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152. Climate Focused Transitional Justice
- Author:
- Jasmina Brankovic, Augustine Njamnshi, and Christoph Schwarte
- Publication Date:
- 07-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
- Abstract:
- The Covid-19 pandemic has created human suffering on a global scale, but also a window of opportunity to rethink how we live, work and play. For the time being, calls for a green recovery that builds back better by cutting greenhouse gas emissions, protecting the environment and creating a fairer, more equitable society have become commonplace. This could help to build new momentum in international efforts to combat climate change and rebuild lost trust and goodwill between parties in the intergovernmental negotiations through new collective approaches. If we are serious about creating a better future, transitional justice can provide some important guidance on the way forward. It would provide a framework to deal with past inequitable use of the global environment in a transparent and inclusive manner and shape a new path of international solidarity and collaboration. This paper provides a brief overview of the concept of transitional justice, its techniques and potential relevance in the climate negotiation context.
- Topic:
- Climate Change, International Cooperation, Transitional Justice, Pandemic, and COVID-19
- Political Geography:
- Africa
153. A Spiraling Crisis: The different scenarios of Ethiopia’s civil war amid Tigray’s military advancement
- Author:
- FARAS
- Publication Date:
- 08-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
- Abstract:
- Over the past nine months, Ethiopia has been reeling under a civil war that broke out between the federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). The conflict, however, saw two important developments, with the first being that the war has spilled over the region’s border into Amhara and Afar. The second development is that Addis Ababa refused to allow corridors via Sudan for humanitarian aid bound for Tigray Region. Addis Ababa took this stand despite the United Nation’s warning that 400,000 people are left on the verge of famine in the beleaguered region and that 90 per cent of the population need lifesaving food aid.
- Topic:
- Security, Civil War, Military Affairs, Crisis Management, and Humanitarian Crisis
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Ethiopia, and Tigray
154. Tax Disobedience in Côte d’Ivoire
- Author:
- Joseph Kone
- Publication Date:
- 06-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Afrobarometer
- Abstract:
- Since the end of its civil war in 2011 and the installation of President Alassane Dramane Ouattara, Côte d’Ivoire has seen one of the highest rates of economic growth in Africa, sometimes referred to as a new “Ivoirian miracle” (Dionne & Bamba, 2017). As the economy has grown and the state has rebuilt capacity, tax revenues have increased steadily, growing by 37% between 2013 and 2017. In many African states, «import and export taxes constitute the backbone of tax regimes. Revenues are supplemented by indirect taxes, in the form of excise and sales taxes» (D’Arcy, 2011). In the case of Côte d’Ivoire, the government relies heavily on taxes on the export of cocoa and other agricultural products, in addition to taxes on industrial and commercial profits, income, telecommunications, petroleum products, imports, as well as a value-added tax (Ministère du Budget et du Portefeuille de l’Etat, 2020). Even in states with high levels of coercive capacity, citizens’ willingness to pay taxes is a significant determinant of revenues collected. This willingness becomes even more important in contexts of relatively low state capacity, such as has existed in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire. In fact, a substantial – and growing – proportion of Ivoirians question the state’s right to collect taxes, a fact that could present a significant challenge to the government’s ability to collect revenues in order to rebuild essential state services and avoid excessive debt. This paper focuses on a particular form of tax non-compliance: tax disobedience, or individuals’ refusal to pay taxes and fees as a form of protest. Specifically, it examines several individual-level factors that might be associated with tax disobedience, including lack of a cash income, assessments of public services and elected representatives, accessibility of information, and effective connections with the Ivoirian nation. Our analyses of data from the Afrobarometer Round 7 survey (2017) suggest that some of the conventional wisdom on tax compliance is not supported in the case of tax disobedience in Côte d’Ivoire. While we find, as expected, that individuals who think state performance is improving in delivering key services are less likely to express a willingness to engage in tax disobedience, we find no such link with lived poverty; poorer Ivoirians are no more or less likely than their wealthier counterparts to endorse tax disobedience. Surprisingly, assessments of elected representatives and of corruption in the tax system are not significantly associated with tax disobedience, either. Perceived access to government information and identification with the Ivoirian nation do show associations with tax disobedience, but these links run counter to our expectations: Citizens who think they could access information held by public bodies are significantly more likely to say they engaged or would engage in tax disobedience, as are people who identify more closely with the nation than with their ethnic group. These analyses suggest the need for more research on a crucial question facing African states: Who pays taxes, and who doesn’t?
- Topic:
- Civil Society, Tax Systems, Revenue Management, and Tax Evasion
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Côte d'Ivoire
155. Who gets Involved? Insights on Civic Engagement in Africa and Implications for Fostering Volunteerism
- Author:
- Carolyn Logan, Josephine Appiah-Nyamekye Sanny, and Kangwook Han
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Afrobarometer
- Abstract:
- The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set ambitious targets for countries and societies to improve lives and livelihoods around the world. While the expectations of meeting these goals largely fall on governments, it is widely recognized that joint efforts by citizens and their governments will be needed to achieve the best outcomes. Citizen action takes place in many forms and forums, including organizing and working together on shared goals, providing mutual support and assistance, campaigning or advocating for shared needs, and engaging with governments, making demands on them, and holding them to account. While some citizens may become involved in a formal capacity, such as through paid employment in nongovernmental advocacy or service organizations and through employment with governments or other service providers, large numbers will – and must – be engaged in a voluntary capacity. Understanding the nature of this voluntary engagement is a key goal of this analysis. Advocates of volunteerism in Africa have been plagued by a lack of data on who engages in voluntary service, how much they contribute, in what formats, and what the outcomes are. Only a handful of governments have collected data on this topic. Yet our ability to foster and build support for volunteerism is partly dependent on how well we understand the ways people are already engaging every day in these critical but uncompensated contributions in pursuit of the public good. Afrobarometer data can help to fill this void. Although Afrobarometer has not collected data with the explicit aim of studying volunteerism, for more than 20 years it has captured extensive, nationally representative data on respondents’ levels of political and civic participation (much of which can be classed as volunteerism) across seven rounds of surveys in 38 countries. This includes membership in religious and civic organizations and participation in individual and collective efforts to engage with leaders and to voice community needs. In particular, in addition to membership in associations, Afrobarometer tracks the contact of respondents with political and community leaders, their attendance at community meetings, and their efforts to join with others to address issues or express their views. These kinds of civic engagement are the cornerstone of volunteerism to solve problems and improve lives. Understanding who engages, under what circumstances, and why provides a foundation on which to more effectively promote civic engagement and volunteerism in pursuit of the SDGs and other development objectives. This paper explores Afrobarometer data on civic engagement with four main goals: specify how Afrobarometer indicators of civic engagement link to core understandings of volunteerism and its various typologies; map profiles and patterns of the people who engage in volunteerism, especially at the country level; model voluntary civic engagement to identify the key factors and contexts that facilitate or inhibit it at both the individual and country levels; and use these profiles and models to identify entry points for activists who want to foster or support voluntary civic engagement. Our analysis identifies several factors that shape voluntary civic engagement, from socio- demographic ones such as education and wealth to citizens’ socio-political engagement, their personal sense of efficacy, and their overall trust in their governments. Country contexts are important, as we see wide cross-country differences in levels of volunteerism. Among other aspects, wealthier countries, on average, report less volunteerism, while democracies report more. We have found evidence that confronting unmet needs – whether one’s own or those of others – is a major motivating factor of voluntary engagement. These findings suggest a number of opportunities and entry points for increasing citizen engagement. The paper is organized in four parts. Part A begins with a discussion of knowledge on volunteerism and participation, highlighting the lack of evidence and data sources on Africa and how civic engagement intersects with volunteerism. Part B develops descriptive profiles of the participants in voluntary civic engagement. Part C explores key driving factors at the individual and country levels. The final section presents recommendations for acting on these findings.
