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  • Author: Gérard Grunberg
  • Publication Date: 09-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The first round of the French presidential election of 2002 seemed to confirm and worsen the representation crisis, the loss of influence of the main political parties, and the weakening of the right/left division. The strength of the French political system seemed threatened. Yet, the political reality that came out of the 2002 elections is quite different. The end of the "cohabitation" regime restored the power of the president and a unified leadership. The two main parties - the RPR, transformed and expanded into the UMP - and the Socialist Party, were strengthened in their own camps and collected together more than 90 percent of the seats. The UMP holds the majority in the National Assembly. The high participation of voters in the second round of the presidential election showed the isolation and powerlessness of the National Front. All in all, the political system took the assault fairly well. The Fifth Republic remains and functions. Much to the contrary, the defeat of the left and its growing divisions are serious reasons for the Socialist Party to worry. Its credibility is weakened, and the dominating power on the political spectrum is the UMP.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: William F.S. Miles
  • Publication Date: 09-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Results of the French legislative elections in 2002 reflect great ideological diversity among the electorate of the overseas department of Martinique. They also belie the apparent political uniformity as expressed in the preceding presidential elections. (In Martinique, incumbent President Jacques Chirac had just received his highest score of any voting district in the Republic.) One staunch pro-statehood incumbent lost to a Socialist; the pro-Chirac mayor won by the greatest margin of any district; an incumbent backed by Aimé Césaire was defeated by an ex-Communist; and the pro-independence incumbent deputy narrowly defended his seat from a pro-statehood challenger. The elections were also marked by a record number of candidates, low voter turnout, clientelistic politics, and the power of mayoralty. These results put Martinique out of step with the French nation as a whole. Wishing to remain within France, but struggling to remain something other than France: Martinique's contradictory political culture endures in the Caribbean. The editor wishes to include here, with apologies to the author, the acknowledgements, which were inadvertently omitted as the proofs went to press. They read: "Fieldwork for this research was made possible by a sabbatical leave from Northeastern University. From September 2001 through June 2002 the author was visiting researcher with the Centre de Recherches sur les Pouvoirs Locaux dans la Caraïbe (CRPLC) at the Schoelcher (Martinique) campus of the Université des Antilles-Guyane. Special thanks go to CRPLC director Justin Daniel. Prof. William Miles".
  • Political Geography: France, Caribbean
  • Author: Sheryl Kroen
  • Publication Date: 09-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: It is common practice among early modern French historians to interpret society, culture, and politics through an analysis of the metaphors, narratives, and rituals that mediated the relationship between sovereigns (kings and queens) and the nation. La Mort du Roi: Un essai d'ethnographie politique comparée transposes this practice to the modern period, in particular by focusing on the discourses and rituals surrounding dying and dead heads of state in France and elsewhere. It was the death of François Mitterrand in 1996 that provided the inspiration for this transposition, worked out in a year-long seminar organized by Jacques Julliard in 1996 and 1997 at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales.
  • Topic: Sovereignty
  • Political Geography: France
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: No abstract is available.
  • Author: Hakjoon Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Half a century has passed since the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the United States concluded a mutual defense treaty. Despite occasional disharmonies and even conflicts, cooperation as well as friendship has prevailed in their bilateral relations, and the alliance has proved to be one of the most successful ones in the post World War II period. However, since the advent of the George W. Bush administration in January 2001, the rift between the two allies has become highlighted to the extent that the alliance is seen as being seriously weakened or even irrevocably damaged.
  • Political Geography: United States, Korea
  • Author: Samuel S. Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: At the locus of the "last glacier of the Cold War," there is a double paradox at work on the Korean peninsula, structured and symbolized by two competing alliances forged during the heyday of the Cold War: North Korea with China (1961) and South Korea with the United States (1954). The peninsula is currently experiencing an unprecedented crisis of alliance maintenance, even survival. For better or worse, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), or North Korea, is the only country with which the People's Republic of China (PRC) "maintains"—whether in name or in practice—its 1961 Cold-War pact. Yet amidst Chinese worries that the U.S.-DPRK nuclear confrontation may spiral out of control, in March 2003 Beijing established a leading Group on the North Korean Crisis (LGNKC), headed by President Hu Jintao. The LGNKC's mission is to improve assessment of the intelligence "black hole" over Pyongyang's nuclear capabilities and intentions and to formulate a cost-effective conflict management strategy.
  • Political Geography: United States, China, Beijing, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Peggy Falkenheim Meyer
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Since he became president of Russia, Vladimir Putin has played an active role on the Korean peninsula, pursuing ties with both North and South Korea. Putin's engagement with both Korean states has contributed to a perception by some that Russia could play an influential role in helping to resolve the second North Korean nuclear crisis that began in October 2002 when a North Korean official admitted that his country has been pursuing a secret uranium enrichment program.
  • Political Geography: Russia, South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Young Whan Kihl
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The security dynamics on the Korean peninsula are changing with the uncertain future associated with the North Korean claim that it now has nuclear weapons and an active program of building a "powerful deterrence force". This dramatic reversal of Pyongyang's nuclear stance, which is more than rhetorical but action-driven, followed its announced withdrawal from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty early in 2003 and its nullification of the 1992 North-South Korean non-nuclear agreement.
  • Political Geography: United States, South Korea, Korea, Pyongyang
  • Author: Sunwoong Kim, Ju-Ho Lee
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Most people would acknowledge that the military and economic alliance between the U.S. and South Korea (Korea hereafter) has played a very important role in shaping the modern history in Korea. Among other things, many have pointed out that Korea's savings in military spending in order to deal with the North Korean threat since the Korean War is one of the major benefits of the strong alliance, because the savings that should have been diverted to military expense could be invested for improved economic development. Also, under this security arrangement, Korea has successfully implemented the strategy of export-as-anengine- for-economic-growth by borrowing heavily from the international financial market. Without the U.S.'s security guarantee, international borrowing would have been much more costly. Another important aspect of the strong alliance is that the U.S. has been the major market for Korean exports for several decades.
  • Political Geography: United States, South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Jong Won Lee
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The Korean economy experienced a dramatic transition from one of an unprecedented rate of economic growth to one under the IMF bailout package program. The recent currency crisis has vitiated in a way the success of rapid economic growth in the past, and brought about hardship and agony to Koreans as well, which they have never experienced in recent decades.
  • Political Geography: Korea
  • Author: Martin H. Sours
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The Republic of Korea (ROK), hereafter referred to as South Korea or simply Korea, was traumatically introduced to the modern, soon to be globalized, world as a result of the Korean War. One of the lasting effects of this forced modernization was a South Korean national imperative to develop economically as rapidly as possible. This was operationalized by the Park Chung Hee government which signed a peace treaty with Japan in 1965 after Park seized power.
  • Political Geography: United States, South Korea, Korea
  • Author: Sungwoo Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Amidst the rigid command economy of North Korea, there exists an unofficial yet flourishing market economy, currently operated through Jung Ma Dung, or literally a market place. Of course, a market place is a common feature of even the poorest country in the world and does not require special scrutiny. Yet to North Koreans who have been hitherto completely accustomed to government rationing for all their economic necessities, an economic activity for personal profit is a completely new and almost revolutionary concept. More importantly, the market place in the north has been gradually developed, with strenuous public oppression at the beginning, by a dire need for physical survival of its ordinary people. Without precedence and knowledge, they established, purely through trial and error, every aspect of the market place best suited for the existing peculiarities and constraints of its economy. Now the market place is so widely and firmly established, with the participation of practically everybody in North Korea, ranging from high government officials to common soldiers, that no power, including the leadership itself, can completely shut it down without causing a major revolt, especially by starving and desperate soldiers with weapons to wield, reminiscent of the October Revolution in czarist Russia.
  • Political Geography: Russia, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Yoon-Shik Park
  • Publication Date: 03-2003
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Since the end of World War II, the United States and Korea have enjoyed a very close relationship in many important areas. Such a relationship started with the liberation of Korea in 1945 by U.S. troops from the Japanese occupation of almost four decades and also included the shedding of blood by Americans for the defense of South Korea from the North Korean and Chinese invasion during the bitter Korean War of 1950-53. Most Koreans, especially those older Koreans who personally experienced the tumultuous years of the Japanese occupation and the Korean War, still harbor such goodwill and sense of gratitude towards America and Americans that perhaps no other country has earned nearly as much in Korea's long history. Even now, the United States is maintaining a significant military presence, including its ground troops, in order to assist the Korean government in repelling any potential military threats from the heavily-militarized North Korea.
  • Political Geography: United States, America, South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Suzanne Berger
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: There are intense debates in France today over globalization and its impact on democratic values and practice. The arguments retrace in many respects a much older inquiry into the compatibility of democracy and capitalism. The history of the past two hundred years suggests that despite the inequities that capitalist economies generate, the majority of the electorate has not been willing to vote out the system. Capitalism was protected, in part, by the fact that these systems were never wholly democratic, but provided constitutional protections for property. And democracy was preserved, in part, by the fact that these systems were never wholly capitalist, but in fact within national borders found a variety of solutions for blunting the impact of market forces. If globalization means a world without national borders, one may question whether this co-existence of capitalism and democracy can continue, and in fact, much of the French debate focuses on this point. This article retraces the history of the borders of France and suggests that borders are political, not geographic, constructions and as such, are far from disappearing even between the US and Canada, even within the European Union. As long as states can still regulate economic exchanges in ways that differentiate their societies from adjacent countries, borders persist. Globalization does create serious new challenges, but the stark dilemma of choosing either a world of economic openness or a world of liberal democracy does not capture the real stake and choices available to France and other democratic societies.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: Europe, Canada, France
  • Author: David Vogel, Jabril Bensedrine
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article compares the regulation of asbestos, the regulatory impact of the health crisis associated with AIDS and the regulation of genetically modified agricultural products in the United States and France. These cases trace the evolution of health, safety and environmental politics and polices in the two countries over the last three decades. In general, risk management policies have become more politicized and risk averse in the United States while they have become more politicized and risk averse in France. In many respects, regulatory politics and policies in France during the 1990s resemble those of the US during the 1960s and 70s.
