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41941. The Retention of Highly Skilled Returnees in Mozambique: An Institutional Approach

Author:
André Corrêa d'Almeida
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF)
Abstract:
This research combines Institutional Rational Choice (IRC), the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, Return Migration theories and International Development theories to understand how Mozambican highly skilled returnees (HSRs) interact with the institutional setting in the home country while pursuing their personal aspirations. Institutional setting in this context is defined as a multidimensional space of factors – institutions plus other contextual variables co-evolving as they interact with each other – in which HSRs try to mobilize resources over time towards their personal goals. Factors impose elements of order in the context where they operate and they affect the distribution of preferences, incentives, and outcomes. A better understanding of the constraints imposed by these factors/elements on HSRs’ behavior and personal satisfaction could allow governments in extremely poor countries to prioritize interventions for institutional development given the very scarce resources available. These could have the interacting effect of increasing the capacity of HSRs to contribute to the development of Mozambique and provide positive signals to encourage the return of more. Hypotheses around three specific types of factors/domains – professional opportunities, information and communication technologies (ICTs), and governmental programs – are tested. The methodology applied includes (i) a cross-sectional purposive sample of Mozambicans who recently returned to the homecountry after obtaining post-secondary education abroad; (ii) an online survey complemented with field interviews; (iii) bivariate analysis; and (iv) multivariate model-building. The results demonstrate, first, that all three factors tested are associated with retention. This finding supports the IAD’s argument that new policies and institutions can be devised to shape those other contextual variables. Second, this research demonstrates that the degree of this association differs across factors. Third, this research shows that the degree of association also differs from urban to rural settings. Moreover, the first and foremost role played by professional-related elements in the capacity of a country to retain some of its most well-educated citizens supports previous literature. Further, this research supports the argument that institutional development precedes economic development. Also, this research does not find empirical support for the hypothesis that Mozambique has been facing increasing levels of the brain drain. In addition, the “Satisfaction With Life Scale” (SWLS) proxy for retention is among all proxies tested the one mostly associated with the institutional setting in the home country. More specifically, the possibility of achieving personal goals is the most important component of one’s overall life satisfaction. Finally, there is a temporal “ripple-effect” on the association (i.e., progressively weaker) of the current institutional setting both with past and with the possibility of future behavior. The implications resulting from these findings are discussed and classified into three categories: (i) theoretical; (ii) practical for policy; and (iii) for future research.
Topic:
Migration, Brain Drain, Skills, Reintegration, and Institutional Development
Political Geography:
Africa and Mozambique

41942. Failed States Index 2013: The Book

Author:
J. J. Messner, Nate Haken, Krista Hendry, Patricia Taft, Kendall Lawrence, Sebastian Pavlou, and Felipe Umana
Publication Date:
06-2013
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Fund for Peace
Abstract:
The Failed States Index, produced by The Fund for Peace, is a critical tool in highlighting not only the normal pressures that all states experience, but also in identifying when those pressures are pushing a state towards the brink of failure. By highlighting pertinent issues in weak and failing states, The Failed States Index—and the social science framework and software application upon which it is built—makes political risk assessment and early warning of conflict accessible to policy-makers and the public at large.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Fragile/Failed State, Arab Spring, Peace, State Building, and Human Security
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, North Africa, Somalia, South Sudan, and Global Focus

41943. Mexico and the Energy Revolution

Author:
COMEXI
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Mexican Council on Foreign Relations (COMEXI)
Abstract:
COMEXI, the Mexican Council on International Affairs has recently prompted the creation of different working groups to discuss specific topics of general interest. Comprised of COMEXI members, these groups seek to provide a sound analysis and an international perspective on major national issues. It specifically created the Energy Working Group this year (2013) that conducted a series of reflections, lectures, discussions and research on the impact of the global energy revolution in Mexico. This energy revolution is disrupting the world of energy with momentous consequences in terms of supply, demand, technological access and human resource development. This is particularly evident in North America, where our neighbors and partners are developing a new model of hydrocarbon exploration and operation that is leading to the rebirth of their manufacturing sectors and their respective relations with the world. This study also identifies the challenges and opportunities that such transformations represent for Mexico, and presents a concrete proposal for an energy reform to insert the country in world trends, maximize the value of our energy resources, and use oil revenues to overturn the social backwardness that still hinders our nation's comprehensive national development.
Topic:
Development, Fossil Fuels, Hydrocarbons, and Energy
Political Geography:
North America and Mexico

