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401. Spotlight on Africa | Turkey–Africa Relations

Author:
Michael Asiedu
Publication Date:
02-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
Abstract:
On the 11th and 12th of February 2018, the “2nd Turkey–Africa Ministerial Review Conference” transpired in Istanbul. The Conference was held under the tutelage of the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu. In participation was the Deputy Chairperson of the African Union (AU) Commission, H. E. Thomas Qwesi Quartey together with several foreign affairs ministers of African countries as well as AU representatives. Considering that a Turkey–Africa Summit is scheduled to be held in 2019 in Turkey, this TurkeyAfrica Ministerial Review Conference was held to evaluate the progress of Turkey’s Africa partnership so far in conjunction with steps that could be taken to even solidify this special relationship.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Education, Health, International Affairs, Bilateral Relations, and Conference
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, and Middle East

402. Spotlight on Africa | What Next for Libya?

Author:
Michael Asiedu
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
Abstract:
2017 could be described by Libyans and many in the international community as a year of political stagnation with no vital accomplishment in terms of the political impasse and deadlock in postGaddafi Libya (El-Gamaty, 2018), a scenario that has seen the establishment of rival governments and the proliferation of militias among certain factions embroiled in the Libyan conflict. A ray of hope has however appeared in the form of renewed efforts to get the country back to full functionality. It is in this vain that on 29 May, French President Emmanuel Macron hosted leaders of rival Libyan factions together with diplomats from over 20 countries (including UN Special Envoy for Libya Ghassan Salame, French Foreign Affairs Minister Le Drian, Congo President Denis Sassou Nguesso) in Paris in attempt to broker a peace deal and a pathway to elections in Libya.
Topic:
Elections, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa and Libya

403. Bounded Autonomy: What Limits Zimbabweans’ Trust in their Courts and Electoral Commission?

Author:
Matthias Krönke
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
After the Constitutional Court upheld the election results of 30 July 2018, Zimbabwe’s leading opposition party ended its online public response with the following message to newly confirmed President Emmerson Mnangagwa: “You can rig the elections. You can capture ZEC [Zimbabwe Electoral Commission]. You can capture [the] judiciary. But you will never capture the people. Their will shall prevail. The people shall govern!” (Movement for Democratic Change, 2018). While some might dismiss it as partisan rhetoric, the MDC statement points to critical issues for Zimbabwe’s democracy – the autonomy, and perceived autonomy, of the country’s courts and electoral commission. This policy paper analyzes public trust in these two institutions. Though intended to act as independent custodians of the Constitution and the electoral process, both the judiciary and the electoral commission are frequently accused of being beholden to political leaders. This year’s election is not the first to be accompanied by allegations of vote rigging, intimidation, and politically tainted court decisions. Allegations of bias are frequently leveled against judges from the High Court and Supreme Court, even between election cycles. Yet previous analysis of Afrobarometer data has shown that Zimbabwe’s courts are among the most trusted on the continent (Logan, 2017). And trust in the ZEC has doubled since 2010. How do these seemingly contradictory views fit together? Our analysis of public opinion data suggests that citizens trust these two institutions within bounds. For court cases involving only ordinary citizens and technical electoral issues such as the rollout of the biometric voter registration (BVR), the judiciary and the ZEC enjoy substantial public confidence. But faced with politically sensitive issues, they no longer find broad popular support. Afrobarometer survey data show clear differences in trust levels among citizens over time and along party lines. Public confidence in the judiciary is heavily dependent on whether it is perceived to hold the president and the powerful elite that surrounds him to account. Similarly, trust in the electoral commission depends less on its ability to handle managerial tasks in preparation for Election Day and more on its ability to ensure an accurate count of ballots and the resolution of post-election conflicts.
Topic:
Corruption, Elections, Democracy, Courts, and Autonomy
Political Geography:
Africa and Zimbabwe

404. Heal the Beloved Country: Zimbabwe’s Polarized Electorate

Author:
Michael Bratton and Eldred Masunungure
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
For a moment, Zimbabwe’s July 30, 2018, elections seemed to promise relief from a traumatic political past. An aging autocrat had been deposed and his successor intoned pledges of “a new dispensation.” A dormant opposition movement began to reawaken to opportunities for open political campaigning. At home and abroad, Zimbabwe’s well-wishers allowed themselves a cautious hope that change was finally afoot. But change was not to be.
Topic:
Authoritarianism, Elections, Transparency, and Polarization
Political Geography:
Africa and Zimbabwe

405. Local Governance in Benin: A Guarantee of Sustainable Development?

Author:
Romaric Samson and Richard Houessou
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Faced with the disappointing performance of centralized systems, many African states opted for decentralization in the 1990s in a bid to ensure that their citizens receive quality services (Anago, 2009). In theory, decentralization involves withdrawing some powers from the central state and transferring them to elected bodies at the local level. This introduced the concept of local governance, whose practical implementation supposes that all actors understand the institutional framework within which they function as well as their roles, responsibilities, and room for maneuver. In Benin, since the installation of the first communal and municipal councils in February 2003, decentralization has become one of the pillars of development, making better governance in local matters a fundamental element of the process. Municipal councils have taken on a number of responsibilities once left to the central state, such as maintaining local marketplaces and community hygiene, issuing bicycle licenses, and collecting some taxes. In order to manage and monitor financial resources allocated to local bodies, the central state established the Communal Development Support Fund (Fond d'Appui au Développement des Communes) in 2008. Despite good intentions and political decisions in favor of the decentralization process, good governance in our communities faces significant hurdles. Local populations express dissatisfaction with local councillors, and the transfer of powers and financial resources from the central state to local bodies is still not completely effective. Fifteen years after the first steps toward local governance in our municipalities, what lessons should be learned? How do Beninese citizens assess this governance process, and what roles do they play in its implementation? Has decentralization impacted the most vulnerable, i.e. the poorest? What are the interactions between local councillors and their constituents? Afrobarometer data from Benin make it possible to examine citizen perceptions of local governance. Our analyses reveal that popular assessments of local government performance are largely negative and haver worsened over time. We find a link between the level of popular trust in the municipal council and the perceived quality of local governance, as well as between communal development and perceptions of the local authority's activities.
Topic:
Development, Governance, Local, and Sustainability
Political Geography:
Africa and Benin

406. Slowly growing or stunted? How Delivery of Electoral, Political, and Economic Goods Impacts Support for Democracy in Uganda

Author:
Francis Kibirige
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
After nearly a decade of growth, popular demand for democracy in Africa has shown signs of weakening (Mattes & Bratton, 2016; Lührmann et al., 2017; Cheeseman, 2017)). In Uganda, recent Afrobarometer survey data show that although citizens’ preference for democracy consistently outstrips their perception of how much democracy they’re actually getting, satisfaction with the way their democracy works is on a decade-long slide. In survey responses, Ugandans’ preference for democracy fluctuates around election years, increasing before and decreasing after general elections. At the same time, the disparity between popular preference for and satisfaction with democracy, defined in this paper as the “democracy satisfaction gap,” is growing, from 5 percentage points in 2000 to 34 percentage points in 2017. These patterns pose a number of questions, including what causes popular preference for democracy to fluctuate around election years and whether indeed Ugandans understand and appreciate democracy. Survey data suggest that Ugandans have grown in their knowledge of democracy with the passage of time (Mattes, Kibirige, & Sentamu, 2010). Similarly, the proportion of Ugandans who are “committed democrats” – meaning they prefer democracy over any other form of government and consistently reject authoritarian rule – has increased sharply, although women, less educated citizens, and rural residents lag behind in this group. Our analysis suggests that a preference for democracy is stronger among citizens who perceive the quality of Uganda’s elections as poor, those who are dissatisfied with the government’s delivery of political or economic goods, those who believe strongly in democratic values, and those who are more cognitively engaged in civic and political life.
Topic:
Civil Society, Economics, Governance, Elections, and Democracy
Political Geography:
Uganda and Africa