  • Topic: Environment
  • Political Geography: United States, France
  • Author: Brigitte Jelen
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: A few months ago, the massacre of Algerian civilians by the French police on October 17, 1961 was finally officially recognized, as the new socialist mayor of Paris, Bertrand Delanoë, placed a commemorative plaque on the Pont Saint-Michel. In his declaration to the press, Delanoë was careful to focus on the "Parisian" character of this ceremony, although the 1961 massacre was committed by the French national police. Perhaps Delanoë's noble and courageous gesture hides an ambiguity, an injustice to the victims? In order to understand the symbolic importance of this plaque in the construction of France's official memory of the Algerian war, this essay analyzes how the French government since 1962 has attempted to "forget" the conflict in the name of "national unity," in particular through the use of amnesty laws. In a discussion on forgiveness inspired by J. Derrida, the possibility of a French national memory of the Algerian war (and of the October 17, 1961 event) that would include the voices of the victims is considered.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Paris, France
  • Author: Françoise Gaspard
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The March 2001 municipal elections in France constituted a political litmus test, done one year before the presidential and parliamentary elections. They were also the first to fall under the new parity law enacted in June 2000. For the first time, there had to be an equal number of men and women on candidate lists for cities of more than 3,500 inhabitants. While the debate over parity had been intense, the first application of the parity law went more smoothly than expected. The most surprising feature of the election results is that the Right, which had shown little enthusiasm for parity, seems to have been the primary beneficiary of the new system. The question is now whether a larger presence of women in local politics will lead to a real change in public policy, and if it will have an impact on the national level, where the law is a lot less constraining than at city level.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Jacques Capdevielle
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Les Françaises comme les Français manifestent un mécontentement croissant quand à la façon dont l'Europe se construits. Les premières particulièrement attachées au maintien des acquis du Welfare et à une relance keynésienne de l'économie. Ces attentes vis-à-vis d'une régulation européenne n'émanent pas seulement de femmes dont la situation économique et sociale serait fragilisée par la conjoncture. Elles sont même d'autant plus fortes que leur niveau d'études est élevé et qu'elles occupent une position socioprofessionnelle favorisée.
  • Author: Daniel Gordon
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In his article, "The Canonization of Norbert Elias in France: A Critical Perspective," Daniel Gordon argues that important scholars in France have regarded Norbert Elias, the German-born sociologist, with such unqualified admiration that they have failed to examine his life and thought with sufficient scrutiny. Gordon explores several aspects of Elias's intellectual development: his volkisch Zionism and germanophilia during his twenties, his flight from neo-Kantian philosophy to Karl Mannheim's sociology during his thirties, and his abortive efforts to make a new life for himself in France after leaving Germany in 1933 and before eventually settling in Britain. All these experiences, Gordon argues, colored the way Elias drew the comparisons between Germany and France that lay at the center of so much of his thought, comparisons that betrayed a certain kinship to the prejudices German nationalists in the 1920s held about German Kultur and French civilisation. Gordon concludes by suggesting that many French scholars on the left took to Elias's work during the 1980s because it offered them a framework, after the decline of Marxism, for sustaining a critical analysis of hierarchy in French society.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Roger Chartier
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In "'The Oldest Hath Borne Most': Response to Daniel Gordon," Roger Chartier rejects the idea that he has made Elias the object of sectarian devotion, and he refutes several misrepresentations that he believes Gordon makes of his own writing about Elias. He goes on to criticize Gordon's claim that Elias clung to a narrowly linear view of historical change. Most of all, Chartier takes issue with the notion that a conservative German nationalism or "germanophilia" informed Elias's sociological thought in the way Gordon describes. This line of argument, in Chartier's view, rests on a form of a priori ideological reductionism that is as misleading as the sociological reductionism that too often prevailed in the 1970s.
  • Political Geography: Germany
9521. A Reply
  • Author: Daniel Gordon
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Intellectual life is a kind of combat," wrote Fernand Braudel. I see no reason why historians, who happen to study early-modern civility, should behave like courtiers toward each other. But in point of fact, I do not describe Professor Chartier as a member of a terrible "sect." The term "sect" appears only in a quotation from Zygmunt Bauman. And readers will observe that what Bauman and I are both getting at is the need to be critical of the process of canonization that has been at work in Elias's case.
  • Author: Goulven Boudic
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Reconnu, célébré et toujours abondamment cité pour son étude sur Le Pouvoir périphérique qui l'amenait, au plus fort de la vogue décentralisatrice et girondine, à nuancer la réputation jacobine du système politico-administratif français au regard du quotidien des pratiques d'échange et de transaction entre «centre» et «périphérie », le sociologue Pierre Grémion poursuit depuis une vingtaine d'années—et la publication de Paris-Prague—une «reconversion» particulièrement réussie sur le terrain de l'histoire intellectuelle. Son précédent ouvrage, Intelligence de l'anticommunisme, consacré à l'anticommunisme d'inspiration libérale et sociale-démocrate, l'avait amené à revisiter l'histoire de la création et du développement du Congrès pour la liberté de la culture, réseau intellectuel jusqu'alors trop vite confondu avec la figure de Raymond Aron et par ailleurs largement disqualifié comme objet légitime d'études par les révélations de son financement via la C.I.A.
  • Author: Pierre Grémion
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Six mois après la chute du mur de Berlin, dans les premiers jours de mai 1990, Shepard Stone, qui se rendait à une conférence traitant de l'impact de l'Amérique sur l'Allemagne dans l'après-guerre, mourrait dans un accident d'automobile sur une route de la Nouvelle Angleterre, frappé par une crise cardiaque à son volant. Il avait 82 ans. Ainsi disparaissait, alors que la guerre froide prenait fin, un «cold warrior liberal» qui avait joué un rôle de premier plan à la Fondation Ford tout au long des décennies 1950 et 1960.
9524. Film Review
  • Author: Sylvie Waskiewicz
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: For years the French film industry has fought to remain healthy in the face of overwhelming competition from American films. France has maintained its position of relative strength through a complex system of legal, political, and economic support: defending artistic creativity via the droit d'auteur, participating actively in international trade negotiations, and, perhaps most important, generously subsidizing the production, distribution, and exhibition of French films. This achievement is also made possible by those filmmakers able to produce the occasional "blockbuster": films able to compete with Hollywood on its own terms.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Georges Balandier
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Élaborer une théorie de la situation coloniale, et la publier par la médiation des Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie, prenait en 1951 dans le contexte français l'aspect d'une triple provocation. Le texte était reçu comme la critique des tentatives de refaire un espace impérial fissuré par les épreuves de la seconde guerre mondiale, comme une affirmation de solidarité politique avec les artisans de la décolonisation, ce qui se trouvait confirmé par mes engagements, par mes relations avec les initiateurs des indépendances africaines. Le texte était perçu dans le milieu ethnologique comme la manifestation d'un double rejet: celui d'une ethnologie décontextualisée (aveugle à l'histoire et à la dynamique des relations "extérieures") d'une part, celui d'une ethnologie actualisée mais sous l'effet dominant d'un fonctionnalisme mécaniste et simplificateur (placé sous l'égide des "contacts culturels") d'autre part. Enfin, le texte semblait congédier l'ethnologie et son extension, l'anthropologie, pour leur substituer une sociologie actuelle dont les implications politiques étaient manifestées. Il est en réalité à l'origine d'une nouvelle anthropologie politique évidemment, mais tout autant d'une sociologie dynamiste qui allie sociologie et anthropologie, qui s'attache à l'étude de la constante production du social et des jeux de domination qui s'y développent.
  • Author: Emmanuelle Sibeud
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Les enquêtes ethnographiques en situation coloniale sont explicitement une incarnation de la mission civilisatrice qui "découvre" scientifiquement les populations en les assujettissant. Elles produisent en conséquence des représentations qui confirment les différences justifiant la domination. Mais elles sont aussi des incursions d'une société dans l'autre et elles reposent sur des formes d'empathie mises en exergue dès le début du XX e siècle par des enquêteurs soucieux de faire reconnaître la spécificité du savoir qu'ils accumulent sur les populations qu'ils sont chargés de dominer. Elles relèvent donc de ce que Georges Balandier définit comme "l'inauthenticité" fondamentale de la société coloniale 1 , tout en introduisant une logique exogène en contradiction latente avec l'ordre colonial, et. Ainsi parce qu'elles oscillent entre conformisme et transgression, elles investissent.
  • Author: Alice L. Conklin
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Jean Bazin's 1996 invocation of the enduring effects of Georges Balandier's critical insights of the 1950s is a testimonial to not just how revolutionary, but also how persuasive these insights were and remain. It is common currency now, even among those of us who are not anthropologists, that first European travelers, then European scientists "invented" places like "Africa" that tell us more about themselves/ourselves than the reality they purported to describe. The particular "invention" of the twentieth century was anthropologists' "discovery" of "pure cultures" untouched by history and especially by colonialism. Having found such peoples, anthropologists then devoted themselves to recording and preserving their "authentic" traditions before it was too late. Balandier's precocious contribution to the field, in this context, was to take the colonial situation itself as his object of study as early as 1951 and to render visible the unequal power relations so discreetly evacuated by his more "complicit" professional colleagues.
