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  • Author: Suzanne Berger
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: There are intense debates in France today over globalization and its impact on democratic values and practice. The arguments retrace in many respects a much older inquiry into the compatibility of democracy and capitalism. The history of the past two hundred years suggests that despite the inequities that capitalist economies generate, the majority of the electorate has not been willing to vote out the system. Capitalism was protected, in part, by the fact that these systems were never wholly democratic, but provided constitutional protections for property. And democracy was preserved, in part, by the fact that these systems were never wholly capitalist, but in fact within national borders found a variety of solutions for blunting the impact of market forces. If globalization means a world without national borders, one may question whether this co-existence of capitalism and democracy can continue, and in fact, much of the French debate focuses on this point. This article retraces the history of the borders of France and suggests that borders are political, not geographic, constructions and as such, are far from disappearing even between the US and Canada, even within the European Union. As long as states can still regulate economic exchanges in ways that differentiate their societies from adjacent countries, borders persist. Globalization does create serious new challenges, but the stark dilemma of choosing either a world of economic openness or a world of liberal democracy does not capture the real stake and choices available to France and other democratic societies.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: Europe, Canada, France
  • Author: David Vogel, Jabril Bensedrine
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: This article compares the regulation of asbestos, the regulatory impact of the health crisis associated with AIDS and the regulation of genetically modified agricultural products in the United States and France. These cases trace the evolution of health, safety and environmental politics and polices in the two countries over the last three decades. In general, risk management policies have become more politicized and risk averse in the United States while they have become more politicized and risk averse in France. In many respects, regulatory politics and policies in France during the 1990s resemble those of the US during the 1960s and 70s.
  • Topic: Environment
  • Political Geography: United States, France
  • Author: Brigitte Jelen
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: A few months ago, the massacre of Algerian civilians by the French police on October 17, 1961 was finally officially recognized, as the new socialist mayor of Paris, Bertrand Delanoë, placed a commemorative plaque on the Pont Saint-Michel. In his declaration to the press, Delanoë was careful to focus on the "Parisian" character of this ceremony, although the 1961 massacre was committed by the French national police. Perhaps Delanoë's noble and courageous gesture hides an ambiguity, an injustice to the victims? In order to understand the symbolic importance of this plaque in the construction of France's official memory of the Algerian war, this essay analyzes how the French government since 1962 has attempted to "forget" the conflict in the name of "national unity," in particular through the use of amnesty laws. In a discussion on forgiveness inspired by J. Derrida, the possibility of a French national memory of the Algerian war (and of the October 17, 1961 event) that would include the voices of the victims is considered.
  • Topic: Government
  • Political Geography: Paris, France
  • Author: Françoise Gaspard
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: The March 2001 municipal elections in France constituted a political litmus test, done one year before the presidential and parliamentary elections. They were also the first to fall under the new parity law enacted in June 2000. For the first time, there had to be an equal number of men and women on candidate lists for cities of more than 3,500 inhabitants. While the debate over parity had been intense, the first application of the parity law went more smoothly than expected. The most surprising feature of the election results is that the Right, which had shown little enthusiasm for parity, seems to have been the primary beneficiary of the new system. The question is now whether a larger presence of women in local politics will lead to a real change in public policy, and if it will have an impact on the national level, where the law is a lot less constraining than at city level.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Jacques Capdevielle
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Les Françaises comme les Français manifestent un mécontentement croissant quand à la façon dont l'Europe se construits. Les premières particulièrement attachées au maintien des acquis du Welfare et à une relance keynésienne de l'économie. Ces attentes vis-à-vis d'une régulation européenne n'émanent pas seulement de femmes dont la situation économique et sociale serait fragilisée par la conjoncture. Elles sont même d'autant plus fortes que leur niveau d'études est élevé et qu'elles occupent une position socioprofessionnelle favorisée.
  • Author: Daniel Gordon
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In his article, "The Canonization of Norbert Elias in France: A Critical Perspective," Daniel Gordon argues that important scholars in France have regarded Norbert Elias, the German-born sociologist, with such unqualified admiration that they have failed to examine his life and thought with sufficient scrutiny. Gordon explores several aspects of Elias's intellectual development: his volkisch Zionism and germanophilia during his twenties, his flight from neo-Kantian philosophy to Karl Mannheim's sociology during his thirties, and his abortive efforts to make a new life for himself in France after leaving Germany in 1933 and before eventually settling in Britain. All these experiences, Gordon argues, colored the way Elias drew the comparisons between Germany and France that lay at the center of so much of his thought, comparisons that betrayed a certain kinship to the prejudices German nationalists in the 1920s held about German Kultur and French civilisation. Gordon concludes by suggesting that many French scholars on the left took to Elias's work during the 1980s because it offered them a framework, after the decline of Marxism, for sustaining a critical analysis of hierarchy in French society.