407. The State of the National System of Innovation in Swaziland

Author:
Eswatini Economic Policy Analysis and Research Centre
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Eswatini Economic Policy Analysis and Research Centre (ESEPARC)
Abstract:
Swaziland, in the National Development Strategy (NDS), aspires to achieve development through investments in science, technology, and innovation (STI). However, using innovation to uplift the country from poverty and tackle economic growth requires investment in research and experimental development (R&D), human capital development, and the establishment of relevant institutions and governing bodies to direct scientific and technological development which are currently missing. Due to low investments in innovation and R&D, the lack of funding sources, absence of a national STI strategy and R&D agenda, and low collaboration between institutions, the country is struggling to propel STI-driven development. As a result, Swaziland is largely a consumption-based economy, with high imports and low exports, and the domestic industry is underdeveloped. The implication is that as economies grow and become more competitive, Swaziland will continue to remain behind. Hence, to use STI to drive social and economic development the country needs to affirm this concession by developing a national STI strategy. Establishing a Ministry of Science, Technology, and Innovation would enhance the coordination of STI activities and manage the funding and implementation of STI policies.
Topic:
Development, Science and Technology, Economic Growth, and Innovation
Political Geography:
Africa and Swaziland

408. Europe Must Play a Part in Filling the Power Vacuum in the Sahel

Author:
Rasmus Alenius Boserup and Luis Martinez
Publication Date:
12-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
Experiencing the consequences of an unstable Sahel, the EU and its member states will sooner or later be forced to fill the security and stability void left behind by the weakness of the states in the Sahel and the lack of willingness of North and East Africa’s regional powers to become involved.
Topic:
Humanitarian Aid, International Affairs, and Foreign Aid
Political Geography:
Africa

409. Criminality in Africa’s Fishing Industry: A Threat to Human Security

Author:
André Standing
Publication Date:
07-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Africa Center for Strategic Studies
Abstract:
Conflicts of interest within Africa’s fisheries sector enable unsustainable exploitation by foreign fishing firms and undercut the political will needed to build more robust surveillance and prosecutorial capacity.
Topic:
International Political Economy, International Security, and Food Security
Political Geography:
Africa

410. Africa Needs more Roads To Progress, Not Less

Author:
Hans Lucht
Publication Date:
12-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
Abstract:
With no credible state in Libya, the EU is focused on putting the brakes on transit migration in the Sahelian countries. But closing the important Niger–Libya corridor through increased militarisation is detrimental to progress in this impoverished region.
Topic:
International Affairs and International Development
Political Geography:
Africa

411. Building Capacity in Science, Technology, and Innovation for Africa’s Transformation: The Role of Private Sector

Publication Date:
07-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
The call to industrialize and modernize Africa has become popular in recent years, and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the Common African Position on Agenda 2030 identify science, technology and innovation (STI) as key enablers. Many African countries fail to achieve their development targets partly as a result of underdeveloped and underused science and technology as well as limited invention and innovation by both the private and the public sectors. For most African countries, the major proportion of domestic contribution to research and development (R&D) activities is provided by the government, with little from the private sector. This policy brief is based on The Africa Capacity Report 2017 (ACR 2017). It describes the importance and contribution of the private sector to advancing science, technology and innovation development in Africa. The paper also highlights the capacity imperatives needed to increase private sector participation in STI development and formulates key policy recommendations.
Topic:
Development, Government, Science and Technology, Capacity, Innovation, and Private Sector
Political Geography:
Africa

412. Building Capacity in Science, Technology, and Innovation for Africa’s Transformation: The Role of Governments

Publication Date:
06-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
The call to industrialize and modernize Africa has become more pressing in recent years especially given the high rates of youth unemployment. The African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the Common African Position on Agenda 2030 identify science, technology, and innovation (STI) as key enablers to achieving this. In response, Africa adopted a 10-year Science, Technology, and Innovation Strategy (STISA–2024). The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) STI Survey (2016) confirms the importance of STI strategies and capacity development in African countries. This policy brief highlights the role of African governments in building STI capacity and the key capacity imperatives pertinent to STI. African governments are responsible for building STI capacity through the policies and processes that guide investment decisions in STI products and services.
Topic:
Government, Public Sector, and Capacity
Political Geography:
Africa

413. Building Capacity in Science, Technology, and Innovation for Africa’s Transformation: The Role of Higher Learning and Research Institutions

Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
This policy brief by the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) notes that African countries have shown interest and willingness in developing their economies through an approach driven by science, technology, and innovation (STI). Agenda 2063 and the Common African Position on Agenda 2030 identify STI as a key enabler to achieving inclusive and sustainable development in Africa. The ACBF’s STI Survey (2016) confirms the importance of STI strategies and capacity development in African countries. The survey findings point to African institutions of higher learning as having a crucial role in building Africa’s STI capacity. Thus, it is imperative that these institutions create appropriate systems that produce well-trained human capital in STI and other sector-specific critical technical skills. This entails refocusing investment priorities towards accumulating STI infrastructure, creating and strengthening partnerships, and redesigning curricula to meet Africa’s needs.
Topic:
Development, Science and Technology, and Capacity
Political Geography:
Africa

414. Women’s Contribution to Social Cohesion and Violence Prevention through the Community Work Programme

Author:
Community Work Programme (CWP)
Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
Abstract:
The Community Work Programme (CWP) is a public employment programme that provides two days of work per week to unemployed and underemployed people in economically marginalised areas. The CWP aims to be an employment safety net, ensuring a basic stable income for residents of CWP sites. CWP participants are intended to do ‘useful work’, defined as work that ‘contributes to the public good, community goods or social services’ and assists with community development.i This includes home-based care, early childhood development, support work at schools, community safety, and looking after the local environment by cleaning, building community gardens and planting trees. In March 2017 there were 244 919 participants at 186 CWP sites across South Africa. Of this total, 85% were women, and 25% were men. Out of the 85% of women, 42% were above 35 years of age.ii In light of these figures, this policy brief looks at the prominent role (older) women play in the CWP. Focusing on women participants’ involvement in community work and local social networks, it demonstrates their contribution to building social cohesion and driving crime and violence prevention activities through the CWP.iii After presenting the case of the Manenberg site, where women participants have done much to address violence in the community, the brief concludes with recommendations for fostering women’s contributions to the CWP.
Topic:
Gender Issues, Labor Issues, Women, Employment, Violence, Work Culture, and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

