challenge we faced in elaborating this report is that the information that is publicly available about the JUNTOS eligibility rule is not specific enough in some important respects, including the sources of information used, the definition of the variables, and the specific ways in which the rule was updated over time.
Topic:: Treaties and Agreements, Finance, Economy, and Development Aid
Political Geography:: South America and Peru

17792. Water: A Key Driver for Sustainable Growth

Author:: Jamal Saghir
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: Why is water important in the MNA region? • It matters for people. MNA countries cover 10 percent of the world’s area and home to 6% of the world’s population but receive less than 2% of the world’s renewable water supply. With rapid population growth since the mid 1970s, this has caused dramatic contraction in per capita renewable water resources. The MNA region is now the world’s driest region in the World. • It matters for the economy. Over 60 percent of the population of MNA lives in area of high-water stress compared to some 35% for the rest of the World. Water stress in MNA will be severe in the next 20 years as freshwater per resources per capita is estimated to keep on declining steadily unless fundamental shift occurs. The MNA region has the greatest expected economic losses from climate-related water scarcity, estimated at 6–14 percent of GDP by 2050. The MNA region will have to learn to do more with less – no matter what. • It matters for the environment. wastewater, 82% of which is not being recycled in the region, compared to just 30% in highincome countries. This presents a major threat to human and environmental health but also a massive opportunity to better satisfy water demand. Wastewater is the only natural resource that increases, as cities and populations grow. • It matters for equality. Equality between men and women; between urban and rural and between nations. MNA countries need to comprehend water as a political, economic and security issue in the region that plays a profound role in the future of the region and its growth and development, and take more concerted actions now.
Topic:: Agriculture, Energy Policy, Natural Resources, Water, Economic Growth, and Sustainability
Political Geography:: Middle East, North Africa, and Global Focus

17793. Recognizing Natural Disasters as a Concern for Transitional Justice

Author:: Megan Bradley
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: Grave and systematic human rights violations in disaster situations should be recognized as a concern for the field of transitional justice. Transitional justice mechanisms such as truth commissions, memorials, restitution and compensation programs and trials may, in some cases, make significant contributions to redressing abuses in disaster situations. Victims' perspectives and priorities should guide discussions on the relevance and application of particular transitional justice mechanisms.
Topic:: Human Rights, Natural Disasters, and Transitional Justice
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17794. Fleeing Violence in Central America: Time to Implement Canada’s Resettlement Policies

Author:: Rachel Kiddell-Monroe and Celine de Richoufftz
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: Canada should take proactive and concrete actions to protect Northern Central American refugees fleeing violence including: Implementing its policy to offer resettlement to Central American refugees caught in legal limbo in Mexico. Ensuring it welcomes asylum seekers who are at risk under the US immigration system. Supporting Northern Central American states in their efforts to build fairer and more efficient immigration systems. Advocating for safe passages, legal pathways and for an end to the criminalization of clandestine immigration.
Topic:: Immigration, Border Control, Refugees, Violence, and Asylum
Political Geography:: Central America, Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador

17795. Working in Export Manufacturing: A Blessing or a Curse?

Author:: Francesco Amodio and Andreas Menzel
Publication Date:: 12-2019
Content Type:: Policy Brief
Institution:: Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:: In popular opinion, manufacturing in developing countries is often associated with low wages, dangerous working conditions, lax regulation, and worker exploitation. Research has shown that factories producing for export or based on FDI pay wages equivalent to other sectors, have higher labour standards, and employ large numbers of female workers. However, there are reported adverse effects on well-being, and consequences for young workers. While skepticism remains on buyers’ ability and interest in improving labour standards, there is some evidence of improvement through safety councils and more skilled management. Fears of consequences for competitiveness have been largely unfounded.
Topic:: Labor Issues, Global Markets, Economic Growth, Exports, and Manufacturing
Political Geography:: Global Focus

