The admission of new countries into NATO and the European Union is not seen in the West as an active part of an encroachment of Russia. However, that is the view in Russia, as NATO and the EU are not only approaching but incorporating former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact states. These regions, now consisting of the independent nation-states of Eastern Europe, is still regarded by Russia as being part of its sphere of influence. The Russian mindset is rooted in this essentially
While NATO skepticism is by no means a recent phenomenon, the whirlwind unleashed by US President Donald Trump’s blistering declarations and searing criticism of NATO has thrust the alliance into the spotlight in a way it has not been in recent memory.
President Vladimir Putin is in India on a two-day state visit to India, his third trip to India during Prime Minister Modi’s term. A key agreement that has just been signed is the $5 billion deal for the S-400 air defence system. However, U.S. sanctions on Russia’s top defence manufacturers will be a hurdle in closing this agreement, making payments to Russia difficult and scaring away potential Indian partners, especially those with investments in the West. Gateway House looks at India’s options for successfully concluding this agreement without falling foul of American sanctions
Center for American Progress Task Force on U.S.-India Relations
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
The United States and India must forge an indispensable democratic partnership that can serve as a pillar of peace, prosperity, and democracy around the world
In light of our government's new understanding of the role that the sister cities relationship can play in envisioning urban projects in India, Gateway House's Mumbai History Fellow, Sifra Lentin, has readied a special report on the role and understanding of sister cities.
In recent years, the conversation on energy in the United States has shifted from a theme of
scarcity to one of abundance. The surge in domestic production of oil and gas alone, which
provides a significant advantage to the US economy, may also have drained some of the
urgency and enthusiasm from efforts to improve energy efficiency while achieving economic
growth targets, particularly in the industrial sector. Yet even in this age of abundance,
smarter, cleaner, and more efficient energy use could still provide enormous benefits to
American industry, workers, and the country as a whole. Greater national focus on improving
industrial energy use could help to:
• Increase Economic Competitiveness and Job Growth - US manufacturers are the
cornerstone of our nation’s industrial sector and a vital source of good-paying jobs.
By improving energy performance, we can help businesses reduce waste, create and
sustain jobs, save money, and invest in long-term growth.
• Achieve Climate Goals - The industrial sector is America’s biggest end-use emitter
of greenhouse gases (GHGs). Unless we have a strategy to reduce these emissions, we
have little chance of hitting our climate targets
Topic:
International Relations, Climate Change, and International Affairs
Climate advocates might have missed this one in the midst of election chaos. Just days after millions of Americans decided on candidates and ballot initiatives, the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) made a pretty important decision of its own, choosing to release a report on nuclear energy that was likely to ruffle some feathers in the environmental community.
A crisis of human capital today is keeping millions of Americans from the opportunity to earn a good life. Employers’ growing demand for skilled, well-paid workers is unmet, because—outside of the four-year college degree—postsecondary education is not sufficiently connected to the modern workplace. It is an industrial-era model failing to deliver in the digital age.
More than a decade ago, the United States created the elite Iraqi Counter Terrorism Service to conduct, coordinate, and lead CT efforts within the country. The CTS generally thrived in this role, even as Iraqis viewed the group with suspicion owing to its secretive operations, forbidding look, and avoidance of publicity. Beginning in 2014, though, the service experienced a dramatic boost in popularity after spearheading the ouster of Islamic State forces from Iraqi territories. In this respect, the CTS far outshone other elements within the Iraqi security architecture. But the anti-IS effort entailed a vastly expanded role for the CTS, straining its capabilities, producing high casualties, and raising questions about how the group should position itself in a future Iraq.
In this new study, David M. Witty examines prospects for the Counter Terrorism Service in Iraq's post–Islamic State landscape. Despite the group's impressive performance in recent campaigns, he argues that it should return to its CT focus and that Washington can help drive this by conditioning future aid on these terms. The high cost of not doing so could include stunting the healthy growth of other Iraqi security entities.
This guide is a curated list of internationally accepted policies and practical approaches to tackling corruption. It provides examples that are useful not only in developing OGP commitments but also during their implementation. It is written for government officials and national civil society .