415. China-Africa Trade Developments and Impacts: Case of China-Zambia Relations

Author:
Caesar Cheelo, Pamela Nakamba-Kabaso, and Zhun Che
Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Zambia Institute for Policy Analysis and Research (ZIPAR)
Abstract:
At a glance, China and Zambia – just like China and Africa – are strikingly different in many ways. They followed markedly different paths to development. They achieved significantly divergent trade and development results. However, they also have many striking commonalities, including a shared long history of developmental cooperation and relations. But, what are the lessons of China-Zambia relations for Zambia’s developmental goals and aspirations, including those in the Vision 2030? This study sought to undertake a critical comparative assessment of the trade (and other underpinning socioeconomic) developments in China, Africa and Zambia, with a view to understanding their impetus as well as their consequences, both positive and negative, for China- Africa and China -Zambia ties. It offers unique perspectives and understanding about China-Africa and China-Zambia relations. It takes a look at the history and present-day China- Africa and China-Zambia relations, considering the social and cultural ties that have defined cooperation as well as the political and diplomatic relations that have been forged over time. It unravels the trade and development implications of these relations for Zambia, Africa and China.
Topic:
International Relations, Development, Bilateral Relations, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Asia, and Zambia

416. Economic Distress and the Inevitability of an Economic Recovery Programme

Author:
Zambia Institute for Policy Analysis & Research (ZIPAR)
Publication Date:
03-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Zambia Institute for Policy Analysis and Research (ZIPAR)
Abstract:
Zambia is emerging from a major economic downturn. The copper price collapse, electricity shortages, huge fall in the value of the Kwacha and high inflation in 2015 left the economy stalling. Growth in 2015 was 2.9% and possibly 3.4% in 2016, significantly below the long-term average rate of 6.9%. The downturn was compounded by a tightening of monetary policy which made it harder for businesses to borrow, and by a continuation of expansionary fiscal policies which increased the budget deficit and Government debt. Because the scale of the challenge was so significant, the Government announced it would launch Zambia Plus, a home-grown recovery programme to put the economy back on track. A credible recovery programme will be essential to instill fiscal discipline, create conditions for growth, and support poverty reduction. A failure to the programme will result in significant adverse consequences for the economy and Zambian households. Without Zambia Plus, the budget deficit (measured as a percentage of GDP) is likely to continue performing worse than the authorities’ targets. Thus, the overall debt level will keep growing, possibly reaching an average of 58.6% of GDP over 2017-2021, up from an average of 23.3% over 2007-2014. More debt will mean a bigger budget taken to meet debt servicing obligations. For instance, in 2017 alone the Government allocated almost ¼ of the budget to debt servicing and arrears payments. This is the equivalent of over K15 billion that could otherwise be spent on tackling poverty or supporting growth. The current path is unsustainable, and the consequences of failing to act are likely to be felt hardest by the poor, who already bear the brunt. Analysis of the 2015 Budget reveals that when the economic downturn set in the most significant underspends were on social cash transfers, the economic empowerment fund and the public service pension fund. So, the absence of Zambia Plus will do bigger and longer lasting damage to the lives of poor Zambians than will the few challenges of the programme.
Topic:
Financial Crisis, Economy, and Public Debt
Political Geography:
Africa and Zambia

417. Sustainable Infrastructure Development in Sub Saharan Africa: A View from the Ground

Author:
Jamal Saghir
Publication Date:
04-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:
The objective of this policy brief is to discuss issues affecting sustainable infrastructure development in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA)2 countries including challenges, opportunities, and investment options facing SSA countries. Sustainable infrastructure refers to the designing, building, and operating of infrastructure 3 projects taking into account social, economic, financial, ecological and environmental considerations. Sustainable infrastructure enhances quality of life for citizens, helps protect vital natural resources and environment, and promotes a more effective and efficient use of financial resources.4 Infrastructure development and financing are an indispensable component of growth for any economy, and are an essential building block for SSA countries to get on the path of sustainable development. However, at present, SSA countries lack adequate and sustainable infrastructure to support increased economic growth. Overall and by all indicators, SSA is the least endowed region of the world in terms of infrastructure, even when compared too low- and middle-income countries in other developing regions. Moreover, private sector investments in SSA infrastructure remain among the lowest in the world. This is due to a number of contributing factors, including small country size that affects economies of scale and service delivery costs; low incomes that constrain affordability; weak institutions; underdeveloped domestic capital markets resulting in lack of locally-denominated long term capital; and relatively poor business environments. Closing SSA’s infrastructure gap would thus require a multi-track approach to increase all forms of public and private investments and leverage a variety of financial instruments, including guarantees.
Topic:
Development, Infrastructure, Economic Growth, and Sustainability
Political Geography:
Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa

418. Why northern Ghana lags behind in Ghana’s growth and poverty reduction success

Author:
John Baptist D. Jatoe, Ramatu Al-Hassan, and Bamidele Adekunle
Publication Date:
12-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
African Economic Research Consortium (AERC)
Abstract:
Ghana’s post adjustment growth and poverty reduction performance has been hailed as impressive, albeit with spatial disparities in the distribution of welfare, especially between the north and south of the country. Researchers generally agree that economic growth does not always reduce poverty. Indeed, the effectiveness of growth in reducing poverty depends on the level of inequality in the population. Growth that increases inequality may not reduce poverty; growth that does not change inequality (distribution-neutral growth) and growth that reduces inequality (pro-poor growth) result in poverty reduction. Policy makers can promote pro-poor growth by empowering the poor to participate in growth directly. Policy makers can focus on interventions that improve productivity in smallholder agriculture, particularly export crops, increasing employment of semi-skilled or unskilled labour, promoting technology adoption, increasing access to production assets, as well as effective participation in input and product markets. Also, increasing public spending on social services and infrastructure made possible by redistribution of the benefits of growth benefits the poor, indirectly.
Topic:
Agriculture, Economics, Poverty, Labor Issues, Economic Growth, Labor Policies, Economic Policy, and Macroeconomics
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

419. Closing the financing gap for African energy infrastructure: Trends, challenges, and opportunities

Author:
Amadou Sy and Amy Copley
Publication Date:
04-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Brookings Institution
Abstract:
Lack of energy access presents a formidable, but not insurmountable, challenge to African development. Energy poverty afflicts nearly 620 million people in Africa, limiting economic opportunities and creating health risks through the use of low-cost, alternative energy sources, such as wood fuel (IEA 2014). Without access to secure, reliable sources of electricity, households, businesses, schools, and hospitals cannot operate effectively, reducing quality of life and restricting human capital. As acknowledged in the global sustainable development agenda, addressing these energy needs is fundamental to achieving economic and human development objectives. African governments and their partners in the private sector and international development community have taken this to heart as can be seen by the growing policy attention and resources they are allocating to the continent’s energy sector.
Topic:
International Political Economy, Global Markets, and International Development
Political Geography:
Africa