17796. Financial Central and Regional Relations Within the Government Enforcement in Indonesia

Author:: Muhammad Suhardi, L. Husni, and RR Cahyowati
Publication Date:: 09-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: Indonesia is a unitary state as asserted in Article 1 paragraph (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. As a consequence of this, Indonesia dividing its territory into several regions. This study aims to analyze the form of regulation on financial relations among the central and regional governments, especially those that regulate balance funds to accelerate the equitable distribution of development. Types of normative research with legislative, conceptual, and philosophical approaches were used as the research method. In conclusion, the formulation of balancing funds between the central and regional governments prevailed so far has not yet reflected a sense of justice so that it can obstruct the occurrence of even distribution among regions.
Topic:: Government, Regulation, and Finance
Political Geography:: Indonesia and Southeast Asia

17797. The Informative Component of the Macedonian Public Administration as an Immanent Part of the Euro-Integrative Process

Author:: Mladen Karadjoski, Goran Ilik, and Adam Adamczyk
Publication Date:: 09-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: This article analyzes the informative component of the Macedonian public administration as an imminent part of the accession process towards the European Union. The interaction of the public administration with the citizens, NGO's, media, and other relevant "stakeholders" in the Macedonian society is an additional impetus for the acceleration and improvement of the integrative process. The main research methods which will be used in this paper are a descriptive method, a content analysis method, and a comparative method.
Topic:: Regional Cooperation, European Union, and Integration
Political Geography:: Europe and Macedonia

17798. The United States Foreign Policy Towards ChinA: Invalidity of Convergence and Integration in Facing an XXI Century China

Author:: Bama Andika Putra
Publication Date:: 09-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: The US faces many dilemmas in facing an XXI century China. The recent crisis that has occurred in the South China Sea and issues related to the trade war between the two global powers have significantly divided the positions of both states in world affairs. The US policy of engagement and coercion, forcing China into the US liberal order has shown slow progress. Therefore, it is critical to re-evaluate the US foreign policy strategy in facing an XXI century China, which shows discontent towards the values that are promoted by the US. This paper critically analyzes the US foreign policy approach to China, provides key elements of its success, and concludes the major issues faced throughout the process of interacting with the modern global superpower known as China.
Topic:: Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Liberalism, and Integration
Political Geography:: United States and China

17799. The Refugee Crisis, Brexit and the Rise of Populism: Major Obstacles to the European Integration Process

Author:: Valeri Modebadze
Publication Date:: 05-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: This article describes the main challenges that the European Union is facing over the last years. It also analyzes the European Integration process and the emergence of the European Union. European integration process began after the Second World War. European politicians realized that ‘the old continent’, which was destroyed and razed to the ground, needed unification in order to play a more important role in the bipolar international system. The European integration was a step by step process, which reached its culmination after signing the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 when the European Union was formally established. The European Union created a very favorable ground for free movement of people, goods, services, and capital within the internal market. Despite these positive developments, new threats emerged over the last years that can put an end to the European integration process. From these threats and challenges, particular attention is dedicated to Britain’s exit from the European Union (Brexit), the rise of radicalism and populist parties, the migration crisis, and a heightened terrorism threat.
Topic:: Migration, Violent Extremism, Brexit, Populism, and Political Crisis
Political Geography:: Europe

17800. The Legal Nature of Social Insurance in Kosovo in the Spirit of EU Integration

Author:: Avdullah Robaj
Publication Date:: 05-2019
Content Type:: Journal Article
Journal:: Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:: Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:: Benefits, according to social insurance funds, have the nature of compensation for lost profits. Hence, the social insurance function has to meet the most important subjective requirements, provide for bare needs, and fulfill the minimum standard of living. Contemporary states undertake a series of economic, social, cultural, health, and legal measures to ensure the protection of individuals and families. Various authors define the level of satisfying the needs as the social minimum. Thus, a special law provides the right to material benefit for those in need. Therefore, Kosovo pays special attention to family, mothers, children, martyrs, invalids, veterans, and KLA members. The social insurance scheme in the Republic of Kosovo is not defined by a special law but is defined by a set of laws. Thus, Kosovo has currently legal infrastructure necessary for beneficiaries of the social insurance scheme, though not in the desired form and capacity.
Topic:: European Union, Regional Integration, and Social Services
Political Geography:: Europe and Kosovo

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