41944. Effective Budget Oversight In Botswana: Role of the Legislature and the Office of the Auditor General

Author:
Keneilwe Pearl Marata
Publication Date:
09-2013
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis
Abstract:
This policy brief discusses the effectiveness of public budget oversight in Botswana. It assesses the roles of Parliament and the Office of the Auditor General (OAG) in budget oversight and makes recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of oversight of both organs. The policy brief uses data from the Open Budget Survey (OBS) 2012, and earlier indices to discuss the subject. The OBS is a global assessment of the openness of public budgets conducted biannually by the International Budget Partnership since 2006. Countries are ranked on a scale of 0 to 100 through the Open Budget Index (OBI). Botswana's OBI scores have been declining since 2006; 65 in 2006; 62 in 2008; 51 and 50 in 2010 and 2012 respectively. A score of 50, means that government provides only limited budget information does not enable the citizens to effectively hold government to account for public finance, leading to accountability deficit.
Topic:
Governance, Budget, Finance, and Oversight
Political Geography:
Africa and Botswana

41945. State-Sponsored Homophobia (2013)

Author:
Lucas Paoli Itaborahy and Jingsu Zhu
Publication Date:
05-2013
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
ILGA World (International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association)
Abstract:
Every year, ILGA World publishes its State-Sponsored Homophobia report, a world survey of sexual orientation laws. Since its first edition, back in 2006, ILGA World’s State-Sponsored Homophobia has been a fundamental resource for those interested in accessing the core information on legislation affecting people on the basis of their sexual orientation. Not only human rights defenders, but also civil society organisations, governmental and United Nations agencies, allies and media worldwide value the publication as one of the main sources of information on the issue. The publication is accompanied by a series of maps and charts illustrating where criminalisation, protection and recognition laws exist.
Topic:
Human Rights, Law, LGBT+, and Homophobia
Political Geography:
Global Focus

41946. Judicial Reform in Ukraine: Current Results, Prospects and Risks of the Constitutional Stage

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
The process of establishing the judiciary in Ukraine since its independence has been quite inconsistent and contradictory – not only due to its heritage, but also because it has often been accompanied by acute political confrontation and attempts of opposing political forces and governmental teams to gain control over the judiciary. Reformation activity that was initiated and implemented in this period did not lead to establishment of an independent and fair court in Ukraine. After the 2010 Presidential Election, the new President Viktor Yanukovych announced that another judicial reform was going to take place, which led to dramatic changes in the national judiciary. Analysis of these changes and their consequences gives reasons to assume that, through this reform, the President managed to enhance his control over judicial authority, to restrict its independence, and to weaken self-government of judges. Significant rotation amongst judges also took place. In general, it has considerably deteriorated judicial situation in Ukraine. Today, the judicial reform has reached its final – constitutional – stage. On 10 October 2013, the Verkhovna Rada pre-approved the Presidential draft Law “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine Strengthening the Independence of Judges”. The corresponding Decree of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine was supported by 244 deputies. All opposition factions of the Parliament (Batkivshchyna, UDAR, Svoboda) manifested against adoption of the law claiming that implementation of its provisions would compromise not only the judicial independence, but also the democracy in Ukraine. The course of preparation and adoption of this draft Law (obtaining, inter alia, positive resolution of the Venice Commission) revealed tendencies that have been characteristic of the 2010 judiciary reform since its initiation. Thus, national legislation in the recent years has been using European standards in quite a peculiar way by borrowing the form and filling it up with “appropriate” contents. In fact, what we have now is not an approximation of national laws to international judicial norms and standards, but adjusting these norms to situational needs by using controlled and dependent judiciary in Ukraine. Hence, this is a selective adoption of recommendations and guidelines of international institutions. As it is widely known, the Venice Commission gave a generally positive opinion on the draft Law mentioned above. It was this draft (as well as the resolution of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the declaration signed by 30 deputies of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe) that the President’s representative and deputies of the Party of the Regions faction mostly relied on when encouraging their colleagues to support pre-approving the bill. Accepting the above-mentioned documents of European institutions we should obviously have some reservations. Firstly, the draft law contains genuine “European” provisions able to deceive European structures that evaluate new laws from their own European perspective. Secondly, current evaluations of the “Ukrainian progress” by European institutions have somewhat enforced nature stipulated by soon-to-happen Vilnius summit and possibly by the Association Agreement to be signed between the European Union and Ukraine at the summit. While mainly stressing its positive progress towards the association, Europe also seeks to maintain Ukraine’s European integration prospects. Thirdly, there are reasons to assume that current authorities have used peculiar means to push its legislative initiatives not only inside (in the Parliament and Constitutional Court), but also outside the country – on the international realm. Preliminary approval of the Presidential draft Law on amending the Constitution has had a dramatic impact on the judicial reform. On the one hand, it has enabled to legitimise the key legislative changes approved in 2010 and to enshrine provisions in the Constitutions, implementation of which may politicise the judiciary to an even bigger extent and increase the dependence of judges. On the other hand, it has generated a political and expert discussion aimed at searching for a compromise, which results might involve the following: excluding the most risky provisions for the independence of judges and courts, at least, and preparing a new bill approved by all key political forces of the country, at best. Current situation calls for ensuring fair and independent justice, as well as stimulates governmental representatives, opposition and the society to look for optimal ways out.
Topic:
Governance, Reform, Constitution, Judiciary, and Norms
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