  • Political Geography: Europe, France
  • Author: Frederick Cooper
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: When Georges Balandier published "The Colonial Situation" in 1951, colonial empires were at the heart of profound debates and struggles. By the 1970s, colonialism had been banished from the realm of legitimate forms of political organization. What remained "colonial" in world politics passed itself off as something else. The burst of scholarship on colonial societies in the 1980s and 1990s thus appears paradoxical, and so too does the lack of response and follow-up to Balandier's brilliantly incisive article in the two decades after its appearance.
  • Author: Isabelle Merle
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: L'objet du présent article consiste à repenser ce qu'on a appelé le "régime de l'indigénat", parfois improprement qualifié de "code de l'indigénat" ou réduit, dans l'usage courant, à la simple formule "l'indigénat", le tout renvoyant à un ensemble législatif et réglementaire répressif, élaboré dans les colonies françaises à l'encontre des seuls indigènes.
  • Author: Emmanuelle Saada
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: My contribution is an attempt to resolve one of those enigmas that the French colonial archives hold for assiduous readers. In the course of comparative research on the juridical status of métis children in the French Empire, I was struck by the frequency with which the terms "dignity" and "prestige" figured in a wide range of colonial preoccupationswhether on the part of local or central administrations, private individuals or institutions. These were not merely personal or social qualities, but terms that had precise legal meanings and that played a central role in colonial jurisprudence. In this context, the terms were predominantly used in the negative-referring to threats to prestige (atteintes au prestige) or to the obligation to maintain one's dignity (garder sa dignité). This runs counter to the conventional image of a self-confident colonial society, persuaded of its superiority and of the legitimacy of its "mission civilisatrice."
  • Topic: Law
  • Author: Anne Raffin
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Although colonizers generally repressed emergent national movements as potential vehicles of national liberation, the French encouraged patriotic mobilizations in Indochina in the early 1940s as a way to counteract Thai irredentists, Vietnamese revolutionaries, and Japanese occupiers and their claims of "Asia for Asians." Here, colonial authorities sought to build allegiance to the empire by "patriotizing" youth attitudes through sports activities and youth corps. Participation in such youth organizations mushroomed in Indochina between 1940 and 1945, gaining over a million members in that short span.
  • Topic: War
  • Political Geography: Japan, China, Asia
  • Author: François Pouillon
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: There are significant differences between the way academics in France and the United States see postcolonial processes, differences having to do with particular national histories. It is, however, precisely the task of academics to work to transcend such specificities. So the differences must have to do with collective intellectual movements in the two countries, and it would perhaps be useful to compare them.
  • Political Geography: United States, France
  • Author: Stéphane Beaud, Olivier Masclet
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: La France découvre, au lendemain des attentats du 11 septembre 2001 et de la guerre en Afghanistan, qu'elle a couvé en son sein des jeunes, nés ou élevés dans le pays, qui sont devenus des soldats de l'islamisme radical. Antoine Sfeir, directeur des Cahiers de l'Orient, estime à 150 le nombre de jeunes Français qui seraient impliqués dans les réseaux islamistes proches de Al Quaïda. Le plus connu d'entre eux, Zacarias Moussaoui, 33 ans, fiché depuis 1999 par la Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (D.S.T.) comme "susceptible d'appartenir au Jihad international", est soupçonné d'être le vingtième pirate de l'air des attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Emprisonné aux États-Unis, il risque la peine de mort. On peut aussi citer Djamel Beghal, arrêté à Dubaï en juillet 2001, et son adjoint Kamel Daoudi, 27 ans, informaticien de formation, tous deux d'origine algérienne et également suspectés d'appartenir au même réseau Al Quaïda.
  • Political Geography: Afghanistan, France
  • Author: Gunnar Trumbull
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Globalization is commonly thought to impede policy activism. Yet France's 35-hour workweek initiative demonstrates that globalization can, in certain circumstances, create incentives for greater policy activism. This is because economic actors experience globalization differently. The French government, facing fiscal and monetary constraints, was seeking alternative means for promoting employment. French employers, facing new foreign competition, increasingly valued workforce flexibility. And French labor unions, facing declining membership, were anxious to establish a bridgehead in new sectors of the economy. These diverse pressures of globalization, felt differently by different economic actors, created the context in which an activist labor policy could be negotiated.
  • Topic: Economics, Government
  • Author: Teresa Hoefert de Turégano
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The article examines French cinematographic policy toward Africa within the context of the shift in control from the French Ministry of Cooperation and Development to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Is francophone West Africa losing its privileged position in French cinematographic policy? During the first two years of the new regime for cinema a dual dynamic was evident, with both transition and historical continuity. In the final months of 2001 a clearer message appears in the politics of African cinema at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Central elements of the film policy under the Ministry of Cooperation are compared to current policy and then situated into French film politics in a more general sense.
  • Political Geography: Africa
  • Author: Mette Zølner
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The article examines French cinematographic policy toward Africa within the context of the shift in control from the French Ministry of Cooperation and Development to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Is francophone West Africa losing its privileged position in French cinematographic policy? During the first two years of the new regime for cinema a dual dynamic was evident, with both transition and historical continuity. In the final months of 2001 a clearer message appears in the politics of African cinema at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Central elements of the film policy under the Ministry of Cooperation are compared to current policy and then situated into French film politics in a more general sense.
  • Topic: Development
  • Political Geography: Africa
  • Author: Daniel Sabbagh
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Unlike in the United States, in France, the main operational criterion for identifying the beneficiaries of affirmative action policies is not race or gender, but geographical location. In this respect, the first affirmative action plan recently designed in the sphere of higher education by one of France's most famous 'grandes écoles', the Institut d'études politiques de Paris, while not departing significantly from this broader pattern of redistributive, territory-based public policies, has given rise to a controversy of an unprecedented scale, some features of which may actually suggest the existence of a deeper similarity between French and American affirmative action programs and the difficulties that they face. That similarity lies in the attempts made by the supporters of such programs to systematically minimize the negative side-effects on their beneficiaries' public image potentially induced by the visibility of the policy itself.
  • Topic: Education
  • Political Geography: United States, America, Paris, France
  • Author: Mary Dewhurst Lewis
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article explores the relationship between foreigners' social and legal status by considering the case of Marseille during the interwar years. The author uses expulsion files to elucidate this relationship and its changing dynamics. Social factors worked to mark immigrants as desirable and undesirable and thus affected the rights that they legally could claim; yet the contours of this relationship changed over time as the policing of immigrants increasingly became a national security priority. During the 1920s and early 1930s, police discriminated between transient --and perhaps racialized-- port- area residents and the more settled denizens of Marseille's outer districts, then used this distinction to adjudicate expulsion cases. Over the course of the 1930s, police objectives shifted from achieving local stability to defending national security. As this occurred, police attacked foreigners more broadly and indiscriminately.
  • Topic: Security
  • Author: Clifford Rosenberg
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article addresses the racial thought behind French immigration and colonial policy in the heyday of imperialism. Albert Sarraut and several other likeminded officials articulated a singularly contradictory view of human difference. They viewed colonial immigrants as an exotic menace, and looked with approval to the writings of racist thinkers in the United States, like Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard. At the same time, however, Sarraut and his colleagues considered North African immigration, in particular, as vital to France's future well-being; French policy-makers were more optimistic than the Americans that colonial migrants could be "civilized" within decades, or perhaps a few generations. This latter view encouraged them in their commitment to the Republic's civilizing mission and their belief that turning immigrants into Frenchmen was a practical and realistic necessity.
  • Political Geography: United States, America, France
  • Author: Angès Antoine
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In his latest book, Marcel Gauchet analyzes recent transformations of the French republican model. The disenchantment which, according to Gauchet, characterizes modernity has reached the political sphere and, through a desacralization of the State and the end of ideologies, has led to a mutation of the representation as well as the role of religion in the social sphere. Should we regret the emancipation of civil society and the end of the Hegelian model that aimed at replacing religious universalism with state philosophy? Gauchet does not think so-he does not view the new theologico-political configuration as a risk for the political to die out but rather as the opportunity for a new form of democracy to emerge, one that would be based on true participation and humanity.
  • Author: Ellen Badone
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This thought-provoking essay analyses the changing relationships between the French state and the individual. The author contends that French republican democracy originally developed as a bulwark against the hegemony of the Roman Catholic Church. However, in the secularized context of present-day France, such protection is no longer necessary. Hence, democracy has lost much of its original meaning. In the past, political actors privileged the collective good above private interests and identités. Now, however, it is precisely these agendas that have come to dominate French political discourse. In the face of competing minority demands, government must remain neutral and can no longer serve as the moral arbiter for the collectivity.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: France, Romania
  • Author: Danièle Hervieu-Léger
  • Publication Date: 09-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Marcel Gauchet's book La Religion dans la démocratie deals with current shifts in ideals and practices of democracy, as well as the way such shifts shake the foundations of secularity à la française. This article recaptures the key elements of Gauchet's analysis, centered around the loss of transcendence experienced by the state in such a context, and addresses the new forms that a reference to a norm "tenue d'en haut" could take in a French society "sortie de la religion" for good.
9543. Full Issue
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: No abstract is available.