  • Political Geography: France
  • Author: Roger Chartier
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: In "'The Oldest Hath Borne Most': Response to Daniel Gordon," Roger Chartier rejects the idea that he has made Elias the object of sectarian devotion, and he refutes several misrepresentations that he believes Gordon makes of his own writing about Elias. He goes on to criticize Gordon's claim that Elias clung to a narrowly linear view of historical change. Most of all, Chartier takes issue with the notion that a conservative German nationalism or "germanophilia" informed Elias's sociological thought in the way Gordon describes. This line of argument, in Chartier's view, rests on a form of a priori ideological reductionism that is as misleading as the sociological reductionism that too often prevailed in the 1970s.
  • Political Geography: Germany
10408. A Reply
  • Author: Daniel Gordon
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Intellectual life is a kind of combat," wrote Fernand Braudel. I see no reason why historians, who happen to study early-modern civility, should behave like courtiers toward each other. But in point of fact, I do not describe Professor Chartier as a member of a terrible "sect." The term "sect" appears only in a quotation from Zygmunt Bauman. And readers will observe that what Bauman and I are both getting at is the need to be critical of the process of canonization that has been at work in Elias's case.
  • Author: Goulven Boudic
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Reconnu, célébré et toujours abondamment cité pour son étude sur Le Pouvoir périphérique qui l'amenait, au plus fort de la vogue décentralisatrice et girondine, à nuancer la réputation jacobine du système politico-administratif français au regard du quotidien des pratiques d'échange et de transaction entre «centre» et «périphérie », le sociologue Pierre Grémion poursuit depuis une vingtaine d'années—et la publication de Paris-Prague—une «reconversion» particulièrement réussie sur le terrain de l'histoire intellectuelle. Son précédent ouvrage, Intelligence de l'anticommunisme, consacré à l'anticommunisme d'inspiration libérale et sociale-démocrate, l'avait amené à revisiter l'histoire de la création et du développement du Congrès pour la liberté de la culture, réseau intellectuel jusqu'alors trop vite confondu avec la figure de Raymond Aron et par ailleurs largement disqualifié comme objet légitime d'études par les révélations de son financement via la C.I.A.
  • Author: Pierre Grémion
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Six mois après la chute du mur de Berlin, dans les premiers jours de mai 1990, Shepard Stone, qui se rendait à une conférence traitant de l'impact de l'Amérique sur l'Allemagne dans l'après-guerre, mourrait dans un accident d'automobile sur une route de la Nouvelle Angleterre, frappé par une crise cardiaque à son volant. Il avait 82 ans. Ainsi disparaissait, alors que la guerre froide prenait fin, un «cold warrior liberal» qui avait joué un rôle de premier plan à la Fondation Ford tout au long des décennies 1950 et 1960.
10411. Film Review
  • Author: Sylvie Waskiewicz
  • Publication Date: 03-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: For years the French film industry has fought to remain healthy in the face of overwhelming competition from American films. France has maintained its position of relative strength through a complex system of legal, political, and economic support: defending artistic creativity via the droit d'auteur, participating actively in international trade negotiations, and, perhaps most important, generously subsidizing the production, distribution, and exhibition of French films. This achievement is also made possible by those filmmakers able to produce the occasional "blockbuster": films able to compete with Hollywood on its own terms.
  • Topic: Economics
  • Political Geography: America
  • Author: Georges Balandier
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Élaborer une théorie de la situation coloniale, et la publier par la médiation des Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie, prenait en 1951 dans le contexte français l'aspect d'une triple provocation. Le texte était reçu comme la critique des tentatives de refaire un espace impérial fissuré par les épreuves de la seconde guerre mondiale, comme une affirmation de solidarité politique avec les artisans de la décolonisation, ce qui se trouvait confirmé par mes engagements, par mes relations avec les initiateurs des indépendances africaines. Le texte était perçu dans le milieu ethnologique comme la manifestation d'un double rejet: celui d'une ethnologie décontextualisée (aveugle à l'histoire et à la dynamique des relations "extérieures") d'une part, celui d'une ethnologie actualisée mais sous l'effet dominant d'un fonctionnalisme mécaniste et simplificateur (placé sous l'égide des "contacts culturels") d'autre part. Enfin, le texte semblait congédier l'ethnologie et son extension, l'anthropologie, pour leur substituer une sociologie actuelle dont les implications politiques étaient manifestées. Il est en réalité à l'origine d'une nouvelle anthropologie politique évidemment, mais tout autant d'une sociologie dynamiste qui allie sociologie et anthropologie, qui s'attache à l'étude de la constante production du social et des jeux de domination qui s'y développent.
  • Author: Emmanuelle Sibeud
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Les enquêtes ethnographiques en situation coloniale sont explicitement une incarnation de la mission civilisatrice qui "découvre" scientifiquement les populations en les assujettissant. Elles produisent en conséquence des représentations qui confirment les différences justifiant la domination. Mais elles sont aussi des incursions d'une société dans l'autre et elles reposent sur des formes d'empathie mises en exergue dès le début du XX e siècle par des enquêteurs soucieux de faire reconnaître la spécificité du savoir qu'ils accumulent sur les populations qu'ils sont chargés de dominer. Elles relèvent donc de ce que Georges Balandier définit comme "l'inauthenticité" fondamentale de la société coloniale 1 , tout en introduisant une logique exogène en contradiction latente avec l'ordre colonial, et. Ainsi parce qu'elles oscillent entre conformisme et transgression, elles investissent.
