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301. A Litmus Test for the EU’s Longest Year: Solidarity Principle and Challenges by COVID-19 in 2020

302. The Franco-German Rivarly in the Post-Brexit Europe

303. Northern Ireland’s 100th Birthday

304. The Rise and Fall of Golden Dawn: Organized Racism Suffered a Great Defeat in Greece—But the Fight is Far from Over

305. Are European Migration Policies Racist?

306. Absolutely Corrupted: The Rise of an Illiberal System and The Future of Hungarian Democracy

307. Academic Freedom: A Test and a Tool for Illiberalism, Neoliberalism, and Liberal Democracy

308. El artículo analiza la compleja relación, presente en la esfera internacional,entre política y justicia que queda reflejada en el Tribunal Especial para el Líbano. Se emplean,como líneas argumentales, la problemática de su establecimiento por medio de la resolución 1757 (2007) del Consejo de Seguridad y su carácter selectivo, así como la confrontación jurídico-doctrinal planteada en el caso Ayyash et al., también conocido como asunto Hariri. Se subraya la importancia de los factores contextuales,especialmente aquellosdesencadenados a partir de 2004, con el fin de explicar la división interna —con protagonistas internacionales—del país en dos bloques cuya confrontación serviría de pretexto para la puesta en marcha de un tribunal único que responde a los intereses de una comunidad internacional seducida porla posibilidad de lograr una condena judicial por terrorismo contra Hizballah —y/o Siria—en un momento de preponderancia de la formación chií.La decisión interlocutoria de 2011 de la Sala de Apelaciones pareció manifestarse como un buen augurio en aquella dirección al afirmar la necesidad de interpretar el delito de terrorismo recogido en el artículo 314 del Código Penal del Líbano conforme a un crimen internacional de terrorismo de carácter consuetudinario. La revolucionaria decisión —junto con el proceso que llevó a su publicación—reveló,sin embargo,cierta precipitación y oportunismo que por fortuna y justicia la sentencia de 2020 rechaza por innecesaria e incierta.El artículo sostiene que todo ello ha contribuido a debilitar la credibilidad de un Tribunal,ejemplo de justicia selectiva, y ha mostrado pocadeferencia por la soberanía del Estado libanés.

309. Agenda OTAN 2030 y Concepto Estratégico 2022

310. Política europea de seguridad y defensa y sus efectos en la industria de defensa

311. Post-War Situation in the South Caucasus Region

312. The Impact of the European Union-Mercosur Association Agreement on Gender Inequality: A Global South Perspective

313. Ottoman Campaigns in the First World War

314. Russian Strategic Culture after the Cold War: The Primacy of Conventional Force

315. Reforming U.S. Export Controls to Reflect the Threat Landscape

316. The Impact of Jihadist Propaganda in the Russian Language: Analysis of Kavkazcenter

317. Domestic Politics and Regional Dynamics in Turkey’s Geopolitical Approach to the Middle East Between 2002-2019

318. Foreign Direct Investment, Gross Domestic Product, and Export Nexus in Turkey: Autoregressive Distributed Lag Bounds Model and Granger Causality Approach

319. Economic Well‐​Being under Plan versus Market: The Case of Estonia and Finland

320. Modern Monetary Theory Meets Greece and Chicago

321. Cryptocurrencies and All That: Two Ideas from Monetary Economics

322. Mission to Civilise: The French West African Federation

323. Buddhism and the Question of Relationality in International Relations

324. The Era of Dis-and-Misinformation Volume XXII, Number 1

325. Volume 71 Issue 2

326. Possibilities for Epistemic Violence in Asylum Process: Lessons From the Case of Finland

327. The Evolution of the Syrian Humanitarian NGOs and External Challenges

328. The Composition of Multiple Times and Spaces in the Protests

329. An Overview of Agricultural Support Policies in Turkey: A Comparative Regional Analysis

330. Digital Marketing of Political Parties in Turkey

331. Behavioural Data in Credibility Assessment: Case Study of Kaja Godek’s Explanatory Statement of Anti-LGBT Law

332. “The Gateway to Europe”. The Discourse on Poland in the Chinese Press (2015–2020)