  • Author: Han-Kyo Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to describe the national independence movement of the Korean residents in the United States and Hawaii before 1945, with emphasis on the roles played by its three most prominent leaders, Syngman Rhee, An Ch'ang-ho and Pak Yong-man. The first shipload of Korean immigrants came to Hawaii in 1903, largely for economic reasons. In the ensuing years, as Japan steadily made inroads into Korea, however, patriotic sentiments seized the Korean community. With the formal installation of the Japanese colonial regime in 1910, the restoration of sovereignty in their homeland became the primary political agenda of the Korea immigrants.
  • Political Geography: United States, Japan, Korea, Hawaii
  • Author: Samuel S. Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: For the first time since the Korean War, and particularly in the wake of German reunification, the question of Korean reunification has generated a flurry of debate both inside and outside Korea, but usually with more heat than light. With North Korea constantly back in the news as East Asia's time-bomb, seemingly ripe for implosion or explosion, prospects for Korean reunification have quickly become conflated with the question of the future of North Korea—whether it will survive or will collapse, slowly or suddenly.
  • Political Geography: United States, China, East Asia, North Korea, Germany, Korea
  • Author: Mark E. Manyin
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Over the past decade, South Korea has emerged as a major economic partner for the United States. Korea is the U.S.'s seventhlargest trading partner, its sixth-largest export market, and has also become a significant investment site for American companies. The U.S. is Korea's largest export market, second-largest source of imports, and largest supplier of foreign direct investment. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the main issues and trends in U.S.-South Korean economic relations.
  • Political Geography: United States, South Korea, Korea
  • Author: Eui-Young Yu, Peter Choe, Sang II Han
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The U.S. Census Bureau reported 1,076,872 Koreans residing in the United States as of April 1, 2000 (http://www.census.gov). These are the respondents who identified themselves as "Korean alone." If those who reported themselves as "Korean in combination with other Asian or other race" are added, the total amounts to 1,228,427. The figures for mixed-heritage persons belonging to two or more ethnic and/or racial groups should be used with caution, especially for comparative analysis, because categories containing these individuals are not mutually exclusive. For this reason, in this analysis the "Korean alone" population figure was mainly used.
  • Political Geography: United States, Asia, Korea
  • Author: Jacqueline Pak
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: With the advent of civil democracy in Korea, the grand epic of the Korean independence struggle began to be more systematically mined in the 1990s with newly discovered sources from the leading revolutionaries, albeit with mixed outcomes. In the past decade, the most spirited controversy in the international arena of Korean Studies has been "the An Ch'angho Controversy" which created spirited debates on the interpretation of An Ch'angho (1878-1938) and the Korean nationalist movement, including the nature of his philosophy, vision and strategy. Since An Ch'angho was arguably the foremost leader of the Korean independence quest, it was not only a controversy about An Ch'angho as a man and leader but also about getting at the truth of the shape and course of the Korean nationalist struggle as a whole.
  • Political Geography: Korea
  • Author: Suchan Chae, Hyoungsoo Zang
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: North Korea has been such a closed country that it is impossible to accurately assess the state of her economy. However, all measures available to outsiders indicate that the North Korean economy is functioning below subsistence level. It seems to have lost not only the ability to sustain itself without outside assistance but also the ability to recover by itself. Thus, it is now incumbent upon the international community to find a long-term solution for developing North Korea backed by appropriate resources. The purpose of this article is to propose a multilateral framework through which resources can be effectively and sensibly channeled into North Korea, satisfying current political constraints both donors and the recipient face.
  • Political Geography: North Korea
  • Author: Hyangsoon Yi
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Despite its distinct presence in Korean society for nearly one and a half millennia, the world of Buddhist nuns has remained closed to the "gaze" of outsiders. Even the hagiographies on renowned nuns are available to the public only in snippets and mostly as legends. The dearth of serious treatments of Buddhist nuns in Korean literature thus reflects and at the same time perpetuates the sense of mystery with which the life of a female renunciant is veiled in popular perception. In modern poetry, there is a tendency to lyricize the mystique of the nun, as is illustrated by two well-known poems from the 1930s: Paek Sok's "Yosung" (The Nun); and Cho Chi-hun's "Sungmu" (The Nun's Dance). From the late 1980s, however, the female monastic community has come under increasing scrutiny by a handful of writers and filmmakers, most notably represented by Han Sung-won, Nam Chisim, and Im Kwon-taek.
  • Political Geography: Korea
  • Author: Michèle Lamont
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This essay revisits the question of French racism by examining the differing status of North African immigrants and blacks as victims of French racism. I draw on in-depth interviews with French workers and on national surveys to show that French workers draw stronger boundaries toward immigrants—and more specifically North African immigrants—than toward blacks. I advance an explanation for the lower salience of this latter group that takes into consideration the cultural resources that workers have access to and to the structural and historical context in which they live. In particular, I suggest that because it is based on assimilation, the French political culture of Republicanism provides special ammunition for arguments against North Africans: It presumes (and aims to achieve) a national community with overlapping cultural and political boundaries, such that all members of the national community share the same political culture, which de facto distinguishes the national in-group from out-groups. At the same time, this widely available ideology weakens the boundaries drawn against blacks by affirming the principle of color blindness and the irrelevance of ascribed characteristics in the French polity.
  • Topic: Immigration
  • Political Geography: North Africa
  • Author: Philip H. Gordon, Sophie Meunier
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Concerns about the potentially negative effects of globalization are particularly salient in France because of France's longstanding desire to maintain a universal culture and concomitant fear of cultural domination. This article analyzes the impact of globalization on various aspects of French culture-including the entertainment industry (movies, audiovisuals, and books), food, and language-and shows why the French resist globalization more on cultural than economic grounds. The article also looks at French policy responses to the cultural "threat" of globalization and argues that those policies are both less effective and less necessary than many French seem to think.
  • Topic: Economics, Globalization
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Éric Dupin
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article examines why political corruption has become not only more visible in the past twenty years in France, but also more serious as a problem. After looking briefly at changes in the role of the judiciary and the media, the author focuses on issues of campaign finance and the economic insecurities electoral officials often face in the current political system. Psychological factors have mattered as well. Too many members of the political elite have assumed that political power entitled them to material advantages and exemption from conventional standards of ethical conduct. The concentration of power and weak boundaries between political, economic, and administrative elites have made the problem particularly acute in France.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: France
9554. Réponse
  • Author: Gisèle Sapiro
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Comprendre les conduites politiques des écrivains français pendant l'occupation allemande à la lumière des logiques propres au monde des lettres, tel était l'objet de ma recherche. Ce questionnement s'inscrivait à la fois contre la logique du jugement et du procès qui l'a longtemps emporté sur l'analyse distanciée, comme le rappelle Steven Ungar, et contre une histoire politique des intellectuels qui tendait à négliger les facteurs non politiques de leur engagement, en particulier ceux qui relèvent plus spécifiquement de leur activité professionnelle. Ces deux tendances illustrent les effets induits par la surpolitisation de ces années de guerre sur la perception rétrospective qu'on en a. Certes, la surpolitisation de tous les domaines de l'existence pendant l'Occupation est un fait indéniable qui a des conséquences immédiates en ce qu'il modifie l'espace des possibles et les contraintes qui pèsent sur les individus, ainsi que la signification sociale des comportements (des comportements apolitiques peuvent ainsi prendre un sens politique indépendamment du sens que leur donnent les acteurs). Mais cela n'implique pas que les motivations ou les logiques d'action ressortissent au seul registre politique.
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Although political corruption in France is hardly new, only at the end of the twentieth century have public authorities made important efforts to address it. This article explains why, stressing underlying economic conditions in the 1980s and 1990s and changes in the composition and norms in the judicial, police, and administrative professions. The author goes on to argue that despite the publicity given to recent scandals, the attack on corruption remains restrained and politicians of both the Left and the Right remain ambivalent about facing the problem.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Paul Jankowski
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Méry de Paris places the scandal that erupted in Paris last autumn in historical perspective. It examines the system of political financing that Méry's "confession" revealed, as well the threat it posed to President Chirac, in the light of corruption scandals in French history since the Revolution. The article explores the structural roots of recent and distant corruption and the widely differing political consequences its revelation can bring, and thus seeks to ask whether today's scandals differ from those of yesterday, and if so, how. Forum: La Guerre des écrivains (1940-1953), Gisèle Sapiro (Paris : Fayard, 1999)
  • Political Geography: Paris
  • Author: Laurent Jeanpierre
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Disons-le d'emblée : l'ouvrage de Gisèle Sapiro est impressionnant. Issu d'une thèse de sociologie dirigée par Pierre Bourdieu1, il s'imposera comme une référence. Il intègre un ensemble de travaux qui se sont penchés depuis une vingtaine d'années sur les lettres françaises pendant la guerre et inclut de nombreuses archives inédites. Il représente un des accomplissements récents les plus aboutis en matière de sociologie historique des intellectuels.