- Topic:
- Development, Sustainable Development Goals, Sustainability, and Civic Engagement
- Political Geography:
- Africa
156. Policy Brief 1: Building Capacity for Development of Factoring in Africa to accelerate trade development and support AfCFTA
- Author:
- The African Capacity Building Foundation
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
- Abstract:
- This Policy Brief developed by the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) and the African Export–Import Bank (Afreximbank) explores the opportunities offered by factoring which provides a solution to address the financing gap for Small and Medium enterprises (SMEs) to support Africa’s structural transformation particularly in trade development as part of the African Continental Free trade Agreement (AfCFTA). The aim of the Policy Brief is to examine the capacity imperatives for the development and use of factoring as an innovative trade financing tool to advance the AfCFTA. The Policy Brief notes that Africa performance in the factoring market needs to improve significantly based on a number of key indicators – such as share in global factoring, including international factoring, innovation such as reverse factoring, number of factoring companies, turn-over per factoring companies and factoring GDP penetration. The Policy Brief also highlights that Africa’s factoring volume of about US$27 billion representing a share representing a share of 0.84% in the global factoring market of approximately US$3,300 billion a year in 2019 is extremely low. It therefore argues that Africa needs a coordinated approach to capacity development to successfully develop and use factoring.
- Topic:
- Development, Economic Growth, Trade, and Banking
- Political Geography:
- Africa
157. ‘Designed in Ethiopia’ and ‘Made in China’: Sino-Ethiopian technology collaboration in South-South relations
- Author:
- Jos Meester
- Publication Date:
- 02-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
- Abstract:
- This policy brief provides an examination of China’s rise in relation to its African partners. It takes into account geopolitical concerns, but homes in on China’s Belt and Road Initiative, its means of expanding into Africa. It examines the role of the Digital Silk Road in the use of Chinese artificial intelligence and technology transfers on surveillance and the risks of repression. The brief aims to move beyond the politicised narratives surrounding Chinese involvement in Africa by testing them against practical initiatives on the ground. It examines Ethiopia, particularly its burgeoning tech hub known as the ‘Sheba Valley’, in order to understand China’s role in development in African countries. Ethiopia is a critical case because of: the country’s strong relations with China, leading Ethiopia to model its developmental state model on the Chinese one and incentivising civil servants to learn from the Chinese experience; Ethiopia’s attempt to develop its relatively advanced ICT hub (the Sheba Valley) in collaboration with China’s Shenzhen-based ICT hub; Ethiopia’s historically heavy surveillance and repressive practices, in part modelled on China’s practice of prioritising development over democratic reform.
- Topic:
- International Cooperation, Science and Technology, Geopolitics, Surveillance, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Artificial Intelligence
- Political Geography:
- Africa, China, Asia, and Ethiopia
158. ‘A careful foot can step anywhere’: The UAE and China in the Horn of Africa: Implications for EU engagement
- Author:
- Jos Meester and Guido Lanfranchi
- Publication Date:
- 06-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
- Abstract:
- Over the last decade, the UAE and China have vastly expanded their economic, political and military footprint in the Horn of Africa, and their actions now have the potential to shape developments in the region. Room for cooperation between Abu Dhabi and Beijing exists on issues such as maritime security, regional stability, and economic development. Moreover, the two countries’ interaction could lead to improvements in the Horn’s underdeveloped infrastructure by triggering a race to investment. Yet, development and stability in the region might suffer if the strategic interests of external players take precedence over local ones, or if local elites (mis)use external support for narrow domestic political calculations. The EU and its member states have high stakes in the Horn’s stability. To optimise their engagement, European policymakers should be aware of the implications of the Emirati and Chinese presence, and they should strive to improve cooperation among the wide range of external players active in the Horn.
- Topic:
- Economics, International Cooperation, Politics, Military Affairs, Economic Development, and Economic Stability
- Political Geography:
- Africa, China, Asia, and Horn of Africa
159. ‘Of Cattle and Conflict’ – Rethinking responses to pastoralism-related conflicts
- Author:
- Jos Meester
- Publication Date:
- 08-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
- Abstract:
- Disputes over natural resources such as water and land among pastoralist groups and between mobile pastoralists and sedentary farmers have a long history and are turning increasingly violent. Competition over scarce natural resources is often put forward as the key driver of farmer-herder conflicts, disregarding the significant role governance is playing in conflict dynamics. Oversimplifications of the pastoralist-conflict equation and a lack of understanding of pastoralist systems and the way they are governed has led to inappropriate interventions further undermining pastoralism. Policies and interventions in response to pastoralism-related conflicts often do not take an integrated approach but are based on sectoral policies and are not conflict sensitive as they fail to take into account the political economy driving farmer-herder conflicts. Comparing the cases of Burkina Faso, Somalia and South Sudan, this paper analyses how pastoralist resource governance in combination with its specific underlying political economy differentially affects the dynamics of conflict around pastoral resources. Reflecting upon three agendas that inform the thinking about pastoralism as well as donor interventions – climate change, food security and governance – this paper provides some recommendations on how to take underlying political economy into account for sensible and effective programming.
- Topic:
- Agriculture, Natural Resources, Conflict, and Pastoralism
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Somalia, South Sudan, and Burkina Faso
160. A warm war: Sudan and Ethiopia on a collision course
- Author:
- Al Jazeera Center for Studies
- Publication Date:
- 02-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Al Jazeera Center for Studies
- Abstract:
- Border conflict between Sudan and Ethiopia is fed by current conflicts rooted in historical disagreements, and may develop into a regional crisis that will expand to include Egypt, which considers the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam a threat to its national security.
- Topic:
- National Security, War, and Conflict
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Sudan, and Ethiopia
161. EU-Africa relations in the light of the Covid-19 pandemic. State of play and prospects
- Author:
- Alexandre Kateb
- Publication Date:
- 02-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
- Abstract:
- According to official statistics, the African continent has been relatively spared by the Covid-19 pandemic compared to Europe, America and Asia. The factors behind the low incidence of coronavirus in Africa are not fully understood. According to the WHO, the African continent has benefited from certain structural factors such as the limited international connectivity of most African countries, with the exception of some regional "hubs" such as Johannesburg, Casablanca, Addis Ababa and Nairobi. Incidentally, the most 'connected' African countries such as Morocco and South Africa have incurred the highest prevalence rates of Covid-19, which may lend credence to this explanation.
- Topic:
- International Relations, European Union, Pandemic, and COVID-19
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Europe
162. Public development aid should refocus on agriculture and education in Africa
- Author:
- Louis Caudron
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
- Abstract:
- On 18 December 2020, the European Commission welcomed the political agreement reached between the European Parliament and the Member States allocating €79.5 billion to a new Neighbourhood, Development Cooperation and International Cooperation Instrument (NDCI) for the period 2021- 2027. Since its creation, the European Union has been a major player in public aid granted by rich countries to developing countries. The European Development Fund (EDF) was launched by the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and for decades provided aid to the former colonies in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The eleventh EDF, covering the period 2014- 2020 with a budget of €30.5 billion, will be replaced by the NDICI (Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument). The Union and its Member States are the world's largest donor of official development assistance. Their contribution of €74.4 billion in 2018 represents more than half of the OECD countries’ Official Development Assistance ($150 billion in 2018).