  • Author: Alice L. Conklin
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Jean Bazin's 1996 invocation of the enduring effects of Georges Balandier's critical insights of the 1950s is a testimonial to not just how revolutionary, but also how persuasive these insights were and remain. It is common currency now, even among those of us who are not anthropologists, that first European travelers, then European scientists "invented" places like "Africa" that tell us more about themselves/ourselves than the reality they purported to describe. The particular "invention" of the twentieth century was anthropologists' "discovery" of "pure cultures" untouched by history and especially by colonialism. Having found such peoples, anthropologists then devoted themselves to recording and preserving their "authentic" traditions before it was too late. Balandier's precocious contribution to the field, in this context, was to take the colonial situation itself as his object of study as early as 1951 and to render visible the unequal power relations so discreetly evacuated by his more "complicit" professional colleagues.
  • Political Geography: Europe, France
  • Author: Frederick Cooper
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: When Georges Balandier published "The Colonial Situation" in 1951, colonial empires were at the heart of profound debates and struggles. By the 1970s, colonialism had been banished from the realm of legitimate forms of political organization. What remained "colonial" in world politics passed itself off as something else. The burst of scholarship on colonial societies in the 1980s and 1990s thus appears paradoxical, and so too does the lack of response and follow-up to Balandier's brilliantly incisive article in the two decades after its appearance.
  • Author: Isabelle Merle
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: L'objet du présent article consiste à repenser ce qu'on a appelé le "régime de l'indigénat", parfois improprement qualifié de "code de l'indigénat" ou réduit, dans l'usage courant, à la simple formule "l'indigénat", le tout renvoyant à un ensemble législatif et réglementaire répressif, élaboré dans les colonies françaises à l'encontre des seuls indigènes.
  • Author: Emmanuelle Saada
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: My contribution is an attempt to resolve one of those enigmas that the French colonial archives hold for assiduous readers. In the course of comparative research on the juridical status of métis children in the French Empire, I was struck by the frequency with which the terms "dignity" and "prestige" figured in a wide range of colonial preoccupationswhether on the part of local or central administrations, private individuals or institutions. These were not merely personal or social qualities, but terms that had precise legal meanings and that played a central role in colonial jurisprudence. In this context, the terms were predominantly used in the negative-referring to threats to prestige (atteintes au prestige) or to the obligation to maintain one's dignity (garder sa dignité). This runs counter to the conventional image of a self-confident colonial society, persuaded of its superiority and of the legitimacy of its "mission civilisatrice."
  • Topic: Law
  • Author: Anne Raffin
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: Although colonizers generally repressed emergent national movements as potential vehicles of national liberation, the French encouraged patriotic mobilizations in Indochina in the early 1940s as a way to counteract Thai irredentists, Vietnamese revolutionaries, and Japanese occupiers and their claims of "Asia for Asians." Here, colonial authorities sought to build allegiance to the empire by "patriotizing" youth attitudes through sports activities and youth corps. Participation in such youth organizations mushroomed in Indochina between 1940 and 1945, gaining over a million members in that short span.
  • Topic: War
  • Political Geography: Japan, China, Asia
  • Author: François Pouillon
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: There are significant differences between the way academics in France and the United States see postcolonial processes, differences having to do with particular national histories. It is, however, precisely the task of academics to work to transcend such specificities. So the differences must have to do with collective intellectual movements in the two countries, and it would perhaps be useful to compare them.
  • Political Geography: United States, France
  • Author: Stéphane Beaud, Olivier Masclet
  • Publication Date: 06-2002
  • Content Type: Journal Article
  • Journal: French Politics, Culture Society
  • Institution: Conference Group on French Politics Society
  • Abstract: La France découvre, au lendemain des attentats du 11 septembre 2001 et de la guerre en Afghanistan, qu'elle a couvé en son sein des jeunes, nés ou élevés dans le pays, qui sont devenus des soldats de l'islamisme radical. Antoine Sfeir, directeur des Cahiers de l'Orient, estime à 150 le nombre de jeunes Français qui seraient impliqués dans les réseaux islamistes proches de Al Quaïda. Le plus connu d'entre eux, Zacarias Moussaoui, 33 ans, fiché depuis 1999 par la Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (D.S.T.) comme "susceptible d'appartenir au Jihad international", est soupçonné d'être le vingtième pirate de l'air des attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Emprisonné aux États-Unis, il risque la peine de mort. On peut aussi citer Djamel Beghal, arrêté à Dubaï en juillet 2001, et son adjoint Kamel Daoudi, 27 ans, informaticien de formation, tous deux d'origine algérienne et également suspectés d'appartenir au même réseau Al Quaïda.
  • Political Geography: Afghanistan, France