  • Author: Steven Ungar
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Henry Rousso's The Vichy Syndrome (1987) has changed the way many people think and write about France since 1940. Yet it is likely that the term "syndrome" (from the Greek sundromos or "running together") in his title remains a provocation because it invokes a pattern of behavior linked to disease and abnormality By extension, it conveyed an implied accusation—perhaps even an indictment—concerning an inability on the part of France as nation and society to confront the nature of the 1940-1944 period. Among historians, debate on the data or evidence that the concept of syndrome might legitimize or even privilege with regard to the writing of history added to questions about what had prompted Rousso to level this critique against colleagues in the discipline.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Pierre H. Boulle
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The concept of an emerging modern political culture, developed in the eighteenth century and informing the struggles associated with 1789, has taken root in historical discourse. It offers what to some is the significant advantage of permitting the analysis of values which were once associated with a rising bourgeoisie—principles of individual liberty and rights, of merit, and free labor against group privileges, birth, and corporate rights— without necessarily tying these to a particular social group.2 The two works reviewed here, both the result of recent American Ph.D. dissertations, borrow the concept as an organizing principle, but, interestingly, focus on a major contradiction within that culture: the conflict between slavery, dominant in the colonies and spreading to France itself in the eighteenth century, and the new culture's core concepts of individual freedom and free labor. Sue Peabody studies the various court cases in which slaves in eighteenth-century France sought to obtain their freedom. Laurent Dubois, using a 1793 local slave rebellion in Trois-Rivières, Guadeloupe, attempts to demonstrate that the slaves used the emerging political culture proclaimed from France to fashion freedom for themselves. Both argue that, far from being peripheral issues, events related to colonial labor helped fashion the debate in France and, indeed, forced its radicalization.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Robert Schwartzwald
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: It may come as a surprise to American readers that during the Second World War, both the Vichy regime and la France libre cared deeply about public opinion in French Canada. Yet resource-rich Canada was Britain's principal ally against Nazi Germany before the collapse of the Hitler-Stalin pact and the attack on Pearl Harbor. If public opinion in English-speaking Canada rallied immediately behind Great Britain and was solidly interventionist, this was not the case in Quebec. In his study, Montreal historian Eric Amyot demonstrates that the opposing French camps well understood the necessity of waging a war for public opinion in the largely French-speaking province. At stake were Canadian government policy and the respective claims for legitimacy of Vichy and la France libre both at home and on the world stage.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Britain, France
  • Author: Steven Zdatny
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Little remains today of the so-called Resistencialist Myth, the notion that France was a nation of resisters, save for a handful of treasonous collabos. It was a useful and ingenious fiction. Maybe it spared the country civil war. It certainly bought France selfesteem and saved civil society for the Fourth Republic and the resurrection of liberal democracy. But it's hard to imagine anyone believes it anymore, if anybody truly believed it then. We know that these sorts of political legends do not die all at once; they fall apart in stages, like Francisco Franco. In this case, the stages are well known. In the late 1960s, Marcel Ophuls's The Sorrow and the Pity offered a countermyth of Collaborationist France. A few years later, Robert Paxton's careful, irrefutable scholarship ravaged the legend of la France résistante and re-ignited interest in the real history of Vichy. His Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order depended on research in German occupation sources because French documents were closed. But actors die, fifty-year rules expire, politicians and archivists tack with the wind, all of which has prodded French historians to an unprecedented scrutiny of the nation's experience of war and occupation.
  • Topic: War
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Michel Gueldry
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Du 1er juillet au 31 décembre 2000, la France présida le Conseil de l'Union européenne (UE), et ce pour la onzième fois depuis la création de la troïka et de la présidence tournante en 1978. Elle assuma ce rôle précédemment au second semestre 1989 et au premier semestre 1995. En 1999, l'Allemagne et la Finlande assumèrent cette responsabilité, puis le Portugal précéda la France au premier semestre 2000. Cette fonction est un moment fort de la politique nationale—du fait de la cohabitation—et de la politique continentale, car les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale (PECO) frappent à la porte de l'UE, qui doit se préparer pour les intégrer. C'est pourquoi cet article étudie d'abord la dynamique de la cohabitation envers l'Europe, puis le rôle, le contexte et le programme de cette présidence française. Ensuite, il résume les décisions prises aux sommets de Biarritz et de Nice et enfin il analyse leur signification pour la France, les relations franco-allemandes et le futur de l'Union.
  • Political Geography: Europe, France
  • Author: Sarah Maza
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The first character introduced to the reader at the start of Balzac's La Cousine Bette (1846) is Célestin Crevel, described in the opening sentence as "a fat man of average height wearing the uniform of a captain of the National Guard." Exuding the smugness of commercial success and flaunting the ribbon of the Légion d'honneur, Crevel is on his way to visit a woman he has long secretly desired, Baroness Adeline Hulot d'Evry. Beautiful, middle-aged, and married, the Baroness is in financial trouble and seeks the help of the very rich Crevel to whom she is related by the marriage of her son Victorin to the widower Crevel's only daughter, Célestine.
  • Author: Paula Cossart
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: «Les lettres entre amants sont rares, ce sont sans doute celles que l'on aime le moins conserver… Le chercheur sera déçu de ne trouver que quelques documents difficilement exploitables », écrit Marie-Claire Grassi : la lettre d'amour est « sans doute (…) celle qui a été brûlée la première, rendue sans son ruban, non conservée par peur de quelque compromission ». Si l'on en croit ce constat de rareté, c'est une découverte exceptionnelle qui a permis à la présente recherche, sur l'expression épistolaire du sentiment amoureux, de débuter3. En effet, la correspondance sur laquelle s'appuie cette étude est constituée de 1500 lettres échangées par deux amants entre 1824 et 1849. Il s'agit donc d'une série homogène et longue, permettant des questionnements qui n'auraient sans doute pu être posés à partir de correspondances plus fractionnées. C'est aux Archives de Paris, dans un fonds constitué de pièces déposées au greffe du Tribunal Civil de la Seine, après le décès des personnes concernées, que j'ai retrouvé cette longue correspondance, de manière fortuite, à l'occasion du classement de ce fonds4. Cet échange épistolaire, qui unit pendant plus de vingt ans deux amants, Aimé Pierre Marie Guyet de Fernex et Adèle Schunck, représente la majeure partie des papiers classés sous le nom d'Adèle. Je ne parlerai ici que des lettres écrites entre juin 1824 et juin 1826, c'està- dire pendant les deux premières années de leur relation. Des lettres écrites sur du papier souvent très peu épais, laissant voir ce qui est écrit au verso : l'écriture fine d'Adèle Schunck, des lignes verticales se superposant parfois aux lignes horizontales ; et les réponses de son amant, plus rares. Un papier jauni, bien sûr, sur lequel on distingue encore les plis originels, bien que les lettres attendent depuis plus d'un siècle, dépliées, rangées dans deux boîtes de carton et de bois, bien que le temps les ait ainsi raidies. Et leur signature, identique, immuable : deux A, alignés ou entrelacés, comme leurs deux prénoms, Adèle et Aimé. On distingue deux types de correspondance entre les deux amants : des lettres intimes qui ne devaient être vues que d'eux, et des lettres à caractère officiel, beaucoup plus rares, des lettres « à montrer », comme l'écrit elle-même Adèle Schunck. Une même enveloppe contenait donc parfois deux lettres, dont l'une était destinée à traîner sur une table, ouverte, afin d'être lue des autres, et de justi- fier ainsi le courrier reçu.
  • Author: Antoine de Baecque
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Les historiens ont souvent une relation délicate au présent, trop présent. Mon trouble est encore plus grand, car je voudrais parler du futur, transporter mon discours vers une histoire-fiction, une réalité virtuelle, ou plutôt un musée imaginaire. Mais, après tout, il s'agit là, depuis le dix-septième siècle, d'une des réflexions privilégiées par les intellectuels et les amateurs d'art en Europe. Le Musée du cinéma Henri Langlois n'existe pas encore. C'est un lieu futur, mais qui conserve trace d'un passé, le patrimoine cinématographique, ce cinéma qu'on a nommé l'« art du siècle », un art dont Henri Langlois a également dit qu'il avait trois cents ans, un art qui, de plus, par ses inventions conceptuelles et visuelles peut, je le crois, servir de « boîte à outils » à tous les historiens. C'est en ce sens que j'orienterais ma présentation du Musée du cinéma : ce qui, dans son travail de conception, pourrait être utile aux historiens, non seulement ceux du cinéma, ou du vingtième siècle, mais à tous les visiteurs potentiels de ce Musée qui font métier d'étudier et d'écrire l'histoire.
  • Political Geography: Europe
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: La création d'une institution culturelle suscite toujours des expectatives ; celles-ci sont d'autant plus importantes dans le cas d'un musée consacré aux productions culturelles non-européennes, le Musée du Quai Branly. Dès l'annonce, en octobre 1996, de la fondation de ce musée, celui-ci n'a cessé d'être l'objet de polémiques pour les anthropologues, les historiens de l'art, les chercheurs en histoire naturelle, les conservateurs de musées, les muséologues et d'autres professionnels. Mon propos n'est pas de rendre compte des controverses qui ont entouré cette initiative et qui continuent de se poursuivre, mais plutôt de retracer la genèse du projet muséologique. Une telle démarche n'est pas sans soulever des problèmes de méthode. Ainsi, l'un des obstacles a-til trait au fait que l'objet d'études est un projet en cours de route, et l'on ne peut tenir compte que des intentions des organisateurs sans pouvoir les confronter à la réalité des pratiques. En d'autres termes, la recherche ne peut porter que sur les discours des acteurs et les documents écrits.