- Topic:
- Agriculture, Development, Education, and Foreign Aid
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Europe
163. A Comprehensive Evaluation on Korea’s ODA to Rwanda’s Agriculture Sector and Its implications for Strategic Approaches
- Author:
- Young Ho Park, Minji Jeong, and Soo Hyun Moon
- Publication Date:
- 01-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
- Abstract:
- There has been a growing consensus in the national and international aid architecture that sporadic or scattered aid modality should be avoided. This study conducted a comprehensive cluster evaluation on Korea’s agricultural ODA to Rwanda between 2013 and 2017, with two newly devised indexes: Cluster Performance Index (CPI) and Resource Allocation Index (RAI). Every Korean agricultural ODA project was categorized into five clusters and numerically evaluated against criteria widely used in the evaluation of development projects: relevance, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability. Our cluster evaluation reveals that projects are mostly planned appropriately, but in some clusters, large amounts of the budget have been invested in poorly planned projects. Regarding efficiency, there was considerable room for improvement in all clusters. Particularly, in the Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) category, all clusters scored below average. Concerning performance evaluation, all clusters scored relatively high in effectiveness, specifically in goal achievement. Lastly, in terms of sustainability, risk management was found to be relatively inadequate in all clusters. Based on the lessons from the aforementioned observations and analysis results, this study suggests ODA quality can be improved by optimizing budget allocation, improving monitoring efficiency, creating synergistic effects through cluster linkage, and developing agricultural value chain program.
- Topic:
- Agriculture, Foreign Aid, Economy, and Value Chains
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Asia, Korea, and Rwanda
164. An evidence review of violence prevention in South Africa
- Author:
- Matodzi Amisi and Sara N Naicker
- Publication Date:
- 01-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Sexual Violence Research Initiative
- Abstract:
- This policy brief presents findings from an evidence review of violence prevention interventions implemented in South Africa. The review draws on an evidence map published in 2019,1 and additional papers since then. It includes evidence generated through qualitative and quantitative methodologies. The review summarises the available evidence, with an assessment of quality, and perhaps most importantly it highlights the contextual factors that impact success. The review was guided by the question: ‘How and in what context do interventions impact perpetration and victimisation; and how can violence prevention interventions be implemented at scale?’ The approach taken to answer this question is similar to a narrative review. The objective was not to aggregate results from the studies but to summarise the evidence. Narrative review typically involves the selection, chronicling and ordering of evidence to produce an account of the evidence. This allowed us to include both qualitative and quantitative studies, a range of interventions, and to be interpretive. The review was carried out in four phases (Chart 1). Each paper or report was read in full and data extracted. In addition, an assessment of the quality of evidence presented in each paper or report was undertaken. A standardised tool rated each study on its conceptualisation, research question, sample size, context, control of confounding variable, etc.
- Topic:
- Conflict Prevention, Gender Based Violence, Violence, Sexual Violence, and Victims
- Political Geography:
- Africa
165. Risk of Mass Atrocities in Mozambique
- Author:
- Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide
- Publication Date:
- 05-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
- Abstract:
- Mozambique ranks 24th in the Early Warning Project risk assessment for mass killing for 2020-21. The strongest risk factor is the armed conflict between the government and insurgents, which has killed over 1,300 civilians and displaced nearly 700,000 of the 2.32 million people in Cabo Delgado. To prevent mass atrocities, the government of Mozambique must invest in peacebuilding, provision of basic services, and professionalization of its armed services. All perpetrators of gross human rights violations must be held accountable. The U.S. and other governments should conduct a full mass atrocity risk assessment immediately, and analyze how their military assistance and private sector investments are impacting the conflict.
- Topic:
- Human Rights, Atrocities, Risk Factors, and Peacebuilding
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Mozambique, and United States of America
166. Korea’s Strategy on Trade Agreements with Developing Countries in Africa and the Pacific Regions
- Author:
- Meeryung La
- Publication Date:
- 09-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
- Abstract:
- As the US-China trade conflict intensifies, high dependence on US and China has been pointed out as a potential risk to the Korean economy. This calls for trade policies including diversification of trading partners and the establishment of a new model for trade agreements suitable to such diversified partners. Meanwhile, the necessity for such policies grows as protectionism spreads globally and trade order changes after the Covid-19 pandemic. Africa and the Pacific (AP) regions, the main areas of interest in this report, have been excluded from Korea’s FTA network despite their high growth potential and strategic significance. Most countries in the AP regions are geographically distant from Korea and mostly underdeveloped, so we have approached the region only in terms of development cooperation. Currently, trade agreements and systems for trade and investment with AP countries are insufficient, and the size of economic cooperation with these countries remains small. However, Africa has high market potential, owing to various factors such as its high population growth, middle-class growth, and transition to digital economy, while the Pacific island countries have abundant fisheries and marine resources, and wield voting power in international organizations. In this regard, it is necessary to build the foundation for cooperation with AP countries in the mid-to-long term. Against this backdrop, this study seeks mid- to long-term strategies to promote trade cooperation with AP countries. First we consider introducing and expanding nonreciprocal arrangements for developing countries in the AP regions, as currently provided to United Nations-defined least developed countries. Then we consider introducing a reciprocal trade agreement, for example, an FTA. As a result, we found that it is necessary to introduce an FTA model suitable for developing countries in the AP regions instead of introducing further nonreciprocal agreements. Based on the results of the study, this paper proposes strategic directions for trade cooperation with the AP regions, and furthermore, provides policy suggestions that should be included in the agreement with those countries.
- Topic:
- Markets, Treaties and Agreements, Partnerships, Digital Economy, Economy, and Trade
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Asia, South Korea, and Asia-Pacific
167. From Unilateral Response to Coordinated Action: How Can Mobility Systems in Sub-Saharan Africa Adapt to the Public-Health Challenges of COVID-19?
- Author:
- Ling San Lau, Kate Hooper, and Monette Zard
- Publication Date:
- 06-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Migration Policy Institute (MPI)
- Abstract:
- The COVID-19 pandemic challenged public health and migration management infrastructures in sub-Saharan Africa, like elsewhere, as never before. While many countries in the region had experience dealing with infectious disease outbreaks, including Ebola and yellow fever, the nature of transmission under COVID-19, among other factors, forced governments to reassess many of their public-health strategies and adopt strict guidelines to prevent pushing fragile and over-burdened health-care systems over the edge. However, border closures and other mobility restrictions brought unintended consequences, including stranding large numbers of people, imperiling the supply of essential goods and services, and cutting off income for border communities and prospective migrants. In addition, unilateral containment and mitigation policies prevented a coordinated approach to both public health and migration management. The policy brief examines the different strategies employed by governments in sub-Saharan Africa during the first year of the pandemic, and the limitations of unilateral action. It offers recommendations on how states and the international community can work together to restart migration and mobility and, looking forward, build capacity to respond to COVID-19 and future public health emergencies.
- Topic:
- International Cooperation, Migration, Governance, Employment, Refugees, Borders, Mobility, Public Health, COVID-19, Remittances, and Immigration Policy
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa
168. Deepening Labor Migration Governance at a Time of Immobility: Lessons from Ghana and Senegal
- Author:
- Camille Le Coz and Kate Hooper
- Publication Date:
- 07-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Migration Policy Institute (MPI)
- Abstract:
- The pandemic has upended labor migration around the globe, and with it, an important avenue for supporting socioeconomic development in many low- and middle-income countries. In Ghana, Senegal, and other West African countries, for example, migration and its corollaries, such as remittances and knowledge transfers from the diaspora, have long contributed to development. Ongoing travel restrictions and uncertainty about when migration will more fully restart threaten this progress and add an extra layer of complexity to efforts to improve the governance of international labor migration. This policy brief explores how governments and other stakeholders can promote better labor migration governance in low- and middle-income countries, and how these efforts are being shaped by the pandemic. It focuses on the experiences of Ghana and Senegal—two countries that were in the process of strengthening their migration policies before the pandemic began. The policy brief looks at these countries’ migration policy priorities, efforts to facilitate mobility within the region and further afield, and strategies for building closer ties to the diaspora. Crucially, the authors note, while the pandemic has disrupted efforts to improve labor migration governance, it has also made abundantly clear why doing so is important. Continued work in this area promises to help achieve better outcomes for migrants and for countries of origin and destination.