420. Japan's Security Policy in Africa: The Dawn of a Strategic Approach?

Author:
Celine Pajon
Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Institut français des relations internationales (IFRI)
Abstract:
In recent years, Japan's security contribution in Africa rose with the unprecedented participation of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) in an international counter-piracy operation in the Gulf of Aden, the subsequent build-up of its first overseas military base in Djibouti, and the SDF's longest participation in United Nations Peace-Keeping Operations (UNPKO), in South Sudan (2012-May 2017). This increased security contribution has been driven by a need to react to various events, such as the rising Chinese presence in Africa and the increase in terrorist attacks and piracy. It is also a means of reassuring a risk-averse business sector and encouraging it to step up its investment in Africa. Finally, it is about demonstrating Japan's identity as a "proactive contributor to peace", and responsible shareholder in international security. While media attention is drawn to the Japanese SDF presence on the ground and at sea, the bulk of Japan's security contribution to Africa remains low-key, mostly in the form of financial contributions and capacity-building assistance, and is very often channeled through or in partnership with multilateral institutions or a third country, such as France. This said, Africa is now being associated more tightly with Japan's strategic core interests. Terrorist attacks on the continent are posing a direct risk to Japanese nationals. Threats to the security of vital maritime shipping routes transiting from the Middle East to the Indian Ocean are also directly undermining Tokyo's interests. The inclusion of Africa in the "Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy" demonstrates Japan's willingness to adopt a more strategic approach to Africa.
Topic:
International Relations and International Political Economy
Political Geography:
Africa and Japan

421. Opportunities and Challenges of Ensuring Stability in Kenya’s 2017 General Elections

Author:
Charles Nyuykonge and Nonjabulo Buhle Mazibuko
Publication Date:
07-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
With Africa having steadily begun the litany of elections billed for 2017, the orderly manner in which Somalia’s elections took place restored a glimmer of hope in those who think only the worst for Africa’s democratic and electoral maturity. With over 20 elections scheduled to take place before December 2017, the African Union Commission (AUC) has identified potential fault lines across Kenya’s election processes, and those in Liberia, as sites for election-related violence. Accordingly, among other things, the AUC has trained approximately 50 long-term election observers to be deployed to Kenya, Liberia and other states – based on empirical evidence that these particular cases could be cause for concern. This Policy and Practice Brief (PPB) examines the prospect for a peaceful election in Kenya, and offers insights on what can be done to mitigate any possible election-related violence. With respect to the state of readiness of election management bodies (EMB), the Supreme Court and the government to deliver credible elections, this PPB examines and brings to light challenges that could potentially trigger election-related violence, with the view to make recommendations on how to mobilise key stakeholders to invest in supporting local and under utilised institutions or existing processes and practices capable of mitigating election-related violence. Some of these stakeholders are critical in ensuring the identification of conflict triggers, forewarning about them and preventing their escalation to national crises and conflict. Civil society organisations (CSOs), regional and international organisations should, in the build-up to the 8 August election, effectively co-ordinate their pre-assessment field visits to Kenya so as to identify potential options to avert the likelihood of election-related violence in the country.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Political Violence, Elections, and Democracy
Political Geography:
Kenya, Africa, Liberia, and Somalia

422. In Defense of Democracy: Lessons from ECOWAS' Management of The Gambia's 2016 Post-Election Impasse

Author:
Brown Odigie
Publication Date:
01-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The years 2015 and 2016 were crucial for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) from the perspective of its efforts to ensure sustainable peace and stability in the region, through supporting the conduct of peaceful elections and the orderly transfer of power. A total of 10 of its 15 member states held elections in 2015 and 2016. ECOWAS has a rich history of managing political transitions and elections in the past 18 years, following the adoption of the 1999 Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peace-keeping and Security (referred to as “the mechanism”), as well as the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. This Policy and Practice Brief (PPB) examines ECOWAS’ interventions around the electoral processes of its member states, with particular focus on its management of the 2016 post-election impasse in The Gambia. This highlights how effective a mediation process can be when mandates are grounded within institutions’ normative and legal instruments, and when international actors work in partnership with regional organisations with respect to the principles of subsidiarity, complementarity and comparative advantages. The lessons from this intervention might therefore be relevant to other regional economic communities (RECs), the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN) in avoiding the pitfalls of working in silos or engaging in a multiplicity of interventions, which are often at cross-purposes.
Topic:
Conflict Prevention, Political Violence, Democratization, Peacekeeping, Elections, Democracy, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa and Gambia

423. Building Capacity in Science, Technology, and Innovation for Africa’s Transformation: The Role of Private Sector

Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
The call to industrialize and modernize Africa has become popular in recent years, and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the Common African Position on Agenda 2030 identify science, technology and innovation (STI)1 as key enablers. Many African countries fail to achieve their development targets partly as a result of underdeveloped and underused science and technology as well as limited invention and innovation by both the private and the public sectors. For most African countries, the major proportion of domestic contribution to research and development (R&D) activities is provided by the government, with little from the private sector. The Africa Capacity Report 2017 (ACR 2017) found that underdevelopment in Africa is closely linked to the limited capacity to deploy STI for inclusive sustainable development and transformation. The Report helps policymakers draw conclusions critical to STI issues, and derives policy recommendations that strengthen the policy formulation, implementation, and impact of STI.
Topic:
Development, Government, Political Economy, Science and Technology, Capacity, Innovation, Private Sector, Modernization, and Industry
Political Geography:
Africa

424. Building Capacity in Science, Technology, and Innovation for Africa’s Transformation: The Role of Governments

Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
The call to industrialize and modernize Africa has become popular in recent years, and the AU’s Agenda 2063 and the Common African Position on Agenda 2030 identify science, technology, and innovation (STI) as key enablers to achieve development blueprints. In response, Africa adopted a 10-year Science, Technology, and Innovation Strategy (STISA– 2024). The ACBF’s STI Survey (2016) confirms the importance of STI strategies and capacity development. This policy brief highlights the role of African governments in building STI capacity and the key capacity messages pertinent to STI. African governments are responsible for building STI capacity through the policies and processes that guide investment decisions in STI, innovation capacity, and STI products and services.
Topic:
Development, Government, Political Economy, Public Sector, and Capacity
Political Geography:
Africa

425. Building Capacity in Science, Technology, and Innovation for Africa’s Transformation: The Role of Higher Learning and Research Institutions

Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
African countries have shown interest and willingness in developing their economies through an approach driven by science, technology, and innovation (STI). Agenda 2063 and the Common African Position on Agenda 2030 identify STI as a key enabler to achieving development blueprints. In response, Africa adopted a 10-year Science, Technology, and Innovation Strategy (STISA– 2024). The ACBF’s Africa Capacity Building STI Survey (2016) confirms the importance of STI strategies and capacity development in African countries. And institutions of higher learning play a key role in designing, implementing, and evaluating STI policies and in creating and using STI products and services.
Topic:
Education, Science and Technology, Capacity, Innovation, and Higher Education
Political Geography:
Africa

426. Multidimensional poverty and wellbeing in Mozambique

Author:
Ricardo Santos and Vincenzo Salvucci
Publication Date:
02-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United Nations University
Abstract:
Poverty is a multidimensional phenomenon involving things other than consumption — such as access to and quality of health and education, housing, possession of durable goods, freedom, and many other factors. The consumption and multidimensional poverty approaches are complementary: it is possible for example that a family has consumption levels below the poverty line but lives in a good quality home, its members have a good level of education, and vice versa.
Topic:
Education, Health, Poverty, Survey, and Housing
Political Geography:
Africa and Mozambique