  • Author: Octave Debary
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Le petit musée consacré aux oeuvres d'Ambroise Fleury, à Cléry, n'est plus aujourd'hui qu'une attraction touristique mineure. La plupart des visiteurs s'y rendent après un déjeuner au Clos Joli, que tous les guides de France sont unanimes à célébrer comme un des hauts lieux du pays. Les guides signalent cependant l'existence du musée, avec la mention « vaut un détour ». On trouve dans ses cinq salles la plupart des oeuvres de mon oncle qui ont survécu à la guerre, à l'occupation, aux combats de la Libération et à toutes les vicissitudes et lassitudes que notre peuple a connues. (...) Malgré le peu d'intérêt qu'il suscite, et la modestie de la subvention qu'il reçoit de la municipalité, le musée ne risque pas de fermer ses portes, il est trop lié à notre histoire, mais la plupart du temps ses salles sont vides, car nous vivons une époque où les Français cherchent plutôt à oublier qu'à se souvenir. Reprenant la question qu'Adorno adresse à la poésie, François Mairesse, dans son analyse de l'histoire des musées, pose la question suivante : « Peut-on encore concevoir un musée après Auschwitz ? ». Dans la logique de mon propos, la véritable question qui est ici posée est la suivante : peut-on encore concevoir d'oublier-après Auschwitz ? Concevoir d'oublier après Auschwitz reviendrait à accepter l'idée de pouvoir oublier Auschwitz. Le musée est un instrument d'oubli. D'où l'effroyable question de savoir si l'on peut encore faire des musées après le drame d'Auschwitz. On a continué de faire des musées, on a même fait un musée d'Auschwitz dont Primo Levi a parlé.
  • Author: Richard Kuisel
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: What might a historical perspective provide toward understanding the current bout of bashing Uncle Sam? There is a pattern to Gallic anti-Americanism. It peaks, as it did in the 1950s and again today, when the U.S. postures as a socio-economic model and threatens a cultural invasion. But there are also new features to contemporary attacks on America. What has intensified French perceptions of American domination stems from changes within France as the nation pursues competitiveness and openness. These changes have brought a perception among the French that they have lost an idealized construction of "France" and are increasingly powerless over forces like globalization and European integration. Globalization in particular magnifies the presence and power of America. Anxiety about loss is transferred to an America that appears intrusive and selfserving. Neo-anti-Americanism is a form of retaliation—retaliation against a seemingly omnipotent United States which tries to impose the self-serving process of globalization on France; retaliation against our obstructionist, expendable and unreliable hegemony in international politics; and retaliation against American promotion of our flawed social model, which challenges a traditional construction of Frenchness.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: United States, America, Europe
  • Author: Gérard Grunberg
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The local elections of spring 2001 constituted a defeat for the Socialist government. The outcome of these elections in large and medium-sized cities show significant losses for the Left––despite Socialist victories in Paris and Lyon––and especially for the Communists whose numbers continue to decline. The only left-wing party to improve its position was the Green Party. These results do not reflect a clear rejection of the government by the public, but they outline two reasons for the Left to worry: First, although polls seemed to be favorable to the Left, the elections' disappointing outcome shifted the political climate in a way that benefits the Right. While the Left was politically destablilized, the election results boosted the opposition's morale and Jacques Chirac now felt confident in taking the offensive in his race for the presidency. Second, the election results––more specifically the analysis of how votes shifted between the two rounds––reveal two developments: The Right did a better job than the Left at mobilizing its potential voters for the second round; and in the context of the National Front schism, more far-right voters than in the past voted for moderate-right candidates. Such trends suggest that the 2002 elections will be a challenge for a more divided and instable "gauche plurielle." The local elections of 2001 moved the Left from the role of favorite to that of challenger.
  • Topic: Government
  • Author: Robert Lieberman
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: France and the United States are commonly portrayed as proceeding from diametrically opposed presumptions in their approaches to race policy. But accounts of race policy in these two countries that emphasize cultural and ideological obscure crucial similarities between French and American race policy and thus fail to explain national differences convincingly. Despite similarly enshrining principles of color-blindness in antidiscrimination law, French and American race policy took very different directions in the 1960s and 1970s. France adhered closely to color-blindness in the face of persistent and even mounting discrimination while the United States moved toward an ambivalent embrace of race-conscious remedies for discrimination. The answer to this puzzle lies in the politics of minority incorporation, particularly the kind of state power that was created and mobilized to implement antidiscrimination policy and the structure of political opportunities available to proponents of race-conscious policy. Ironically, the "weak" American state, which produced a compromised vision of civil rights law, proved stronger at promoting the enforcement of antidiscrimination law, while the "stronger" French state has mounted a relatively anemic enforcement effort.
  • Political Geography: United States, America
  • Author: Dick Howard
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The essay claims that there has been a consistent political logic whose course can be traced across the Ancient régime down through modern times. It is marked by the quest for unity, the refusal of particularity, and the rhetoric of republicanism. But, since left and right were distinguished by their attitudes toward the revolution, the emergence of the "social question" made it necessary for the left to justify its divisions. That was the role of Marxism, which functioned in France not as a theory but as an ideology of legitimation. The achievement of Mitterrand against this background can be seen as the "corruption of the republic." However, the logic of the "affaires" that have emerged may make possible for the first time in French history an autonomous magistrature. As a result, the French quest to realize a democratic republic may be replaced by the more modern politics of republican democracy.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: William B. Cohen
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: During the Algerian War successive governments denied that they employed torture in the conduct of the conflict. The French public during the war and thereafter were, however, well informed on the brutal means used in the North African conflict. In the summer of 2000 an Algerian woman tortured by the French gave an interview to Le monde. The publicity surrounding this interview and a subsequent interview given by General Aussaresses, head of the secret operations in Algeria, created a public furor over France\'s record in Algeria. In a much publicized petition, some of those who had opposed the Algerian war asked the French government to issue an apology for its acts. France\'s political leaders balked, refusing to take such a step. As a result of the furor created in 2000-2001 there was a greater sense of consciousness of the darkest sides of French colonialism. If the French government eventually does issue a public apology, it will largely be as a result of the dramatic debates of the last year.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: France, North Africa
  • Author: Christian Delacampagne
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The regular use of torture by the French army during the Algerian War raises at least two questions: 1) How was such torture made possible? Incapable of facing public opinion–– which was primarily in favor of colonization up until the end of the 1960s––the leaders of the Fourth Republic erred by giving full power to the army to crush the insurrection. It even took General De Gaulle two years to correct the situation. 2) What have we done since then to ensure that this would not happen again? As shown by the following facts, France has certainly not done what is necessary: It never formally recognized its responsibility for torture; it never tried to punish the principal culprits, whether politicians or military; it does not even seem to have learned from its past mistakes. Indeed, successive French governments continue to adopt a complacent stance towards similar practices (torture, summary executions) that consecutive Algerian governments have been covering up for several years – as if the use of torture should not be systematically condemned.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Algeria
  • Author: Michael Sibalis
  • Publication Date: 06-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Gay and lesbian studies have almost everywhere experienced an incredible rate of growth in the last decade or so, but until very recently French scholarship has lagged far behind. In particular, professional historians in France have been reticent to research the history of homosexuality, in large part because of the conservatism of the academic establishment. (Young scholars have feared that an interest in gay history would hinder their careers.) As a result, much of the existing gay history of France has been produced by "Anglo-Saxons" (as the French call anyone who speaks or writes in English), and to the extent that "gay studies" have made their appearance in France, it is journalists, sociologists, and legal scholars rather than historians who have led the way.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Young Whan Kihl
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The move toward rapprochement between the leaders of North and South Korea, symbolized by their well-documented embrace at the June 2000 summit, gave reasons for hope and new expectations for reconciliation between the two Koreas. The enthusiasm and euphoria generated by this summit, however, failed to move forward to concrete steps toward genuine peace and stability on the Korean peninsula. The reason has less to do with the enthusiasm of the summer as the hard realities of the political and economic issues confronted by each Korea and the geopolitical situation surrounding the Korean peninsula. So far Seoul's engagement policy toward North Korea has given an impression of one side giving and yielding without due reciprocity by the other side. This work will address the post-summit developments in inter-Korean relations, marking the one-year anniversary of the June 2000 Korean summit. It will reassess the meaning and significance of the summit talks by reevaluating the sunshine policy of ROK President Kim Dae Jung, analyzing the progress and problems for implementation of the June 15, 2000, joint declaration, and speculating about the DPRK's possible opening and its reform policy measures.
  • Political Geography: South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Jane Shapiro Zacek
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In July of 2000, Russian Federation (RF) President Vladimir Putin spent two days in Pyongyang, North Korea, the first Russian (or Soviet) head of state ever to visit that country. Newly elected President in his own right in March 2000, Putin wasted no time promoting his East Asia foreign policy agenda, including presidential visits to South Korea, China, and elsewhere in the region within the past year.
  • Political Geography: Russia, China, East Asia, South Korea, North Korea, Soviet Union, Korea, Sinai Peninsula, Pyongyang
  • Author: Taeho Kim
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The future of China-Japan relations will have a decisive impact on post-Cold War East Asia's economic and political order. Japan and China embody the world's second- and, by PPP-based calculations, third-largest economies, respectively, and wield growing political clout in regional affairs. Militarily, despite the different nature and sources of their national power, both countries are the major factors to be reckoned with in any East Asian strategic equation.
  • Political Geography: Japan, China, East Asia
  • Author: Yong-Sup Han
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: South Koreans did not recognize the importance of "the positive peace" until the Kim Dae-jung Administration came to power in 1998. Before then, the concept of "the negative peace" had long been engrained in the minds of South Koreans and Americans. The United States and South Korea have been successful in deterring war up to now. Although North Korea insisted that they should conclude a peace treaty with the United States, their true intent was not to establish "the positive peace" on the Korean peninsula. Herein, the positive peace means that there is neither a war nor a competition, and there is cooperation toward similar or common goals between different states. The Kim Dae-jung Administration began its reconciliation and cooperation policy to create conditions favorable to making positive peace on the Korean peninsula.