41947. Ukraine's European Integration: Internal Factors and External Influences

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Today, making an ultimate choice over its integration path is a sensitive and highly pressing issue for Ukraine. In November 2013, the 3rd summit of the Eastern Partnership in Vilnius is to see the signing of the Association Agreement, which aims for political association and economic integration, including a deep and comprehensive free trade area. This is a qualitatively new level of cooperation between Kyiv and Brussels based on strategic perspective. In fact, the Agreement will mark the start of implementing the far-reaching reforms in different sectors of domestic life in Ukraine designed to draw the country closer to meeting the standards of a state-candidate for accession to the EU. Apparently, the success of the Agreement remains conditional on joint efforts on behalf of the authorities, opposition, civil institutions, and Ukrainian society in general. One should keep in mind that the signing of the Agreement will give a start to the long process of its ratification by national parliaments of the EU countries. However, there exists a real opportunity to ensure practical implementation of some items of the document in the near future, which will give an impetus to strengthening contacts between Kyiv and Brussels and promote internal transformations in Ukraine. If the document is not signed or implemented too slowly and inconsistently, as was the case with prior arrangements with the EU, Ukraine will lose its historic opportunity. Meanwhile, the Customs Union countries (first of all, Russia) step up efforts to have Ukraine join that alliance, and later – the Eurasian Economic Union. That said, the Customs Union leaders see the Memorandum of Deeper Integration between Ukraine and the Eurasian Economic Commission signed on 31 May 2013, as the first step on the road to Ukraine’s Eurasian integration. The two processes – preparations for signing of the Association Agreement with the EU on the one hand, and new attempts of Russia to involve Ukraine in the Eurasian integration on the other – happen to coincide in time. At that, representatives of both the EU and the Customs Union speak of a need for a clear choice – Ukraine has to either sign the Agreement of Association with the EU, or join the Customs Union. Integration projects of Brussels and Moscow in the post-Soviet space differ in nature, substance and goals. Russia, while trying to create a regional structure counterbalancing the EU on the European continent, uses “energy incentives” to seduce Ukraine. At that, no attention has been paid to ensuring democratic nature of the country’s development. For Brussels, proper democracy, civil society, rule of law, independent judicial system and respect for human rights and freedoms have always played a decisive role in bringing Ukraine closer to European integration. Choosing between two integration lines means choosing between different basic and fundamental values, between two different models of Ukraine’s further development. Ukraine either joins the EU uniting European countries on the basis of European norms, rules and standards, or becomes a member of a union of post-Soviet states with transitional economies and numerous problems with democracy. Ukraine’s European choice is strongly influenced by a number of internal and external factors. The internal factors hindering Ukraine’s movement towards the EU include the practice of selective justice, weak electoral legislation, lack of real anti-corruption efforts, and slow pace of reforms envisaged by the Association Agenda. Solving these problems has been prioritised by the EU. The same was indicated in the conclusions of the EU Council of Ministers (10 December 2012) and the so-called “Füle list”, released later. The external factors include strong geopolitical influence exerted on Ukraine by both the EU and Russia. Today, this influence is growing with Moscow and Brussels showing strong willingness to see Ukraine join their integration projects. The analysis of the situation cited in this report shows that the European way of development best of all goes in line with national interests of Ukraine. It is also evident that Ukraine’s European choice should not be an alternative to the development of mutually advantageous, equal and transparent relations in different sectors with countries of the Customs Union, first of all – Russia.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Energy Policy, European Union, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