427. Starting with People: A Human Economy Approach to Inclusive Growth in Africa

Author:
Kathy Wright
Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
High levels of inequality across Africa have prevented much of the benefits of recent growth from reaching the continent’s poorest people. To combat inequality in Africa, political and business leaders have to shape a profoundly different type of economy. It must start with the needs of Africa’s women and young people for good quality sustainable jobs, rather than the needs of the richest and of foreign investors. Leaders must use economic policy, taxation policy and social spending to build a human economy for Africa.
Topic:
Poverty, Inequality, Economy, Tax Systems, Sustainability, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Africa

428. On the Brink: As Famine Looms, World Leaders Must Say Up and Deliver Political Solutions to Save Lives

Author:
Shannon Scribner
Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
As famine takes hold in South Sudan and threatens to spread to northeastern Nigeria, Somalia, and Yemen, world leaders must immediately step up to fully fund the United Nations’ appeal for $6.3 billion. Of this amount, $4.9 billion is urgently needed by July for critical assistance, including health, food, nutrition, and water. If lives are to be saved, humanitarian agencies must be able to rapidly scale up and access people in need. World leaders must not walk away from key meetings, such as the Group of Seven Taormina Summit in Italy and the Group of Twenty Hamburg Summit in Germany, without taking action to increase funding, improve access, resolve conflict and insecurity, and ensure that emergency relief is coupled with long-term approaches to building resilience in affected countries.
Topic:
International Cooperation, United Nations, Famine, Food Security, and Leadership
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, Yemen, Nigeria, Somalia, and South Sudan

429. From Early Warning to Early Action in Somalia: What can we Learn to Support Early Action to Mitigate Humanitarian Crises?

Author:
Emma Feeny
Publication Date:
10-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
More than three years after it was initiated in the aftermath of the 2011 famine, the early-warning, early-action trigger mechanism for Somalia remains a work in progress. This paper looks at how the mechanism has functioned during the 2016/7 drought crisis response, uncovers a widespread consensus about the value of the tool, and explores the challenges involved in developing the dashboard, generating support and putting in place an accountability framework. It looks for learning around the effectiveness of such tools, which could potentially support similar models in other countries. This paper also highlights suggestions from a range of stakeholders regarding actions that might support greater buy-in to the dashboard and broader collaboration at all levels, helping ensure the mechanism meets its aim of facilitating decision making for early action, thereby better protecting the people of Somalia.
Topic:
Human Rights, Famine, Humanitarian Crisis, and Disaster Management
Political Geography:
Somalia and Africa

430. Financing Women Farmers: The need to Increase and Redirect Agriculture and Climate Adaptation Resources

Author:
Rebecca Pearl-Martinez
Publication Date:
10-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
Oxfam analysis finds that governments and donors are failing to provide women farmers with relevant and adequate support for farming and adapting to climate change. Oxfam conducted research on government and donor investments in Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines and Tanzania. It found that funding in these countries is significantly lower than commitments that have been made, and there is little evidence of resources and technical assistance reaching women farmers. Resources are being diverted to priorities other than smallholder farmers, and for the most part governments lack the capacity to deliver funding to them. This paper presents the findings along with recommendations for governments.
Topic:
Agriculture, Climate Change, Gender Issues, Women, and Farming
Political Geography:
Pakistan, Africa, Middle East, Philippines, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Ghana

431. Testing Community Consent: Tullow Oil project in Kenya

Author:
Dan Mullins and Justus Wambayi
Publication Date:
11-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
This case study assesses the extent of Tullow Oil’s compliance with the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) in Turkana County, Kenya. It examines the company’s engagement in selected communities and finds that, while community engagement processes have improved in important ways, it has yet to achieve FPIC. The study provides recommendations that contribute to the evidence base for FPIC practice beyond this project, in order to improve FPIC implementation across the oil and gas industry.
Topic:
Oil, Natural Resources, Gas, Private Sector, and Community
Political Geography:
Kenya and Africa

432. Mobilising Domestic Resources to Help Mali’s Poorest Populations: The role of French Development Aid

Author:
Michael Siegel
Publication Date:
12-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Oxfam Publishing
Abstract:
Development cooperation has a major role to play in supporting fragile states to mobilize their own resources in order to fund basic social services. In Mali, French aid aims to build the technical capacity of Malian administrations to collect tax by fighting against fraud and tax evasion. However, collecting more domestic resources alone will not be sufficient to reduce poverty. France must support watch-dog organizations to ensure greater transparency and accountability on the use of these resources for the benefit of the poorest.
Topic:
Development, Inequality, Fragile States, Tax Systems, and Sustainability
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, France, and Mali

433. The Significance of Erdoğan's Visit to East Africa

Author:
Michael Asiedu
Publication Date:
02-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
Abstract:
On the 22nd of January, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan embarked on another tour of three East African countries, Tanzania, Mozambique and Madagascar. These visits bring his total trips to 10 in Sub Saharan Africa, the most by any Turkish president. Earlier in 2016, he visited Ghana, Guinea, Cote d’ivoire, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda and Somalia. These trips to a much larger extent signify the increasing policy attention Turkey is giving Africa.
Topic:
Development, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Geopolitics, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, Middle East, Mozambique, Tanzania, Madagascar, and East Africa

434. Turkey-Africa Relations: Spotlight on Somalia

Author:
Michael Asiedu
Publication Date:
11-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
Abstract:
On 30 September, 2017, the Turkish government opened its largest military base abroad in the Somalian capital of Mogadishu. The ceremony was attended by the Turkish Military Chief of Staff, Hulusi Akar. This policy update gives an overview of the significance of the military base and Turkey’s continuous engagements in Africa.
Topic:
Government, Humanitarian Aid, and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, and Somalia

435. Tax Compliance Africans Affirm Civic Duty but Lack Trust in Tax Department

Author:
Thomas Isbell
Publication Date:
12-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
In any economy, balancing expenditures, revenues, and debts is a delicate and often politicized task. Competing interests and priorities buffet those tasked with planning a viable and stable national budget. For any state, taxes raised from individuals and businesses are a central plinth supporting the provision of services, the maintenance of infrastructure, the employment of civil servants, and the smooth functioning of the state. In many African countries, however, tax evasion leaves states with major holes in their budgetary pockets. A 2015 report by the High Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows from Africa cites tax abuse as an important contributor (along with laundering of criminal proceeds, corruption, and market abuse) to an estimated $30 billion to $60 billion per year that African governments lose to illicit financial flows, hampering growth through state investment, improvements in education and health services, and lower debt commitments abroad (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 2015a, 2015b; Guardian, 2015). The 2016 leaks of the “Panama Papers” exposing tax evasion and fraud among many African and world leaders and their families further underlined the magnitude of the burden that tax evasion places on the continent (Kuo, 2016; Copley, 2016). Moreover, low tax compliance weakens the state’s ability to invest and develop. In 2005, only 15% of gross domestic product (GDP) in developing countries derived from taxes, compared to 35% in developed countries (Fuest & Riedel, 2009). In some of the poorest countries, this proportion was 12%. Cobham (2005) estimates that low tax compliance in developing countries costs around $285 billion per year. For many Africans, however, not paying taxes may be less a matter of choice than of insufficient efficacy. As Aiko and Logan (2014) report, majorities of Africans say it is difficult to find out what taxes they’re supposed to pay and how their government uses tax revenues, and many see tax officials as corrupt. Ali, Fjeldstad, & Sjursen (2013) have found that not understanding how taxes are used is negatively correlated with tax compliance. They also point out that many Africans pay private or non-state providers for services that would commonly be provided by the state, which might also tend to depress tax compliance. This paper examines the views and experiences of ordinary Africans related to tax compliance. Afrobarometer survey data indicate that a strong majority of Africans see paying taxes as a civic duty that is important to a country’s development and should be fulfilled regardless of whether one is dissatisfied with government services. But low levels of public trust and high levels of perceived corruption in the tax department dampen citizens’ support for tax compliance.
Topic:
Civil Society, Governance, Tax Systems, Bureaucracy, and Tax Evasion
Political Geography:
Africa