  • Political Geography: United States, America, South Korea, North Korea, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: Hyun-Kun Yoon
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: A decade after the Cold War ended, the world still seems to be in a transitional period. It is a dynamic time with drastic changes. There are opportunities that can consolidate sustained peace and future stability. There are also risks that could generate new instabilities and even conflicts in a fast-changing world. Northeast Asia, and the Korean peninsula in particular, is perhaps the best place to illustrate the uncertain situation.
  • Political Geography: Northeast Asia, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: Shalendra D. Sharma
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In 1950, Korea was among the poorest countries in the world, with a per capita income of under US$150.1 Ravaged by a brutal war between 1950-53, a divided Korea was predicted to remain a "basketcase" for the foreseeable future. However, South Korea (hereafter Korea), defied the dire predictions — becoming in less than a generation the quintessential developmental success story — and a model for other developing countries to emulate. With the exception of a relatively short-lived recession in 1979-80, Korea enjoyed continuous economic growth between 1960 and 1997. With the economy expanding at an annual rate of over 8%, Korea's per capita income grew to US$10,973 by mid-1997, earning it membership in the exclusive OCED (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development) group of nations.2 Already the world's eleventh largest economy in 1996, Korea publicly stated its ambition to outperform Japan technologically in the new millennium. Indeed, as the world's largest supplier of computer memory chips, the second largest shipbuilder, the third largest producer of semiconductors, the fourth largest maker of electronics and the fifth largest automobile maker, Korea hardly made an idle boast in its ambition.
  • Political Geography: Japan, South Korea, Korea
  • Author: Ralph A. Cossa
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The geopolitical landscape in East Asia has changed dramatically, and one would hope permanently, as a result of last year's sudden and largely unexpected thaw in North-South Korean relations. The appearance of North Korea's formerly reclusive leader, Kim Jong-il, in the international spotlight through the much-heralded June 2000 inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang and his high-profile meetings with Chinese leaders in Beijing and Shanghai and with Russian President Putin in Pyongyang have resulted in a remaking of both the North Korean leader's and his nation's international image. As one senior U.S. official noted at the time, North Korea has gone, almost overnight, from the "hermit kingdom" to the "hyperactive kingdom."
  • Political Geography: Russia, United States, Shanghai, Beijing, East Asia, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Kook-Shin Kim
  • Publication Date: 09-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The launching of the Kim Dae-jung administration in February 1998 signified drastic changes in the erstwhile ROK policy toward North Korea. President Kim adopted a flexible policy toward North Korea, the so-called sunshine policy. The policy is based on three principles: 1) deterrence of armed aggression, 2) rejection of unification through absorption, and 3) realization of reconciliation and cooperation. President Kim Dae-jung has been consistent in carrying out his sunshine policy despite the provocative actions of North Korea (DPRK), such as the submarine incursion and missile launch a few years ago. The purpose has been to create a favorable environment for the government-level talks between the two Koreas to take place.
  • Political Geography: North Korea, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: George H. Quester
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The Korean War, as a model for the possibilities of limited war which hovered in the background for the entire Cold War, has inevitably drawn conflicting interpretations. Now that the Cold War is over, now that a half-century has passed since the Korean War, we ought to be able to sort and evaluate these interpretations.
  • Political Geography: Korea
  • Author: Kwang-Soo Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: No war in modern history is so obscure about its beginning as the Korean War. From the very first day of the war, both the North Korean and the South Korean governments accused the opponent of being guilty of an invasion. In the early morning of June 25, 1950, the North Korean government charged that the South Korean Army had made a surprise attack into its territory by 1-2 km across the 38th parallel at four points, the west of Haeju (Ongjin), the direction of Kumchon (Kaesong), the direction of Chorwon (Yonchon and Pochon), and Yangyang, and announced a counterattack to repulse the attack.1 The South Korean government announced on that day that the North Korean Army had invaded all along the 38th parallel at dawn. Based on the South Korean Army's reports, Ambassador Muccio reported to the U. S. government that the North Korean Army invaded the South by bombarding Ongjin around 4 o'clock in the morning and began to cross the 38th parallel at Ongjin, Kaesung, Chunchon, and the East Coast. In the United Nations, the U. S. government condemned the North Korean government for unlawfully invading South Korea and made a move to admonish North Korea to take back its army.
  • Political Geography: United States, South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Chang-Il Ohn
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Immediately before the Japanese surrender in the Pacific War (1941-5), there was one Korea, though it had been under Japanese colonial rule for 36 years. The 38th parallel, which the American policymakers hastily picked out as the operational boundary between U.S. and Soviet troops in the Far East at the last stage of the Pacific War, divided one Korea into the two, North and South.1 Soviet troops occupied North Korea, Americans entered the South, and the two sides began military occupation in the two Koreas. The latitude, which Washington policymakers conceived to be a temporary line to halt the further southward advance of Soviet troops and thereby physically eliminate the possibility of Soviet participation in the Japanese occupation, and to facilitate the process of establishing a Korean government "in due course," however, began to embrace new political and military connotations. The two Koreas, even on a temporary basis, thus appeared. The status of and situations in the two Koreas were almost the same at the beginning of the military occupations. In both parts of Korea, people were very poor mainly because of the harsh Japanese mobilization for conducting the Pacific War. There were neither major factories, nor organized indigenous troops, nor influential political groups except the strong popular desire to establish a Korean government right away. Almost every well-informed Korean had a distinctive idea about the future of Korea and the nature of its government. As a result, "too many" political organizations and parties were formed, and, especially, the American military government judged that the Koreans were "too much" politicized. All in all, the situations in the two parts of Korea were almost identical as much as the status of being the occupied. The policies and strategies of the two occupiers—the United States and the Soviet Union—toward Korea, however, were different. Despite the wartime agreement with the United States that Korea should be independent "in due course," which meant that a Korean government should be established after the period of multinational trusteeship, the Soviet Union was not enthusiastic about the idea of multi-tutorship for Korea. Instead, the Soviet authority was busy in communizing the northern half of Korea, trying to make it a stronghold for securing the entire Korean peninsula. The Chief Soviet Delegate, Colonel General T. F. Shtykov, made it clear, at the Joint Commission convened in Seoul on March 20, 1946, that Korea should be "loyal to the Soviet Union, so that it will not become a base for an attack on the Soviet Union" in the future.2 This Soviet position was directly contrary to the primary objective of the United States in Korea, that is, "to prevent Russian domination of Korea."3 Unable to find a compromised solution on Korea through the Joint Commission, the United States internationalized the Korean issue by turning it over to the United Nations. The Soviet Union, however, did not accept the U.N. resolution that a Korean government would be established through holding a general election throughout Korea, and the Soviet authority in North Korea rejected the entry of U.N. representatives. As a result, the two Korean governments were created, one in the South blessed by the United Nations and the other in the North brewed by the Soviet Union, in August and September 1948 respectively.
  • Political Geography: United States, Japan, America, Washington, South Korea, North Korea, Soviet Union, Korea
  • Author: William Stueck
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: "By strategy," John Lewis Gaddis wrote in his seminal book Strategies of Containment, "I mean quite simply the process by which ends are related to means, intentions to capabilities, objectives to resources."1 My intention here is to employ this definition in examining the American course in Korea from the origin of the war there in the country's division in 1945 to the aftermath of fighting in 1953. My approach is to analyze a series of key US decisions, from the one to divide the peninsula at the 38th parallel in August 1945 to the ones to conclude a military pact with the Republic of Korea and to issue a "greater sanctions" statement immediately following an armistice in July 1953. My argument is that it took a destructive war before US policymakers successfully matched ends and means in Korea in a manner that ensured future stability. Unfortunately, though, that congruence also ensured indefinite division.
  • Political Geography: United States, America, Korea, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: Bin Yu
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: In the past decade or two, China's military operation during the Korean War (1950-1953) has been extensively documented in both English and Chinese literatures."
  • Political Geography: China, East Asia
  • Author: Jong Won Lee
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The three-year long Korean War (June 25, 1950 - July 27, 1953) devastated both South and North Korean economies. It broke out when the two Koreas barely managed to maintain socio-economic stability and restore pre-WWII industry production capability to some extent. The distorted and exploited economy by Imperial Japan was demolished by the brutal war. It started out as the appearance of a civil war, but in effect was carried out as an international war. Thus, it was a severe and hard-fought one between UN forces (including South Korea and 16 other nations) and North Korea and its allies (China and USSR). Although it took place in a small country in Far-Eastern Asia, it developed into a crash between world powers, East and West, and left treacherous and incurable wounds to both Koreas. Nearly four million people were presumed dead, and much worse were the property and industrial facility damages.1 Its impact on the Korean economy was so immense that consequential economic systems and policies re-framed the course of economic development in the following years. In spite of such enormous impacts of the Korean war on the economy, few studies exist. Of those that do, most are centered around describing or estimating war-related damages, while some focus on the long-term effects of US aid on the Korean economy.
  • Political Geography: United States, Japan, China, East Asia, South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Thong Whan Park
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: Like all major wars of attrition, the Korean War brought devastation to the natural and human landscapes of the entire Korean peninsula. Not only did the individuals suffer, but also the social fabric that had held the nation together was irreparably damaged. Not exempt from the ravages of the war, politics also had to undergo transition. It hence makes sense to ask the question of what impact the war made on Korean politics. Seen from a short-term perspective, the war forced each side to taste the governing style of the opposite side—albeit with a strong military touch in both. During the first three months of the war, for instance, the South was occupied by the northern forces and ruled in "people's democracy." In the subsequent few months of northward march after the Inchon landing, the allied forces controlled the restored areas under "liberal democracy." In the period immediately following the 1953 armistice, the politics of each Korea saw post-war adjustments, the most pronounced of which was the bloody purge in the North of potential challengers to Kim II Sung.