- Topic:
- Development, Migration, Labor Issues, Governance, COVID-19, and Remittances
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Senegal, and Ghana
169. Implications of COVID-19 for Conflict in Africa
- Author:
- Charlotte Fiedler, Karina Mross, and Yonas Adeto
- Publication Date:
- 01-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
- Abstract:
- How has the COVID-19 pandemic affected armed conflict and political violence within countries? Focusing on Africa, a continent with a particularly high number of ongoing conflicts, this policy brief analyses the immediate and long-term implications of the pandemic on conflict and reflects on its implications for international peacebuilding efforts. In the short term, conflict patterns on the continent are marked more by a continuation of previous trends than by a strong direct impact of COVID-19. Regarding armed confrontations, there was a rise in conflict intensity in some countries and one new war erupted in the Tigray region of Ethiopia in November 2020. As to lower-scale political violence, especially in the beginning of the pandemic, many states used excessive state violence against civilians when enforcing Corona measures. Perhaps more important than the immediate effect of the pandemic, the consequences of the pandemic are very likely to accelerate violent conflict in the medium to long term. This is firstly because the pandemic exacerbates structural weaknesses, including the sharpening of societal divisions, severe disruptions in the education sector and deteriorating socio-economic circumstances. Secondly, the pandemic has curtailed actors and institutions that might be able to reduce the risk of violent escalation. Trust in the state and security institutions has suffered in many countries due to dissatis-faction with the handling of the pandemic. Moreover, demo¬cratic processes are hampered by the postponement of elections and increasing levels of government repression. At the same time, international peace support is negatively affected by social distancing and further threatened by looming cuts of commitments in official development assistance. Bringing together both the short-term and longer-term effects of the pandemic on conflict clearly shows the risk that the pandemic poses to peace in Africa. It is therefore vital for the international community to: 1. Stay engaged and stay alert. If the international community continues to focus on handling the domestic consequences of the pandemic rather than international challenges, conflict will further increase in intensity and spread geographically. COVID-19 has already led to a reduction in international peace support, including peacebuilding initiatives and mediation. However, these instruments are vital to foster peace and prevent emerging and renewed conflict. 2. Invest in conflict prevention. The adverse effects of COVID-19 on economic, social and political structures can, and very likely will, provide the breeding ground for larger-scale conflicts, both in least developed countries (LDCs) and middle-income countries. Thus, conflict prevention must be taken seriously, including the strengthening of open and participatory (democratic) processes that enable societies to deal with societal conflicts peacefully. 3. Pay special attention to post-conflict countries. Many African countries have experienced large-scale civil wars in their history and continue to be LDCs struggling with societal tensions. The risk of renewed conflict in these places is particularly high.
- Topic:
- Development, Conflict, COVID-19, and Peacebuilding
- Political Geography:
- Africa
170. The Preserving Effect of Social Protection on Social Cohesion in Times of the COVID-19 Pandemic
- Author:
- Christoph Strupat
- Publication Date:
- 01-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
- Abstract:
- This paper examines empirically whether social protection in the form of adapted social assistance programmes are affecting social cohesion during the COVID-19 pandemic. Using unique primary data from nationally representative, in-person surveys from Kenya allows for the exploration of the effect of social protection on attributes of social cohesion (trust, cooperation and identity). The analysis employs a difference-in-differences approach that compares households with and without social assistance coverage before and after the first wave of the pandemic. The findings suggest that social assistance can have a positive effect on attributes of social cohesion, but only in regions that faced larger restrictions due to lockdown policies. Turning to the analysis without focusing on lockdown regions, social assistance does not affect attributes of social cohesion. Overall, the results suggest that only under specific circumstances existing national social assistance programmes and their adaptation in times of large covariate shocks, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, can be beneficial for social cohesion.
- Topic:
- Social Cohesion, COVID-19, Trust, and Cooperation
- Political Geography:
- Kenya and Africa
171. Managing Senegal’s Oil and Gas Revenues
- Author:
- William Davis, Andrew Bauer, and Papa Daouda Diene
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Natural Resource Governance Institute
- Abstract:
- As of late 2021, Senegal is on the cusp of becoming a significant oil and gas producer. The revenues that it can expect to mobilize present it with an important opportunity to speed the country’s development by increasing public investment. In preparation for this, Senegalese authorities are currently revising the country’s framework for managing its oil and gas revenues, which remains a work in progress. The authors of this report evaluate various aspects of Senegal’s policy framework for managing oil and gas revenues and share recommendations as to how it could be strengthened.
- Topic:
- Oil, Natural Resources, Gas, and Revenue Management
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Senegal
172. Step by Step: Closing the Implementation Gap in Senegal's Petroleum Licensing Process
- Author:
- Papa Daouda Diene and Nicola Woodroffe
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Natural Resource Governance Institute
- Abstract:
- Historically, Senegal has experienced significant “implementation gaps” between rules and implementation of these rules in its petroleum licensing process. Causes have included lack of legal clarity, duplicative and conflicting institutional roles, and lack of institutional capacity. However, Senegal has made good progress on closing this implementation gap. As of 2020, Senegal’s implementation gap in the petroleum licensing process as measured by the Resource Governance Index is very small and reflects recent government reforms, investments and disclosures. Despite major progress in closing the implementation gap in the licensing process, Senegal has significant room for improvement in the transparency of the oil and gas licensing process. Senegal’s government should work to improve laws on the disclosure of assets of public officials and the disclosure of the identities of the beneficial owners of companies applying for and obtaining licenses.
- Topic:
- Natural Resources, Regulation, Legislation, and Policy Implementation
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Senegal
173. Socioeconomic Impacts of Climate Change in the Mediterranean
- Author:
- Octavi Quintana
- Publication Date:
- 11-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- IEMed/EuroMeSCo
- Abstract:
- The Mediterranean Basin enjoys very at- tractive geographical, climatic, and cultural features. It hosts a high-density population mainly in the coastal areas, of over 500 million people which has doubled in the last 40 years, and it is still increasing at a high pace. The region faces severe threats including water stress, impaired food production, food security, desertification, severe pollution to mention just a few. These threats have been exacerbated in the last decades by increased demography, migration to urban areas, tourism (the first tourist destination in the world), and very importantly, climate change. The Mediterranean suffers from an increase of temperature 20% higher than the world average. It is a real hotspot of climate change. The present monography, sponsored by the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed), addresses the socioeconomic impact of climate change. There are a lot of studies on the biophysical impact of climate change. Its socioeconomic impact has been less studied probably because of its complexity. Important knowledge gaps do exist. The purpose of gathering knowledge on the socioeconomic impact of climate change is to advise decision-makers on the difficult decisions to be taken to mitigate and adapt to climate change in a region facing severe threats that climate change only exacerbates. For decision-makers, the socioeconomic impact is more relevant than the biophysical impact of climate change.
- Topic:
- Climate Change, Environment, Pollution, and Socioeconomics
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Europe, Middle East, and Mediterranean
174. Belgian Troops for Takuba: What’s at Stake?
- Author:
- Nina Wilen
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
- Abstract:
- Belgium is once again considering a significant troop contribution to one of the French-led military operations in the Sahel region – this time Task Force Takuba. Recent years’ discussions have stimulated debate about the risks and benefits linked to such a deployment but failed to result in any political consensus. Against this background, this brief answers the questions: What? Why? and So What? Belgium is once again considering a significant troop contribution to one of the French-led military operations in the Sahel region – this time Task Force Takuba. Recent years’ discussions have stimulated debate about the risks and benefits linked to such a deployment but failed to result in any political consensus. Against this background, this brief answers the questions: What? Why? and So What?