436. Public service delivery in South Africa: Councillors and Citizens Critical Links in Overcoming Persistent Inequities

Author:
Sibusiso Nkomo
Publication Date:
10-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
The August 2016 local government elections in South Africa sent an earthquake through the political class when the African National Congress (ANC) lost power in three major cities of the country. Coalition governments led by the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) took over the economic powerhouse, Johannesburg; the administrative capital and seat of the Presidency, Pretoria; and the biggest city in the Eastern Cape and the country’s vehicle-manufacturing hub, Nelson Mandela Bay. Additionally, the DA grew its share of the vote to more than two-thirds in Cape Town, the home of Parliament. In Ekurhuleni and other cities, the ANC created coalitions and barely clung to power. These elections can be seen as a milestone, indicating for the first time since 1994 that the ANC could lose power anywhere in the country. They also point to continuing perceptions of political and systemic weaknesses – including a lack of qualified staff, capacity, professionalism, and accountability (Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, 2009) – at the local level of government, which deals most directly with citizens, is the coalface of service delivery, and thus may be most directly affected by public dissatisfaction with public services (Mungai, 2015; Institute for Security Studies, 2009). Since 1994, South Africa’s democratic governments have extended basic service provision to poorer areas of many cities, towns, and rural areas. For the first time, many citizens have enjoyed electricity and sewage systems that had previously been reserved for whites-only suburbs. According to the 2016 Statistics South Africa General Household Survey, electricity mains now reach 84% of the population. Water access is at 88%; 81% have access to improved sanitation; and only 4% are without a toilet facility. About two-thirds (65%) have their refuse removed once a week, compared to half or less before 1994 (Statistics South Africa, 2017). Nonetheless, numerous demonstrations and protests, often violent, have highlighted popular perceptions that local governments have not kept campaign promises of good service delivery – most fundamentally, Nelson Mandela’s 1994 promise of “a better life for all.” Although services may be reaching people who never had them, is the quality of services inadequate to satisfy their recipients? Do service-delivery deficits reflect and perpetuate the apartheid-era spatial design of most towns, retarding racial and class integration and equality? This paper explores public opinion on basic services provision at the local government level in South Africa. Building on Bratton (2012), which focused on local councillors’ responsiveness to constituents’ needs, I explore other factors that may influence public perceptions of local service delivery, including contact with local councillors and councillors’ job performance and trustworthiness. I also examine which actions, if any, citizens take when they see problems in their municipality.
Topic:
Governance, Public Opinion, Inequality, and Bureaucracy
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

437. Efficacy for Fighting Corruption: Evidence from 36 African Countries

Author:
Thomas Isbell
Publication Date:
07-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Corruption is a major obstacle to economic growth, human development, and poverty reduction (Mauro, 1995, 2004; Asiedu, 2006). The practice of demanding or expecting monetary or other benefits in exchange for preferential treatment has plagued the global South, and high-profile revelations of corruption in politics and business have shed light on the magnitude of the problem (Baker, 2016; McCool, 2015). The poor are most vulnerable to both the immediate effects of having to pay bribes or do favours and the longer-term impacts of hampered growth and weakened investment power (Hosken, 2017; Baker, 2016). Recent research by Peiffer and Rose (2014) and Justesen and Bjørnskov (2014) notes that poor citizens faced with official corruption have fewer means to seek out services from alternative providers and are thus forced to “play the game.” In recent years, headlines have pointed toward a stronger stance against corruption in Africa. In South Africa, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and other countries, scandals and government responses have placed corruption at center stage. In Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari’s winning ticket in 2015 included zero tolerance for corruption, and he has taken several steps to try to fight what he calls the “hydra-headed monster” (Maclean, 2016; Gaffey, 2016). In Tanzania, President John Magafuli won the 2015 election after a campaign denouncing corruption and misconduct among civil servants (Muvunyi, 2016). No doubt strong and committed leadership is necessary if meaningful progress is to be made in fighting corruption. But as with any attempt to change the status quo, it is equally important that the policy be accepted, “lived,” and enforced by ordinary citizens. To what extent do ordinary Africans feel they can combat corruption? What informs whether citizens believe they can play a role? Findings from Afrobarometer Round 6 (2014/2015) surveys suggest that education and material security contribute to building efficacy among ordinary citizens for the fight against corruption. But leadership also matters: Perceptions that elected leaders or officials are corrupt make citizens less likely to think they can make a difference.
Topic:
Corruption, Governance, Leadership, Transparency, and Bureaucracy
Political Geography:
Africa

438. Ambitious SDG Goal Confronts Challenging Realities: Access to Justice is still Elusive for Many Africans

Author:
Carolyn Logan
Publication Date:
03-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Access to justice for all citizens has long been recognized as a cornerstone of democracy, good governance, and effective and equitable development. Its centrality has recently been highlighted in the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG16), which calls for all societies to “promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels” (United Nations, 2016). The United Nations Development Programme (2004) has even described access to justice as a basic human right. Access to justice is described broadly as the ability of citizens to “seek and obtain remedies” (American Bar Association, 2012, i) and to “prevent the abuse of their rights and obtain remedies when such rights are abused” (United States Agency for International Development, 2010, 12). Providing access to justice requires meeting several conditions. It requires a legal framework that protects citizens’ rights and that is known and comprehensible to ordinary people. It requires that court costs are reasonable and that legal counsel is both available and affordable. And it requires that citizens are confident that laws will be fairly and effectively applied. In short, it requires the existence of a remedy, citizens with the legal empowerment and capacity to seek a remedy, and a court system with the capacity and will to provide an effective remedy (International Commission of Jurists, 2009). These conditions are often evaluated through expert assessments. However, the perspectives of ordinary citizens – including both the public at large and actual users of the legal system – can shed critical light on the extent to which people enjoy access to justice. Do ordinary citizens use the legal system to resolve disputes, or do they avoid it? Do they have confidence in court decisions, and in their own ability to secure just outcomes? Can they obtain the legal advice they need, and afford to pursue a case? And when they do go to court, what are their experiences? Are women, the poor, or marginalized groups treated differently than men or wealthy elites?
Topic:
Development, Inequality, Sustainable Development Goals, Justice, and Sustainability
Political Geography:
Africa