333. The image of Chinese and Japanese Theatre in selected popular and artistic press printed in Poland in 1930s

334. The Importance of Middle East in Russian Foreign Policy

335. The Sino-Russian Geopolitics in Eurasia and China-USA Disputes: Asia Pacific Great Eurasia vs Indo-Pacific

336. China and Russia: The Naval Projection of Land Powers

337. Globalization and the Changing Concept of NATO

338. Achieving Full Resolution to the Karabakh Conflict

339. Spotlight on Normalization Armenian-Azerbaijani Relations in the Wake of the Second Karabakh War

340. Winning the Peace Azerbaijan’s Karabakh Reintegration Challenges

341. Georgia After the Second Karabakh War

342. Azerbaijan’s Pathways After the Second Karabakh War

343. From Struggle to Permanent Failure Why the Karabakh Attempt at Secession Failed

344. Hydrocarbon Energy Complexes Central Eurasian Keystone Triangles

345. The Strategic Benefits of the Southern Gas Corridor

346. The Southern Gas Corridor and the New Geopolitics of Climate Change

347. Trilateral Cooperation Between Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Georgia

348. Ukraine’s Strategic Relations with the South Caucasus With References to Turkey and Russia

349. Development or Regression? Eurasia’s Investment Attractiveness

350. When The Stakes Are High: Campaign Messages in Hungary

351. NATO 2030: Keeping Us Safe In a More Competitive World

352. Getting NATO Ready For The Rest Of The 21st Century: Is NATO 2030 The Right Roadmap?

353. NATO And Collective Defense in Space: Same Mission, New Domain

354. NATO's China Problem

355. Biden;s Transatlantic Offset

356. Ukraine Membership Revisited: The Case For NATO's Strategic Adaption

357. NATO And Its Changing Approach To Space

358. There is No Easy Solution To The Western Balkans' Disinformation Challenge

359. Ideological Interventions in the COVID-19 Health Crisis in Turkey By Power, Politics, and Religion

360. Is Re-calibration Feasible in Turkey-Egypt Relations? Limits and Possibilities

361. Spotlight Turkey: A Pivotal Swing State in NATO

362. TP v Minister of Home Affairs (Sentence No 9140, 22 April 2014) (Tribunal of Rome)

363. Entrenching the Problem? International Organizations and Their Engagement in Latin America to Address Violence: The Case of the European Union in the Northern Triangle

364. December 2021 Issue

365. Higher Capacity with Limited Competence, Regional Development Agencies in Unitary States: The Case of The Emilia-Romagna

366. Lessons from Ukraine: Shifting International Surrogacy Policy to Protect Women and Children

367. Broken European memories and recovered national consciousness

368. The small state’s role in the Euro-Atlantic area: Potential changes in Lithuania’s foreign policy

369. The Modern Interfaces of Intermarium and the Fight against Destiny

370. Climate change and health

371. The New British Colonialism: British Policy of Influence in the Arab Gulf States after the Withdrawal (1971-1991)

372. The Pushback Against Populism: Running on “Radical Love” in Turkey

373. Money, Stability, and Free Societies

374. Tariffs and Monetary Policy: A Toxic Mix

375. International Peace Efforts in the Syrian Civil War: The ‘Inevitable’ Failure?

376. “Nomads” and “Mountaineers”: A Historical Survey of Turk/Turkmen – Kurd Interrelations

377. Ottomanism at its Final Gasp: Memoirs of the Ottomans on Duty in Arab Provinces during World War I

378. Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Egypt: The Role of External Actors

379. Spring 2020 edition of Strategic Visions

380. Disillusionment with liberal democracy in the Visegrad countries

381. Visegrad Group as institution for Central European cooperation: Ups and downs of small international organizations

382. July 2020 Issue

383. August 2020 Issue

384. The European Union's Response to Rising Powers: The Challenges of the BRICS and MIKTA Countries | Avrupa Birliği’nin Yükselen Güçler Politikası: BRICS ve MIKTA Ülkelerinin Meydan Okumaları

385. Is the “show-the-flag” strategy relevant for Visegrad countries in securing the EU?

386. Challenges for Security and Defence Cooperation in Central Europe: Will the EU be able to manage the crisis in the EU periphery?

387. Migration trends and challenges in the Visegrad countries

388. “To protect national sovereignty from the EU?” The 2019 EP elections and populist parties in V4 countries

389. Changing Roles of the EU and ASEAN on Peace in the Korean Peninsula

390. Measuring the Progress in Realizing the Strategy “Europe 2020” in 2010-2016 in 28 European Union Member States

391. Poland’s Cultural Relations with Middle-Eastern Arab Countries

392. Model Changes of Polish Public Administration and Processes of Political and Structural Transformation

393. Changes in the Party System in the Context of Deconsolidation of Democracy in Poland

394. Directions of Poland’s Energy Security Policy in the Natural Gas Sector

395. Religious Determinants of Socio-Political Openness of Young Silesians in Poland

396. Memory and Politics of Memory in Terms of the Memes Theory. With Reference to an Example of the Idea of Polish Heroism

397. Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary

398. Political Process, Crisis and Legitimacy in Poland

399. Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

400. Generationally Diversified Labor Groups in Contemporary Labor Market. A Chance or a Threat for Organizations?