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Military Strategy, Military Intervention, and Humanitarian Crisis
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Europe, Belgium, and Sahel
175. Building blocks for regional cooperation on Transitional Justice
- Author:
- Valerie Arnould
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- EGMONT - The Royal Institute for International Relations
- Abstract:
- This policy brief is a report on the expert workshop on AU-EU cooperation on transitional justice which was organised in October 2021 by Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations, the University of Leuven, the Belgian Federal Public Service Foreign Affairs, the European External Action Service and the African Union. The workshop sought to examine some of the challenges and lessons learned so far from AU and EU support for transitional justice. Discussions focused on four areas: transitional justice’s contribution to peacebuilding, the role of civil society in transitional justice, the integration of a socioeconomic dimension to transitional justice and the gendering of transitional justice.
- Topic:
- Diplomacy, Regional Cooperation, European Union, and Africa Union
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Europe
176. Accountability in Policing COVID-19: Lessons from the Field
- Author:
- Anna Myriam Roccatello and Mohamed Suma
- Publication Date:
- 09-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
- Abstract:
- As countries around the world roll out their COVID-19 vaccination programs and gradually reopen their economies and borders, the coronavirus continues to ravage vulnerable communities. Moreover, these same communities have borne the brunt of the economic disruption caused by the pandemic, which decimated livelihoods, increased poverty, and exacerbated inequalities in many countries. Early in the pandemic, countries rushed to shut their borders and impose emergency measures, such as curfews, travel restrictions, and community lockdowns. States deployed security forces to enforce these measures, some of which resulted in widespread human rights violations, including torture, killings, and intimidation of persons perceived as failing to comply with their orders. Colombia, Kenya, Lebanon, and Uganda—all countries where ICTJ works—are among those whose security agencies weaponized their powers under these emergency measures and often used brutal means to keep people off the streets. While constitutional police forces committed the bulk of these abuses, a growing number of paramilitaries, citizen vigilantes, and other nonstate forces have also committed human rights violations while enforcing the emergency measures. However, the COVID-19 pandemic underscores states' obligation to protect the inherent right to life and the subsequent right to health. Moreover, national and international human rights laws allow states to temporarily suspend certain rights and invoke special powers that would be considered an infringement of civil liberties in normal situations. Thus, the suspension of those rights is justified by the need to protect the collective good. This paper analyzes the emerging trends of draconian regular policing and vigilante policing during the pandemic in Colombia, Kenya, Lebanon, and Uganda. The paper also describes how armed nonstate groups have come to exercise control in communities where there is no government presence to enforce emergency lockdown and other measures, with little regard for the principles of proportionality and non-discrimination. In all contexts, since the outbreak of the COVID-19, regular police and paramilitary forces have increased their powers, which they have abused extensively. As a result, some policing practices have become deadlier than the virus itself and have exposed the profound frailties of democratic governance.
- Topic:
- Reform, Criminal Justice, Crisis Management, Institutions, Police, and COVID-19
- Political Geography:
- Uganda, Kenya, Africa, Middle East, Colombia, South America, and Lebanon
177. Why Europe Should Build Legal Migration Pathways with Nigeria
- Publication Date:
- 07-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Center for Global Development
- Abstract:
- The youth population within Nigeria is rapidly increasing, but despite their high levels of education and skills, many are struggling to find meaningful work opportunities at home. At the same time, Europe’s working-age population is declining, resulting in employers in these countries facing large and persistent skill shortages within a range of mid-skill professions. Despite the large benefits that facilitating migration between Nigeria and Europe could bring, and despite the overtures of both European governments and the European Union, few mutually beneficial migration partnerships exist. Over the last year, CGD has been working with the World Bank to understand how our Global Skill Partnership migration model could be implemented between Nigeria and Europe. The full results of this work have now been published in a new report, Expanding Legal Migration Pathways from Nigeria to Europe: From Brain Drain to Brain Gain. The report explores both why Nigeria and Europe should implement migration partnerships and develops a framework as to how they can do so. This framework is then applied to three sectors and partner countries: a healthcare partnership between Nigeria and the United Kingdom (UK), a construction partnership between Nigeria and Germany, and an ICT partnership with various European states. This brief focuses on the first part of this equation, the why: understanding the opportunity that lies before us to better link the labor markets of Nigeria and Europe and the innovation that could do just that.
- Topic:
- Migration, Immigration, Border Control, and Immigration Policy
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Europe, and Nigeria
178. Women and COVID-19 in MENA
- Author:
- Amaney Jamal and Mary Clare Roche
- Publication Date:
- 06-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Arab Barometer
- Abstract:
- Key Findings: Women more concerned about COVID-19 than men COVID-19 increased family stress Perceptions of gender based violence tended to decrease during the pandemic Structural barriers to work more pressing than cultural barriers
- Topic:
- Gender Issues, Women, Pandemic, and COVID-19
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and MENA
179. New African Union Commission (2021-2025) Challenges and Issues After the Reform Initiated by Paul Kagamé
- Author:
- Benjamin Augé and Félicité Djilo
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Institut français des relations internationales (IFRI)
- Abstract:
- The election of the Commission to run the African Union (AU) on February 6 and 7, 2021 was an important step towards implementing its institutional reform. The Commission is the institution’s real government, setting the pan-African organization’s objectives under the leadership of the Heads of State who meet once a year at the Assembly. The Chadian Moussa Faki, who was re-elected as AU Commission (AUC) Chairperson, has the onerous task of undertaking this reform, initiated by the former AU Chair, Rwandan president Paul Kagamé, between 2016 and 2018. The African Union (AU) has been led for the past year by a new Commission whose results will be closely scrutinized by the organization's member countries. The Covid-19 pandemic has largely contributed to slowing down the institutions in Addis Ababa, handicapping the South African and Congolese presidencies. The Senegalese presidency is eagerly awaited to exit the AU from the theme that has dominated debates for 24 months into Covid-19. The reform of the African Union initiated by Rwandan President Paul Kagame is beginning to be implemented, but its results will have to be assessed in the long term. The AU's Peace and Security Council (PSC) is in the hands of Nigerian Bankole Adeoye after 18 years of Algeria's stranglehold. The PSC is facing a multitude of a multitude of crises - civil war in Ethiopia, Cabo Delgado in Mozambique, English-speaking provinces of Cameroon, coups d'état in Mali, Guinea and transition in Chad - the management of which remains particularly politicized.