439. Still no Alternative? Popular Views of the Opposition in Southern Africa’s One-Party Dominant Regimes

Author:
Rorisang Lekalake
Publication Date:
02-2017
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Afrobarometer
Abstract:
Following decades of authoritarian rule, multiparty democracy re-emerged in a “wave” of democratization in sub-Saharan Africa during the early 1990s. Twenty-nine countries in the region held founding elections – first competitive elections after an authoritarian period – between 1989 and 1994, of which 16 led to full democratic transitions (Bratton, 1997). Notable successes include Namibia (1989), Cape Verde (1991), Ghana (1992), and South Africa (1994), which a generation later are ranked among Africa’s politically “free” countries (Freedom House, 2016). While this period was initially classified as part of Huntington’s (1991) “third wave” of democratization, some political scientists consider it part of a distinct “fourth wave” of general regime change because most of these political openings did not result in full democratic transitions (see McFaul, 2002). Today, African political regimes vary widely, from the liberal democracies cited above to repressive autocracies (Diamond, 2015). Given the importance of party competition to a healthy democracy, a major criticism of African political regimes concerns their relatively few electoral alternations. Although the number of political alternations in sub-Saharan Africa increased from three in 1961-1989 to 39 in 1990-2012, the latter number represents only 23% of election results during this period (Carbone, 2013). Even among multiparty democracies, many African countries have yet to experience a single peaceful alternation of power.
Topic:
Authoritarianism, Democracy, Political Parties, Opposition, and Partisanship
Political Geography:
Africa

440. Islamist Extremism in East Africa

Author:
Abdisaid Ali
Publication Date:
08-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Africa Center for Strategic Studies
Abstract:
The growth of Salafist ideology in East Africa has challenged long established norms of tolerance and interfaith cooperation in the region. This is an outcome of a combination of external and internal factors. This includes a decades-long effort by religious foundations in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states to promulgate ultraconservative interpretations of Islam throughout East Africa’s mosques, madrassas, and Muslim youth and cultural centers. Rooted within a particular Arab cultural identity, this ideology has fostered more exclusive and polarizing religious relations in the region, which has contributed to an increase in violent attacks. These tensions have been amplified by socioeconomic differences and often heavy-handed government responses that are perceived to punish entire communities for the actions of a few. Redressing these challenges will require sustained strategies to rebuild tolerance and solidarity domestically as well as curb the external influence of extremist ideology and actors.
Topic:
Islam, Religion, Violent Extremism, and Global Security
Political Geography:
Africa

441. Transforming Sub Saharan Africa Agriculture

Author:
Jamal Saghir and Hans Hoogeveen
Publication Date:
12-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Institute for the Study of International Development, McGill University
Abstract:
Across Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) agriculture is a dominant sector in the economies of most countries accounting for between 30 to 40 percent of gross domestic product, and the sector is a leading source of jobs for over two-thirds of Africa’s population. And yet, though it has the potential to be an agricultural power, a combination of low productivity and an inadequate policy framework make SSA the world’s most food-insecure region. Over the last 40 years it has also been steadily losing its share of the global agricultural market. With less than 10% of SSA’s population, Thailand exports more food products than all SSA countries combined, and Brazil’s food exports are now 150% higher than those of SSA, although levels were similar in the 1980s. The “Green Revolution” that transformed tropical agriculture in Asia and Latin America largely bypassed Africa, with total factor productivity growth in agriculture lagging behind that of other regions in the world (Evenson and Gollin 2003) 1 . Two main factors are responsible. First, little land on the continent is irrigated. Only two percent of Africa’s renewable water resources are used, compared to a global average of five percent. Of the 183 million hectares of cultivated land in SSA, 95 percent is rain-fed and less than 5 percent benefits from some sort of agricultural water management practice—by far the lowest irrigation development rate of any region in the world. Moreover, of the 7.1 million hectares equipped with irrigation equipment, only 5.3 million are currently operational. Second, modern inputs and technological processes are grossly underutilized. Africa has, by far, the lowest rate of improved seed and fertilizer use of any region— a rate that has remained virtually constant for the last 40 years—and the lowest level of mechanization in the world. In consequence, African farmers have the lowest farm productivity; their grain yields only one-half of those achieved by Asian or Latin American farmers.
Topic:
Agriculture, Development, Poverty, and Economy
Political Geography:
Africa

442. Preliminary reflections on the 2016 Liberian National Conflict-Mapping Exercise

Author:
Nontobeko Zondi
Publication Date:
10-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Since 2009, the Government of Liberia (GoL), working with its national and international partners, has continued to provide leadership in responding to a myriad of critical conflict factors. It has done this through various peacebuilding frameworks, such as the Strategic Roadmap for National Healing, Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in Liberia, the Liberia Peacebuilding Program (LPP) and the Agenda for Transformation (AFT). In addition, Liberia has concluded its post-Ebola recovery plans, supported by the United Nations (UN) and other partners, in the midst of the UN Mission in Liberia’s (UNMIL) transition in 2016, as well as within the context of the country’s 2017 national elections. It was against this backdrop that the Peacebuilding Office (PBO) within the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) and other partners had to rethink and reprioritise Liberia’s peacebuilding and reconciliation strategies, programmes and interventions, moving forward. As such, a comprehensive conflict-mapping and conflict analysis exercise was pivotal to allow for a systematic and empirical process in which Liberian conflict issues and potential conflict drivers could be identified. This Policy & Practice Brief (PPB) seeks to reflect on the 2016 National Conflict-Mapping Exercise (NCME) process, as well as the methodological approaches used to gather and analyse the data. It further highlights the importance of the NCME as a process and outlines the supportive role of international partners to the PBO, which guaranteed that the process is locally owned and steered by the PBO. Although it has a definitive end in the form of findings, the NCME itself should be seen as an important component for enhancing the coherence and coordination of peacebuilding interventions in Liberia.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Peacekeeping, Peace, and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa and Liberia

443. The Role of Inclusive Multi-stakeholder Partnerships in Enhancing Conflict Transformation in the Great Lakes

Author:
Bernard Okok Obuoga
Publication Date:
09-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
Cyclical conflicts which continue to plague the Great Lakes region of Africa necessitate a reflection on the effectiveness of peacebuilding interventions. While many reasons account for this, without knowledge of triggers of relapse into conflict, and without enhancing grassroots-based approaches to managing the causes of conflict, peace will remain elusive under existing intervention frameworks. The Great Lakes Project (GLP), a collaborative initiative by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC), and the Nairobi Peace Initiative – Africa (NPI-Africa) – developed a three-year project in 2012, titled “Consolidating Peacebuilding in the Great Lakes of Africa”. The overall purpose of the project was to ensure that local communities were mobilised to engage with, and address, conflict factors through grassroots civil society organisations (CSOs). The project also sought to identify and address the capacity gaps of local CSOs working towards peace and ensure that systems were established to continuously address conflicts in the region. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) was identified as a critical partner in building peace in the region, considering its extensive network and access to state and non-state actors. This engagement therefore facilitated partnerships between existing CSO-platforms; strengthened their early warning systems and strengthened their conflict management capabilities towards building resilient infrastructures for sustainable peace. While undertaking its mandate, the GLP identified various challenges and policy gaps, which included the lack of strategic approaches to prevent conflict relapse. This paper illustrates and interrogates the dynamics of these shortcomings, and defines the role of inclusive, multi-stakeholder partnerships to address these.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Peacekeeping, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa

444. The institutionalisation of mediation support within the ECOWAS Commission

Author:
Brown Odigie
Publication Date:
06-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Commission established the Mediation Facilitation Division (MFD) in June 2015 to backstop mediation efforts undertaken by its mediation organs, member states, non-state actors and joint initiatives with other international organisations, such as the African Union Commission (AUC) and the United Nations (UN). In January 2016, the structure was further upgraded to a directorate within the Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS). This Policy & Practice Brief (PPB) examines the rationale for taking the bold step to institutionalise a mediation support structure within the ECOWAS Commission; the legal and normative instruments that underpin its mediation interventions; the mandate, vision and scope of operation of the mediation support structure; and the key activities undertaken by the structure within one year of its existence. The PPB identifies the uniqueness of ECOWAS’s experiences in interventions in the 1990s, and the subsequent importance accorded to preventive diplomacy and mediation as a key factor that informed the decision to establish a mediation support structure – in contrast to using an ad hoc arrangement to backstop its mediation efforts in the past. This new arrangement, the PPB argues, will ensure that mistakes such as the marginalisation of ECOWAS in mediation processes in the region, the disconnect between the ECOWAS Commission and its appointed mediators, facilitators and special envoys, are remedied. It will also ensure a coordinated approach to capacity building and mediation knowledge management within the ECOWAS Commission and its institutions, as well as with its partners, including mainstreaming Tracks II and III mediation into official Track I mediation.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Diplomacy, and Mediation
Political Geography:
Africa, West Africa, and African Union

445. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region as a peacebuilding instrument for civil society organisations

Author:
Patrick Kanyangara
Publication Date:
06-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
Abstract:
This policy paper examines the prospective role of civil society organisations (CSOs) within the mechanisms and structures of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), which was created to address conflict challenges faced by states within the Great Lakes region. The ICGLR was established in 2003 to provide an inclusive platform for countries within the region to work effectively with international actors and CSOs for regional conflict prevention, management and resolution. Although the role of CSOs within the ICGLR initiatives is considered imperative to securing sustainable peace, there remain concerns that the involvement of CSOs is constrained. Through desk research and field surveys, this policy paper explores creative approaches for CSOs to make a valuable impact on the ICGLR initiative. The paper recommends improved and proactive synergy between the ICGLR and CSOs for effective peace and security in the region.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Civil Society, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Africa

446. Building Capacity for Domestic Resource Mobilization: The Role of Development Partners

Publication Date:
12-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
Africa’s ability to deliver on the ambitious post-2015 Agenda (also called the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals) and the African Union Agenda 2063 largely depends on the availability of adequate financial resources. But the funding sources for development programs have been neither stable nor predictable, particularly after the global financial crisis in 2008. It has become clear that while donor financing remains important, overreliance on donor funding will not sustainably drive the success of the two continental agendas, hence the need to focus on other development finance options such as domestic resource mobilization.1 If new sources of financing are not in place, Africa’s growth and industrialization strategies are likely to suffer an early setback. Agenda 2063 recommends that countries strengthen domestic resource mobilization, build continental capital markets and financial institutions, and reverse illicit financial flows for Africa to be self-reliant and finance its own development.
Topic:
Development, Natural Resources, Economic Growth, Capacity, Economic Development, and Human Resources
Political Geography:
Africa

447. Building Capacity for Domestic Resource Mobilization: Role of the Private Sector

Publication Date:
12-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
Success in implementing Agenda 2063 and the Sustainable Development Goals depends largely on the availability and adequacy of resources. Africa realizes that industrialization is the way to go, as outlined in the two continental development plans, but it is inevitable that resources to fund these programs must be mobilized domestically. Domestic resource mobilization (DRM)1 was recognized as one of the six leading sources of finance for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), but many African countries did not fully achieve the MDGs due to overreliance on donor funding. One part of DRM is generating taxes and savings, which implies that governments and the private sector have key roles in this process. Specifically, the private sector should mobilize private savings, expand its productive investments, conduct responsible business by not engaging in tax avoidance and illicit financial flows, and ensuring corporate social responsibility. The 2015 Africa Capacity Report (ACR 2015) identifies the private sector as very important in partnering and cooperating with governments and other key stakeholders to maximize tax revenues and promote savings and investment. This policy brief puts forward possible interventions for the private sector to enhance domestic resource mobilization in Africa
Topic:
Development, Natural Resources, Capacity, Private Sector, and Human Resources
Political Geography:
Africa

448. Building Capacity for Domestic Resource Mobilization: The Role of the Government

Publication Date:
10-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
Africa adopted an industrialization strategy, and committed to implement Agenda 2063 and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), all of which require adequate funding. Given that no African country fully achieved all the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) largely due to funding constraints, domestic resource mobilization is therefore a very critical issue. Domestic resource mobilization is defined as the generation of savings from domestic resources and their allocation to economically and socially productive investments as well as accounting for such allocation. Africa has the capacity to adequately fund its development programmes from its own pool of resources (The Africa Capacity Report, 2015). Thus African governments are responsible for ensuring that national and continental development programmes are fully implemented, hence should mobilize sufficient resources to fund them. The public sector achieves this mandate through taxation and other forms of public revenue generation. In ensuring sustainable mobilization of domestic resources including curbing of illicit financial flows1, accountable governments are necessary.
Topic:
Development, Government, Public Sector, Capacity, and Industrialization
Political Geography:
Africa

449. Building Capacity for Domestic Resource Mobilization: The Role of the Civil Society

Publication Date:
03-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
With the recent adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the commitment of Africa to implement Agenda 2063, which is the continent’s development blueprint, domestic resource mobilization becomes a crucial issue. Given the background that most African countries did not fully achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) due to over- reliance on donor resources, enhancing domestic resource mobilization in Africa becomes a necessity. Domestic resource mobilization has two elements to its definition: the generation of savings and taxes on one hand and their allocation to economically and socially productive activities. Accountable states and institutions are crucial for the success of domestic resources mobilization initiatives and the curbing of illicit financial flows.
Topic:
Development, Sustainable Development Goals, and Capacity
Political Geography:
Africa

450. Turkey as a Development Partner in Africa

Author:
Michael Asiedu
Publication Date:
10-2016
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
Abstract:
Irrespective of Turkey’s lack of colonial history in Africa, Turkey’s foreign policy has progressively evolved to include a key focus on Sub-Saharan Africa in terms of development and humanitarian assistance. As a new donor country in the development arena Turkey’s activities towards SubSaharan Africa has enjoyed significant boosts. This policy brief takes a snapshot of Turkey’s involvement on the continent in terms of political, economic and the development aid dispensations citing why the continent remains an attraction for many emerging donor countries. It gives options to further solidify Turkey’s relations whilst highlighting a key challenge that might hinder Turkey’s pace on the continent.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Development, and Partnerships
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, and Middle East