  • Political Geography: Korea, Korean Peninsula
  • Author: Eui Hang Shin
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The Korean War was among the world's most destructive wars, in proportion to the population. During the war, the population of South Korea declined by nearly two million, excluding an influx of nearly 650,000 North Korean refugees. During the same period, about 290,000 South Koreans migrated to North Korea, either by force or by choice.1 Redistribution of the South Korean population continued on a large scale even into the immediate post-war years.
  • Political Geography: South Korea, North Korea, Korea
  • Author: Choong Nam Kim
  • Publication Date: 03-2001
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: International Journal of Korean Studies
  • Institution: International Council on Korean Studies
  • Abstract: The South Korean military was a victim as well as a beneficiary of the Korean War. By the time of the outbreak of the war, the military was a fledgling force, dreadfully inferior in equipment and training. The military was almost crushed within a few days of the war. Ironically, the war transformed and strengthened the military; the infantile and immature Korean military became trained, equipped, and combat-experienced. Quantitatively, the military grew to be one of the largest militaries in the world; qualitatively, the third-rate "police reserve" became a modern professional military. Within the society, the military became the most Westernized and influential institution. In other words, the Korean War was a painful catalyst for the development of a strong Korean military.
  • Political Geography: South Korea, Korea
  • Author: Jacques Revel
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: École des hautes études en sciences sociales Jusqu'à une époque très récente, l'expérience historique de la France et la mémoire dont elle était porteuse étaient pensées dans les termes d'une histoire; et cette histoire ne s'énonçait pas, elle ne se pensait pas n'importe comment: elle pouvait être diverse et contradictoire, mais elle avait ses formes et elle obéissait à des règles. Les choses ont bien changé. En grossissant et en simplifiant les choses, on pourrait dire que la France est devenue depuis une vingtaine d'années le lieu d'une entreprise mémorielle proliférante et multiforme. Une bonne part de notre traditionnelle activité narcissique-mais aussi de notre investissement sensible-a trouvé à se reconnaître dans la production de mémoire, sous toutes ses formes. J'en retiens trois, pour aller au plus simple.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Claire Andrieu
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: If the Resistance as a whole is part of French identity, the different types of resistance, among them that of women, do not benefit from the same status. On the contrary, official commemorations of the Resistance are based upon two implicit statements: that the Resistance and the nation are somewhat equivalent - the Resistance being viewed as the uprising of the whole nation - and that to differentiate among the resisters would go against the very principles of the Resistance, its universalism, its refusal to make any distinction in race or origin. The assimilationism that is part of the ideology of the French Republic hinders the recognition of particularisms, whether regional, cultural or gendered. The Resistance has two national heroes, General de Gaulle since 1940, and Jean Moulin since 1964, both male and French. But no group has yet demanded the implementation of an affirmative action policy for the process of heroization. The French fear of multiculturalism -or any recognition of particularisms - could be sufficient to explain the slow development of women's studies in France, and indeed, the history of women resisters has not yet been studied as much as that of the Resistance as a whole. There were other factors that prevented it from developing. After reviewing the available bibliography, I propose some new directions of research which - as elementary and unsophisticated as they are - may break down some stereotypes and allow us to glimpse some aspects of the Resistance that traditional history has neglected.
  • Topic: History
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Emmanuelle Saada
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: At the time of his death, the sociologist of immigration Abdelmalek Sayad (1933-1998) was putting the final touches on a collection of his principal articles-since published under the title La Double Absence. The publication of this collection provides, I think, a good occasion for introducing Sayad to the anglophone public, which to date has had almost no exposure to his work. In France, Sayad's sociology has been essential not only to the study of Algerian immigration, but to the understanding of migration as a "fait social total," a total social fact, which reveals the anthropological and political foundations of contemporary societies. The introduction of this exceptional work to American specialists of French studies is timely, moreover, because immigration and more recently, colonization have been among the most dynamic areas of research in the field in the past few years.
  • Political Geography: America, France
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Farmers still count for a lot in France, despite their shrinking numbers. Scarcely four per cent of the workforce now earns a living in agriculture. Yet, every politician knows that the country has a huge stake in farming-France is second only to the United States as an agricultural exporter-and that farmer unions wield clout. Farmers have cultural leverage as well. Rolling fields and rural hamlets still figure prominently in most people's mental image of what makes France French and its social fabric whole. Even so, the future for many farmers is anything but secure. Global competition, EU enlargement, and scientific advances will continue to reshape the conditions of agricultural production and marketing. Farm subsidies could well diminish under pressure from trade negotiators or from voters at home who wish to put tax revenues to other purposes. Many a small family farm could go under for lack of young men and women willing to wager their futures on a farming career. Meanwhile, big growers will no doubt find ways to raise more food on less land with fewer hands. Ineluctable though these trends may be, however, French farmers have an impressive record of fighting back in the face of adversity. Their militance, combined with a strong tradition of state protection and public pride in the land and its products, make it certain that agriculture will remain one of the more important, and contentious, arenas of debate in the new century.
  • Topic: Agriculture
  • Political Geography: United States, France
  • Author: Susan Carol Rogers
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Peasant Fever That Goes Beyond Corporatism," "Peasants: Old-Style and Modern." Such headlines led stories in the French press about the August 1999 attack on a MacDonald's deep in the French hinterlands by a group affiliated with the farmers union Confédération Paysanne. The incident, noted in the American press as a colorful example of Gallic excess, drew weeks of substantial and sympathetic attention from the French press and general public, inspired vocal support from politicians across the political spectrum, and catapulted the group's leader, José Bové, to the status of national hero. Part of the significance attributed in France to the event, as suggested by the headlines above, lay in claims that this action represented a radical new departure for farm organizations: unlike previous farmer protests-habitually no less symbolically-charged, well-orchestrated, or widely supported-this one, it was frequently said, spoke to issues of concern to society as a whole, not simply to the corporate interests of farmers.
  • Topic: Agriculture
  • Political Geography: America, France
  • Author: François Clerc
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Le bilan que les agriculteurs français peuvent présenter de leurs efforts au cours du dernier demi-siècle devrait les remplir de confiance en eux-mêmes. Ils sont parvenus à produire en abondance. Entre 1951 et 1997, la quantité de blé livrée a été multipliée par quatre et par cinq dans un secteur moins stratégique, celui des haricots verts. Entre 1980 et 1997, le volume de la production agricole française a augmenté de 30 pour cent. L'agriculture française nourrit des consommateurs dont le nombre a augmenté de plus de 40 pour cent en cinquante ans et le déséquilibre des échanges commerciaux a changé de sens. L'agriculture et les industries alimentaires qui lui font suite ont porté la France au rang de second exportateur agro-alimentaire mondial.
  • Author: Bertrand Hervieu
  • Publication Date: 03-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Pour le Gouvernement français, l\'ambition du projet de loi d\'orientation agricole, voté le 26 mai 1999, était de redéfinir la place de l\'agriculture dans la société du début du XXIe siècle et d\'assurer son ancrage dans le territoire. Face à l\'ouverture des marchés et à l\'évolution des comportements des consommateurs et des citoyens, l\'enjeu est de renforcer les liens entre l\'agriculture et la nation au plus près du terrain et d\'inscrire les projets agricoles dans des projets de société. La présentation de ce projet de loi a fait l\'objet de nombreuses interventions des ministres de l\'Agriculture et de la Pêche, Louis Le Pensec et Jean Glavany. Nous présentons ici une synthèse de ces discours qui a fait l\'objet de diverses notes internes au ministère de l\'Agriculture et de la Pêche et d\'une publication sous forme d\'un supplément du Bulletin d\'information du ministère de l\'Agriculture. La loi a été publiée au Journal Officiel de la République française le 10 juillet 1999.
  • Topic: Agriculture
  • Author: Jean-Louis Fabiani
  • Publication Date: 06-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Le philosophe d'origine corse Jean Toussaint Desanti faisait un jour remarquer lors d'une soutenance de thèse que la Corse avait été "oubliée par la science". Il entendait probablement rappeler le fait que l'anthropologie et les sciences sociales avaient implicitement considéré que l'île dite "de Beauté" ne méritait pas véritablement d'investissement savant. Il y a plus : dans un univers social régi par des règles contraignantes de correction à l'égard des catégorisations ethniques, les plaisanteries publiques sur les Corses présentent encore aujourd'hui en France un caractère tout à fait licite. La stigmatisation de la paresse insulaire et les allusions aux penchants délinquants de la population en fournissent une illustration quotidienne. On peut considérer que le fait de se moquer, pas toujours gentiment, des Corses, constitue un espace résiduel pour la liberté de propos dans un régime d'autocontrôle généralisé à propos des qualifications à caractère ethnique. Il faut dire aussi que les Corses n'ont jamais été considérés positivement par l'intelligentsia de gauche.
  • Author: Paul Cohen
  • Publication Date: 06-2000
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In few countries has language played a greater role in constituting national identity than in modern France. French is first and foremost a political idiom, enshrined by the leaders of the Revolution and the Third Republic as the language of the Republic and the Nation. The French state promotes the use of French at home and throughout the world through an array of government institutions, including the Académie française, the Ministry of Culture and the agencies responsible for France's francophonie policies. The French language also represents a highly charged common cultural ground marking the boundaries of French society.3 Whether in informal conversation and public debate, in annual rituals like Bernard Pivot's televised "concours de dictées," or on the editorial pages of national newspapers, the French betray an intense awareness of linguistic issues. The defense and illustration of French has long been for French intellectuals and leaders a passionate vocation.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: France