- Topic:
- Diplomacy, Reform, and African Union
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa
180. Partnering for Africa’s digital future: Opportunities for the United States, South Korea, and India
- Author:
- Aleksandra Gadzala Tirziu
- Publication Date:
- 04-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Atlantic Council
- Abstract:
- Technological competition between the United States and China poses a special dilemma for African nations, whose prosperity depends on doing business with both Beijing and Washington. Although President Joe Biden is expected to assume a softer policy stance toward China—one couched in the language of human rights and liberal values, rather than power and strategic capabilities—competition will persist, driven by Beijing’s ambition to control the key technologies of the future. Rising US-China tensions may eventually force African nations to take sides. Speaking at the 2020 Munich Security Conference, then-US Defense Secretary Mark Esper warned allied nations that the use of Chinese company Huawei’s fifth-generation (5G) technology could compromise future intelligence cooperation with the United States. That’s a real problem for Africa because, together, Huawei and Chinese phone maker ZTE have built nearly 80 percent of Africa’s third-generation (3G) network infrastructure, while Huawei has built 70 percent of all fourth-generation (4G) networks and is competing to build all the future 5G networks in Africa. Chinese mobile-phone maker Transsion Holdings controls 64 percent of Africa’s feature phone market, and more than 40 percent of its smartphone market, and social media platforms such as TikTok and Vskit are fast becoming popular among Africa’s connected youth. For African leaders, disassociation from Beijing is becoming less and less feasible—or attractive. So too is closer alignment with the United States. Washington simply cannot match the large volumes of funding that Beijing extends to the continent. Recent conduct by leading US technology companies, including by Facebook and Google following the 2020 US presidential election, has additionally prompted a global pushback against US “big tech” that could make it harder for the US public and private sectors to compete and hold sway in African markets. Fortunately, there is a third way, both for African countries looking to avoid the crossfires of US-China competition, and for US policymakers seeking to bolster US competitiveness and influence in the region. The solution hinges on closer cooperation with emerging powers, notably South Korea and India, which have recently demonstrated their determination to better understand Africa’s challenges and prospects, and to figure out how their citizens could collaborate with African businesses and governments. For example, in his 2018 address to Uganda’s parliament, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi outlined “ten guiding principles for India-Africa engagement” that center on cooperation in digitalization, clean-energy technologies, and cybersecurity—a marked detour from the policies that have historically shaped India-Africa ties. South Korea-Africa relations under President Moon Jae-In have also entered a new phase, with an emphasis on commercial linkages and people-to-people collaboration. Both South Korea and India are rapidly expanding their technological capabilities, and their foreign policies also align well with US interests in the region, and vis-à-vis China. For Washington, cooperation with these emerging powers could keep the door open to US influence in Africa, and could help ensure that Beijing’s strategic foothold in the continent does not deepen. For African countries, such partnerships could help bypass the “either-or-ism” implicit in US-China competition, while encouraging greater diversity and agency in their foreign affairs. There is real opportunity for African states to realize the potential that such alliances could create, and to become significant multilateral actors, able to leverage their distinct assets and pursue their own interests. This report explores how.
- Topic:
- Science and Technology, Economy, Business, Space, and Innovation
- Political Geography:
- India, Korea, and Africa
181. Generational Dynamics of Economic Crisis and Recovery: Prospects for Younger and Older Persons
- Author:
- Nicole Goldin
- Publication Date:
- 11-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Atlantic Council
- Abstract:
- Economic shocks affect young and older age groups disproportionately and highlight the insecurity of the youth labor market and volatility of older people’s savings. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated youth labor market challenges and caused young people to either lose jobs or work fewer hours. It also undermined the financial security of older people who tend to own small businesses given that half of the small businesses either closed down or lost significant revenue during lockdowns. Furthermore, COVID-19 exacerbated the digital divide between generations. While younger people are more likely to be technologically savvy, older generations often lack digital literacy to adapt to online work or virtual communications platforms. Dr. Goldin argues that to alleviate the disproportionate suffering experienced by young and elderly age groups during the pandemic, policymakers should increase targeting of social-protection measures, facilitate private-sector investment in education and training, invest in improving digital services and infrastructure, ensure access to financial services, and collect age-disaggregated data on economic and COVID-related indicators.
- Topic:
- Women, Internet, Economic Growth, Youth, Resilience, COVID-19, Digital Policy, and Inclusion
- Political Geography:
- Africa, South Asia, Middle East, East Asia, and Latin America
182. What role for NATO in the Sahel?
- Author:
- Chloe Berger
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- NATO Defense College
- Abstract:
- Since the collapse of the Libyan regime in 2011, the Sahel region has gradually gained significance within the NATO environment. The chaos in Lib- ya has accelerated the interconnection of North African and Sahelian dynamics, creating a complex environment with serious implications for both the stability of North Africa and the Mediterranean Basin. The Sahel region suffers from a paradoxical situation. In view of the multiple national (Sahel armed forces), regional (African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)) and internation- al actors (United Nations, European Union, and also non-African states) present on the ground, the situation is often dubbed a “security traffic jam”. Some NATO Allies who have traditionally wielded influence in this region, have also invested in regional stabilization and development efforts for a long time. For the first time at the June 2021 NATO Summit, Al- lies have explicitly voiced their concerns over the “dete- riorating situation in the Sahel region”.1 As the “newest addition” in this already “crowded” environment, and at a time of review of its Strategic Concept, the Alli- ance must demonstrate its added value; identify “niche” areas where it can complement and strengthen existing efforts; while considering the Sahelian countries’ aspira- tions and specific needs.
- Topic:
- Security, Defense Policy, NATO, International Cooperation, and Military Strategy
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Europe, North America, and Sahel
183. Funding the ERP: Analysis of funding for the implementation of the Education Response Plan (ERP) for refugees and host communities
- Author:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- This paper is an analytical review of the financial performance of the Education Response Plan for refugees by the end of June 2020. This analysis gives an in-depth review of the education financing for Government of Uganda supported schools in refugee settlements in Lamwo District Local Government. The total contribution of the Government of Uganda to the actual ERP spend was USD 11.86 million (9.38%). The multilateral donors contributed most to the ERP between year 0 and year 1, with a total contribution of USD 38.69 million (31%). This paper was written by The Centre for Budget and Tax Policy.
- Topic:
- Education, Refugees, Public Spending, and Schools
- Political Geography:
- Uganda and Africa
184. More Local is Possible: Recommendations for enhancing local humanitarian leadership and refugee participation in the Gambella refugee response
- Author:
- Freddie Carver, Elizabeth Deng, and Yotam Gidron
- Publication Date:
- 12-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- The Gambella region of western Ethiopia hosts over 300,000 South Sudanese refugees in seven camps. The refugee response is dominated by UN agencies and international NGOs and staffed mostly by Ethiopians from outside of Gambella, creating a gap between humanitarian actors and the people they seek to assist. In order to realize commitments to localization and refugee participation made in the Charter for Change, the Grand Bargain and the Global Compact for Refugees, it is critical for refugees and local populations to be more involved in shaping and leading the delivery of aid. This could be achieved through increasing the role played by Gambella-based NGOs, engaging with faith-based actors, facilitating diaspora initiatives and supporting the development of refugee-led organizations.
- Topic:
- Refugees, Leadership, Humanitarian Intervention, and Local
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Ethiopia
185. An African Response to COVID-19: From principled first response to just recovery
- Author:
- Ray Deepayan Basu
- Publication Date:
- 04-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- In November 2020 Oxfam and SOAS facilitated an online high-level event to bring together African and international policy and public-health professionals to discuss their experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic, and offer insights into strategies and policies they have enacted in their respective contexts. Speakers tackled a wide range of issues, including government strategies and policies implemented, public health messaging and community engagement, varying threads of intersectionality and an honest discussion about gaps and additional support. This ‘outcomes’ paper draws out the key themes, trends and recommendations emerging from the discussions to inform a people-not-profit-centric Covid response.
- Topic:
- Public Health, Pandemic, Community, and COVID-19
- Political Geography:
- Africa
186. In Our Own Words: Perspectives from local actors in the Horn, East, and Central Africa
- Author:
- Elizabeth Deng
- Publication Date:
- 02-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- Oxfam is committed to supporting the participation of local actors in humanitarian and development responses. This includes ensuring their opinions and perspectives about priorities, needs, and appropriate ways of addressing issues are part of public debate. Oxfam advocates for their presence and participation in coordination meetings and other spaces for decision-making. We also provide support to local actors to write and publish their opinions and perspectives. This paper is a compilation of eight opinion pieces written by local actors in the Horn, East, and Central Africa region, with editing and publishing support from Oxfam. The pieces were originally published by Devex, Citizen Digital, Media Congo, IPS News, African Arguments, Nile Post, and WeInformers.
- Topic:
- Development, Local, Humanitarian Crisis, and Participation
- Political Geography:
- Africa
187. Overcoming The Challenge Of Fiscal Transition In Cameroon
- Publication Date:
- 01-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- On 16 November 2020, Cameroon’s government published the 2030 National Development 2020- Strategy (SND30), which operationalises the second phase of the emergence vision for 2035. This 10-year plan aims to implement favourable conditions for sustainable economic growth and an accumulation of national wealth through structural changes essential for industrialisation. The strategic objectives to be achieved can be summarised as follows: achieve approximately a double-digit economic growth attain the 25% threshold as the share of manufacturing production in GDP reduce poverty to less than 10% in 2035 consolidate the democratic process and strengthen national unity while respecting the diversity that characterises the country To achieve these clearly defined objectives, public authorities must increase their efforts to encourage local production. In other words, local producers need to be supported and supervised by being rewarded with a package of tax relief measures. The challenge is to promote the “made in Cameroon” and progressively reduce the dependence on manufactured products’ imports.