41948. The Role of International Organizations in the National Security of Ukraine

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
On 17 September 2013, Kyiv hosted the International Conference “The Role of International Organisations in the National Security of Ukraine”. The Conference was organised by the Razumkov Centre jointly with the NATO Liaison Office in Ukraine and the Ukrainian Diplomatic Academy under the auspices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, and with the support from the Embassies of Norway, Poland and Switzerland in Ukraine and the Ministry of Defence of Estonia. The event had taken place two months before the EU Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, where Ukraine and the EU were supposed to sign the Association Agreement. After long and tough talks between the Ukrainian authorities and European partners, the parties came close to an uneasy compromise. It seemed that the willingness to sign the Agreement – at least on the part of Ukraine – was beyond doubt. Almost all the panellists, despite some reservations, expressed their confidence in the strategic importance of such a step for Ukraine’s future. Furthermore, the time was approaching to sum up the results of Ukraine’s chairmanship in the OSCE – one of the leading international organisations dealing with European security issues. That is why, the Conference has become an important element of fervent discussions both in Ukraine and abroad about the future of security and sustainable development in Europe. The agenda proposed by the Conference organisers covered different security domains: military, economic, humanitarian, and energy sector. Despite a specific subject matter allocated to each panel and the appropriate selection of participants, all the aspects were closely interwoven during the discussions, which directly reflected the nature of current threats and challenges and complex interconnections of different security aspects. To ensure a productive discussion, the Razumkov Centre prepared the Discussion Paper based on the Expert Meeting of 24 July 2013, which involved representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, the National Institute for Strategic Studies, leading non-governmental think-tanks (NOMOS Centre, the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, the Centre for International Studies, Uniworld International Foundation), along with the results of an expert survey and public opinion survey. This issue of journal contains: Discussion Paper prepared for the International Conference; Expert assessments of Ukraine’s cooperation with international organisations; Public opinion on some aspects of Ukraine’s foreign and security policy; Conference Participants’ presentations; Articles by the military-political experts.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, NATO, International Organization, National Security, and Public Opinion
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

41949. Rhythms and Cycles in Happiness

Author:
Wolfgang Maennig, Malte Steenbeck, and Markus Wilhelm
Publication Date:
06-2013
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Chair for Economic Policy, University of Hamburg
Abstract:
This study analyses time-dependent rhythms in happiness in three aspects. We show that the Sunday neurosis exists exclusively for men with a medium level of education and both men and women with high levels of education. Men with high levels of education may even experience a weekend neurosis. This study is the first to test for intra-monthly rhythms and to demonstrate that men with a lower educational background may suffer from negative effects on happiness towards the end of the month, potentially due to liquidity problems. The study is also the first to demonstrate that – even when controlling for health and income effects – happiness exhibits seasonal effects over the annual period, depending on gender and education.
Topic:
Economics, Happiness, and Neurosis
Political Geography:
Global Focus

41950. Mega Sporting Events, Real Estate, and Urban Social Economics – The Case of Brazil 2014/2016

Author:
Thêmis Aragão and Wolfgang Maennig
Publication Date:
08-2013
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Chair for Economic Policy, University of Hamburg
Abstract:
These events promise to improve the urban quality of life and to induce social legacy because of investments in urban infrastructure, transportation, and sporting facilities. Our analysis of the case of Brazil, especially in Rio de Janeiro (host of the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games) shows that such benefits may differ locally and may accentuate the process of socio-spatial segregation. Urban projects often include forced evictions of low-income populations and the consequent expansion of social segregation. In public opinion, mega events are also responsible for increasing rents and (real estate) prices. However, such inflationary phenomenon occurs in most Brazilian cities, including non-host cities. The appreciation of real estate is explained largely by population and economic growth and the reduction of interest rates through mortgage programs, as well as reduced social inequality. Public investments in mega events account for only approximately 0.15% of Brazilian GDP from 2007 to 2016 and are thus too small to be responsible for the (increasing) social problems. Obviously, the perceived lack of public accountability for mega event finances as well as the perceived lack of susceptibility to social issues by the mega sporting projects may harm the public opinion of mega events. International sporting federations should thus have every interest in ensuring that their mega events target social inclusion and pay more attention to the needs of local urban and social policies.
Topic:
Sports, Accountability, World Cup, Transportation, Housing, Real Estate, Urban Planning, and FIFA
Political Geography:
Brazil and South America