- Topic:
- Economics, Economic Growth, Tax Systems, and Fiscal Policy
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Cameroon
188. Obtaining Construction Permits In Cameroon: Dealing With The Law
- Author:
- Dinga Tambi and Henri Kouam
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- Infrastructure is a prerequisite for economic development. It forms the backdrop of sustained economic progress, creates employment opportunities and improves citizens’ quality of life. To this end, the World Bank created the “Doing Business Index” to measure the performance of countries. Admittedly, construction permits comprise a sub-category of the overall index where Cameroon ranks from 166th in 2019 to 167th in 2020. This article looks at current legislation for obtaining construction permits, the various parties involved and the implications for Cameroon’s economic development.
- Topic:
- Infrastructure, World Bank, Business, and Economic Development
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Cameroon
189. Assessing The Mechanism Of The Issuance Of Construction Permits In Cameroon
- Author:
- Jean-Cedric Kouam
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- The building permit is a preliminary declaration that allows for the verification of a construction initiative in a given locality, in line with the respect of town planning and architectural rules in force. In Cameroon, this document issued by the local council authority is mandatory for any possible new construction or modification of an existing construction. Therefore, any construction without an official permit is liable to a penalty of 30% of the estimated cost of the building. According to Law No.2004/003 of April 21, 2004 governing the Cameroonian Urban Planning Code and the decree of 23 April 2008; the process of obtaining this document has been considerably shortened. Yet, it remains quite complex. This complexity is evident in the plurality of procedures, requirements, norms, offices, conditions, actors, documents, and stakeholders involved in the process. All these are accompanied by the heavy financial burden, time-consuming processes, boycotts, administrative bottlenecks and corruption; all of which lead to unorganized and slow urban development. Moreover, within this complexity, is the reality that such mechanisms differ from one place to another across the national territory; thereby creating some sought of uncertainty, non-uniformity, and lack of trust in the system. The improvement in the issuance mechanism of Construction Permits in Cameroon is very vital for a country that has the ambition to achieve its economic emergence by 2035.
- Topic:
- Infrastructure, Regulation, Business, and Economic Development
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Cameroon
190. The Promise Of Digital Health In Africa
- Author:
- Odette Kibu, Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Wilfred Ngwa, Charlotte Bongfen, Ronald Gobina, Nkengafac Fobellah, and Denis Foretia
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- Digital Health holds enormous potential to improving access to health care services. It has been well documented that the African health sector is facing challenges in the delivery of high quality healthcare both in terms of development of high quality programs and also in increasing access to health care services. Despite decades of foreign assistance, few countries in the region are able to spend even the $34-$40 per person per year that the World Health Organization (WHO) considers the minimum necessary to provide a population with basic health care. In spite of the billions of dollars of international aid dispensed, an astonishing 50 percent of Sub-Saharan Africa’s total health expenditure is financed by out-of-pocket payments from its largely impoverished population. Interventions that aim at increasing access to high quality healthcare in a cost effective way have the potential to greatly transform the health sector. Digital healthcare technology stands out in the 21st century as a major game changer for the health sector and the African continent is well positioned to benefit greatly since technology can help tackle the rising burden of disease and major obstacles in infrastructure and the environment.
- Topic:
- Science and Technology, World Health Organization, Health Care Policy, Digital Policy, and Global Health
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Cameroon, and Sub-Saharan Africa
191. Market Research: A Key Determinant Of Success For SME Start-Ups In Cameroon
- Author:
- Dinga Tambi and Dr. Fuein Vera Kum
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) are regarded as vectors for job and wealth creation throughout the world. They contribute to generating growth as well as redistributing wealth in both developed and developing countries [1]. In Cameroon, SMEs constitute 95% of the country’s economy and also helps in job creation especially among the youths [2]. This, to a greater extent, means that their successes or failures have significant implications for economic growth. To be successful, and to stand out as a pillar of national growth in the country, SMEs need to invest in essential practices that nurture a high level of mastery of the contextual factors that foster their growth. They also need to demonstrate an understanding of factors that may impede the growth trajectory they require to be the drivers of economic growth which they represent. Hence, it becomes imperative for SMEs to invest in market research. This will help them to grow and develop sustainably and not quickly go out of business. Market research is a fundamental determinant for the success and growth of SMEs. However, this is not always the case in Cameroon as most local investors fail to carry out market research before their establishment and in the course of their operations that can help them grow sustainably. Most SMEs in Cameroon do not survive after the incubation phase. According to business and finance experts, this happens due to the absence of market research and the inability of these enterprises to create a specialized market for themselves and their products [3].
- Topic:
- Business and Economic Development
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Cameroon
192. The Concept Of Africapitalism And The Role Of The Private Sector In Africa’s Socio-Economic Development
- Author:
- Dinga Tambi and Dr. Fuein Vera Kum
- Publication Date:
- 03-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- Development is one of the main priorities of the United Nations. Development is a multidimensional concept that seeks to achieve a higher quality of life for all people. Economic development, social development and, environmental protection are interdependent and mutually reinforcing components of sustainable development. Africa is one of the fastest-growing continents in the world today. The private sector plays a great role in terms of job creation and employment. Constrained by a crippling environment and burdensome government policies for decades, Africa still hosts a majority of the least developed countries of the world. The private sector is said to have a major role to play in Africa’s development, a situation which Elumelu (2019) describes as ‘Africapitalism.’ According to Elumelu (2019) Africapitalism represents the belief that the private sector in Africa has a critical role to play in the continent’s development. For Africapitalism to hold, some basic principles have be put in place. These include entrepreneurship, long-term investments, investment in strategic sectors, and regional connectivity amongst others. Africapitalism lays emphasis on private sector growth as the primary driver of Africa’s development. It calls for a new kind of capitalism for Africa: one that focuses on long-term investment in key sectors of the economy to spark the growth of African-owned businesses, stimulate the creation of jobs, and guarantee sustainable economic growth. Essentially, africapitalism embodies a private sector-led approach to solving some of Africa’s most intractable economic growth and development problems.
- Topic:
- Economics, Capitalism, Business, Economic Development, Private Sector, and Job Creation
- Political Geography:
- Africa
193. State-Centric Approach to Resolving the Anglophone Conflict in Cameroon: What Prospects?
- Author:
- Francis Tazoacha
- Publication Date:
- 04-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute, a think–thank of Denis and Lenora Foretia Foundation, Simbock, Yaoundé, Cameroon, hosted a webinar on January 26, 2021 on the theme: “Can the Anglophone Crisis be Solved Through a State-Centric Approach?” Hosted in partnership with the National Endowment for Democracy based in Washington DC, the webinar sought to know if the ongoing conflict in North West and South West Cameroon can be resolved through a state–centric approach. Bringing together about 68 participants, the January 2021 webinar sought to provide a platform for knowledge sharing and dialogue on the anglophone conflict and brainstorming to see if the state alone can resolve the conflict without the involvement of other stakeholders. The meeting sought to address a widely recognized need for the government of Cameroon to ensure greater involvement of civil society organizations, regional bodies, the United Nations, the African Union, Nation States and international mediators in the sustainable resolution of the conflict. For the past four years, the socio-political climate of the Anglophone regions of Cameroon has been very volatile. The long-standing grievances among the Anglophone population in the North West and South West Regions of Cameroon concerning marginalisation particularly in the educational and legal systems by the Francophone-dominated government led to widespread protests in October 2016.1 The conflict escalated from a peaceful demonstration that was met with a heavy crackdown from the government security forces in 2017. As a result, the situation morphed into an armed conflict with increasing support by the population in the Anglophone regions to seek independence from Cameroun – French Cameroon – as an independent “Republic of Ambazonia.” Since 2017, the conflict has continued unabated without any party seeming to surrender and thus end the war. Despite attempts from the national and international communities to intervene and resolve this destructive conflict, it has nevertheless, resulted in an impasse.2 The government of Cameroon opted for a military strategy from the very beginning of the peaceful protest that quickly changed into an armed conflict. Some pundits attribute this escalation to November 30, 2017 when President Biya, upon his return from Abidjan, Ivory Coast – after attending the 5th African Union-European Union Summit – declared to pressmen at the Yaoundé Nsimalen International Airport that he would put an end to the series of killings of forces of law. He also said he would order in general and the massacres around Mamfe in the South West Region, at the time all claimed to have been perpetrated by “Anglophone separatists.”
- Topic:
- Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Conflict, Nation-State, and African Union
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Cameroon
194. Assessing SSR Opportunities and Challenges During the Transition in Mali
- Author:
- Flore Berger
- Publication Date:
- 02-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
- Abstract:
- Five months after the coup d'état in Mali, the main questions about the 18-month transition period - Who will be the key players? What will the priorities be? - have been answered. But while the transition period opens up new opportunities, there remain many challenges and obstacles to significant progress in security sector reform.
- Topic:
- Security, Governance, Reform, Leadership, Coup, and Transition
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Mali
195. The Growing Complexity of Farmer-Herder Conflict in West and Central Africa
- Author:
- Leif Brottem
- Publication Date:
- 07-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Abstract:
- The rise of farmer-herder violence in Africa is more pernicious than fatality figures alone since it is often amplified by the emotionally potent issues of ethnicity, religion, culture, and land.
- Topic:
- Agriculture, Religion, Culture, Ethnicity, Conflict, Land, and Farming
- Political Geography:
- Africa
196. Collaborative Policing and Negotiating Urban Order in Abidjan
- Author:
- Maxime Ricard and Kouame Felix Grodji
- Publication Date:
- 11-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Africa Center for Strategic Studies
- Abstract:
- Community-based security groups are emerging in African cities in response to rising crime and overstretched police forces. Experience from Abidjan shows that collaboration with the police, avoiding coercive tactics, and retaining citizen oversight councils are key to the effectiveness of these groups.
- Topic:
- Civil Society, Crime, Urban, Police, and Community Engagement
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Ivory Coast
197. The Arab Spring: A Decade Later
- Author:
- Mario Stefanov
- Publication Date:
- 05-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Institute for Development and International Relations (IRMO)
- Abstract:
- This year marks the tenth anniversary of the outbreak of the so-called Arab Spring. Suicide of an unemployed young man in the Tunisian city of Sidi Bouzid on 17 December 2010 has enticed the protesters to take to the streets and it has triggered and open rebellion against Tunisian autocrat Zine El Abidine Ben Ali - who on 14 a decade later, it can be stated with certainty that the revolutions of the Arab Spring were not successful. These revolutions have not ushered in neither modernization nor democratization of the Arab countries, which was the revolutions declared objective. To the contrary, even Tunisia, a country said to have had a successful revolution, had also replaced one dictatorship with another. Effects of the violent upheavals of January 2011 boarded on plane and fled to Saudi Arabia, escaping in front of the revolutionary chaos. Successful toppling of Ben Ali has set off a string of uprising in the Arab countries that are today known as the Arab Spring. Nowadays, the Arab Spring in other Arab countries include strengthening od forces of Islamist extremism, conflicts on ethnic, religious and sectarian divisions, civil wars, total economic destruction of the most of the Arab countries caught by the revolutionary wave, dissolution of formerly strong Arab states, and triggering the waves of migrations that still flow toward Europe. A decade after the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions the question of their real source remains unanswered, as well as the question to which extent these revolutions were stirred by internal forces in the Arab States of the Middle East and North Africa, or influenced by the factors from the outside. The question whether the revolutions of the Arabs Spring were just an acute geopolitical incident or a part of a long- term process, also remains unanswered. The tenth anniversary is an opportunity to reflect upon and analyze the facts and indications that manifest whom these revolutions benefited, and whom they harmed.
- Topic:
- Social Movement, Democracy, Arab Spring, Protests, Revolution, and Modernization
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and MENA
198. Preventing Violent Extremism in the Balkans and the MENA
- Author:
- Morten Boas
- Publication Date:
- 10-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Middle East Research Institute (MERI)
- Abstract:
- Strengthening societal resilience is considered vital for the prevention of violent extremism. This, however, requires a nuanced approach and comprehensive review of past policies. PREVEX is a European Union funded project, implemented by a consortium of 15 international research centres in Europe, MENA region and the Balkans. MERI is our partner in Iraq.
- Topic:
- Military Strategy, Violent Extremism, Conflict, and Peace
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Middle East, North Africa, and MENA
199. An assessment of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative
- Author:
- Busisipho Siyobi
- Publication Date:
- 01-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Good Governance Africa (GGA)
- Abstract:
- The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) Secretariat should take the lead in developing intervention mechanisms that ensure a strong civil society representation in the multi-stakeholder groups, to enable real public participation and obtain local legitimacy of the Initiative: This can be done through actively identifying and partnering with relevant grassroot civil society organisations that work directly with mining-affected communities. Implementing countries should work more collaboratively with the EITI to investigate any reported revenue discrepancies highlighted in the country-specific EITI reporting: This can be enforced by implementing countries in alignment with their guiding principles of regulatory bodies and the national EITI Multi-Stakeholder Group (MSG) in the effort to fight against corruption and ensure local ownership of the EITI process.
- Topic:
- Civil Society, Corruption, Natural Resources, Governance, Regulation, Mining, and Extractive Industries
- Political Geography:
- Africa
200. Rebuilding Constitutionalism and Rule of Law in Zimbabwe
- Author:
- Stephen Buchanan-Clarke and Sikhululekile Mashingaidze
- Publication Date:
- 08-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Good Governance Africa (GGA)
- Abstract:
- Recommendations to the Zimbabwean government Commit to a new, inclusive pathway for a mediated, citizen-centred national dialogue to align with and enact the principles set out in the Zimbabwe Constitution of 2013, to resolve the current constitutional crisis and legitimacy question. Comprehensive legal, political, and economic reform is critical. Commit to the drafting and passing of a comprehensive electoral law consistent with the 2013 Constitution that guarantees the independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), allows for the appointment of an independent ZEC chair from outside of Zimbabwe, and prevents government from interfering with the work of the commission. Ensure a comprehensive delimitation exercise, extend the voter registration process, and ensure there is a transparent and comprehensive verification process to develop a credible voters’ roll. This would include allowing independent interested stakeholders from civil society, the media, and opposition parties access to inspect the voters’ roll prior to elections. Promote a free and fair election campaign environment for all players, and actively guard against voter intimidation by establishing a special body to investigate complaints of political violence and allow external independent observers early access to all voting stations prior to election day. Restore independence and citizen trust in the county’s public institutions through, for example, the institution of an independent and impartial judicial committee tasked with restoring judicial independence and making recommendations for complete judicial reform, to eradicate judicial corruption, ensure the independence of judges and improve the functioning of the courts. End partisanship in the police force, starting with undertaking investigations into allegations of human rights violations against the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and other security sector agencies, and ensuring those responsible for such abuses are held accountable under the law.
- Topic:
- Government, Human Rights, Reform, Elections, Constitution, Rule of Law, Police, and Inclusion
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Zimbabwe